UNIVERSITY  FARM 


Source-Book  of 
American    History 


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The  Mayflower  Compact :  from  Bradford's  History. 


/ 


Source-Book  of 

American    History 

• 

Edited  for  Schools  and  Readers 
BY 

ALBERT   BUSHNELL  HART,  PH.D0 

PROFESSOR    OF    HISTORY    IN    HARVARD    UNIVERSITY 

WITH   PRACTICAL   INTRODUCTIONS 


THE   MACMILLAN   COMPANY 

LONDON  :  MACMILLAN  &  CO  ,  LTD. 
1908 

All  rights  reserved 


COPYRIGHT,  1899, 
BY  THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 


Set  up  and  electrotyped  June,  1899.      Reprinted  October, 
1899;  August,  1900;    February,  October,  1903;  February,  1905; 
January,  November,  1906;  January,  1907  ;  February,  1908. 


Preface 


THIS  little  book  is  an  attempt  to  do  for  the  study  of  American 
history  what  the  photographer  does  for  the  study  of  art,  —  to 
collect  a  brief  series  of  illustrations  which,  without  including  a  hundredth 
part  of  the  whole  field,  may  give  examples  of  the  things  most  important 
to  know.  Yet,  as  no  sensible  person  expects  to  get  a  knowledge  of  art 
simply  from  seeing  a  series  of  lantern  slides,  so  it  is  not  expected  that 
the  history  of  the  United  States  can  be  learned  from  a  Source  Book, 
without  the  intelligent  use  of  a  good  text-book  or  narrative  history  to 
bring  out  the  connection  and  to  suggest  the  many  great  men,  large 
events,  and  broad  movements  which  in  this  small  collection  of  reprints 
have  no  mention.  What  I  hope  is  that  these  brief  records  may  awaken 
interest  in  the  books  from  which  they  came  and  in  the  men  who  wrote 
them ;  that  a  clearer  idea  of  what  our  ancestors  did  and  thought  and 
suffered  may  be  had  from  their  own  writings ;  that  the  book  may  serve 
as  a  part  of  the  material  necessary  for  topical  study  ;  and,  above  all,  that 
it  may  throw  a  human  interest  about  the  necessarily  compact  and  factful 
statements  of  text-books. 

In  making  up  the  texts  I  have  taken  some  pains  to  give  an  object- 
lesson  in  the  methods  of  using  and  citing  books,  by  adopting  the  severe 
principles  of  scientific  work  in  history ;  in  every  case  I  have  sought  for 
the  earliest  authentic  edition  of  printed  material ;  every  omission  is  indi 
cated  by  periods  (...);  the  text  is  reprinted  precisely,  necessary 
corrections  or  glosses  being  indicated  by  brackets  or  in  the  margin  ;  and 
to  every  extract  is  appended  an  exact  reference  to  the  source  from  which 
it  came.  Acknowledgments  of  the  use  of  materials  are  "thus  in  every 
case  made  by  reference  to  the  editions  used ;  I  am  under  much  obli 
gation  to  the  owners  of  copyright  material,  who  have  most  fully  and 
generously  given  their  permission  to  reprint  extracts. 

v 

184762 


vi  Preface 

The  facsimile  illustrations  are  intended  to  suggest  to  young  people 
the  kind  of  manuscript  and  other  material  with  which  historians  are 
familiar.  For  the  frontispiece  nothing  more  characteristic  of  Puritan  sen 
timent,  Puritan  government,  and  Puritan  hand-writing  could  be  found 
than  the  Mayflower  Compact  of  1620.  The  two  pieces  of  Continental 
currency  show  the  rude  engraving  and  printing  of  the  time,  as  well  as 
the  financial  devices  of  the  Revolution.  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton's 
letter  on  his  fugitive  slaves  is  a  rare  example  of  the  business-like  fashion 
in  which  the  best  planters  looked  upon  their  chattels.  The  extracts 
from  the  final  Proclamation  of  Emancipation  show  Lincoln's  character 
istic  hand-writing,  in  one  of  the  most  famous  of  the  sources  of  American 
history. 

I  make  no  excuse  for  reproducing  the  few  documents  as  exactly 
as  possible ;  and  I  make  none  for  printing  extracts  from  books  exactly 
as  they  appear  in  the  original  editions,  with  any  peculiarities  of  gram 
mar  or  spelling  which  now  would  be  errors.  In  the  seventeenth  cen 
tury,  and  even  in  the  eighteenth,  there  were  as  yet  no  fixed  rules  on 
such  subjects ;  and  town  clerks  and  other  writers  often  had  little  book 
education.  Pupils  of  the  age  of  those  for  whom  this  book  is  intended 
will  not  find  their  own  style  affected  by  these  obvious  deviations  from 
modern  usage ;  and  to  reduce  the  quaint  and  wandering  sentences  of 
our  ancestors  to  order  would  be  like  putting  Cotton  Mather  into  the 
silk  hat  and  plain  black  coat  of  modern  society. 

The  work  of  preparation  has  been  interesting  to  me ;  I  hope  the 
result  may  be  interesting  to  those  who  use  it.  Though  I  have  chosen 
extracts  which  would  bring  out  the  two  sides  of  great  controversies,  I 
take  no  other  responsibility  for  the  sentiments  herein  expressed  than 
that  of  one  who  introduces  a  set  of  living,  individual  people,  who  speak 
for  themselves  of  their  lives,  their  interests,  their  standards,  and  their 
conception  of  their  country's  history. 

ALBERT  BUSHNELL  HART. 

CAMBRIDGE,  April  2, 1899. 


Contents 

PRACTICAL   INTRODUCTIONS 

PAGE 

I.  The  Use  of  Sources xvii 

II.    Materials  for  Source  Study          . xx 

III.  The  Sources  in  Secondary  Schools xxiv 

IV.  The  Sources  in  Normal  Schools xxix 

V.    Subjects  for  Topical  Study  from  Sources xxxiii 

CHAPTER  I  — DISCOVERIES 

1 .  Christopher  Columbus  : 

Discovery  of  the  New  World,  1492 I 

2.  Peter  Martyr  d'Anghiera : 

An  English  Voyage  to  North  America,  1497 4 

3.  Francisco  Vasquez  Coronado : 

A  Spanish  Exploration,  1541 6 

4.  Anonymous : 

An  English  Plundering  Voyage,  1578-1579 9 

5.  Anonymous : 

The  First  English  Exploration,  1607 " 

6.  Samuel  Sieur  de  Champlain : 

A  French  Exploration,  1615 14 

CHAPTER   II  — CONDITIONS  OF  SETTLEMENT 

7.  John  Evelyn  : 

Life  in  England,  1652-1668 18 

8.  Reverend  William  Castell : 

Reasons  for  Emigration,  1641          .         .         .         •         .         •         •         .21 

9.  Henry  Spelman : 

Indian  Life,  1609-1613 23 

10.  John  Sadler : 

Requirements  of  an  Emigrant,  1634        .......       26 

11.  John  Josselyn: 

Some  Rarities  of  New  England,  1663-1671 29 

1 2.  Thomas  Ash  : 

Praise  of  Indian  Corn,  1682 32 

vii 


viii  Contents 


CHAPTER  III  — FIRST  ERA  OF  COLONIZATION 

PAGE 

13.  Captain  John  Smith: 

Settlement  of  Virginia,  1607   .........       33 

14.  Doctor  William  Barlow : 

The  King  and  the  Puritans,  1604 37 

15.  Governor  William  Bradford : 

Settlement  of  Plymouth,  1620 39 

16.  Father  Isaac  Jogues : 

Settlement  of  New  Amsterdam,  1615-1644       .         .         .         .        .         .42 

17.  Governor  Thomas  Dudley : 

Planting  of  Massachusetts,  1627-1631 45 

1 8.  Jaspar  Dankers  and  Peter  Sluyter: 

Conditions  of  Maryland,  1632          ........       48 

19.  Henry  Wolcott,  Jr. : 

Foundation  of  Government  in  Connecticut,  1638 51 

20.  Secretary  Nathaniel  Mortori : 

Foundation  of  Rhode  Island,  1636 52 

21.  Governor  John  Winthrop  : 

Foundation  of  New  Hampshire,  1637-1639 55 

CHAPTER  IV— SECOND  ERA  OF  COLONIZATION 

22.  Governor  Sir  Edmund  Andros : 

An  Account  of  New  York,  1678       . 58 

23.  John  Fenwick : 

New  Jersey  "  a  Healthy  Pleasant,  and  Plentiful  Country? 

1675 62 

24.  Late  Governor  John  Archdale : 

Description  of  Carolina,  1665-1695         .......       65 

25.  Richard  Townsend : 

Settlement  of  Pennsylvania,  1682 67 

26.  Reverend  William  Edmundson : 

A  Journey  through  Delaware,  1676 69 

27.  General  James  Edward  Oglethorpe  ( ?)  : 

Progress  of  Georgia,  1733         .         .         .         .         .         .         ..  71 

CHAPTER  V— COLONIAL  LIFE  IN  THE  SEVENTEENTH 
CENTURY 

28.  Governor  John  Winthrop : 

New  England  Life,  1630-1635 -74 

29.  Thomas  Lechford : 

Church  Services,  1642 77 


FACE 

30.  William  Robinson  and  Marmaduke  Stevenson : 

A  Quaker  Warning*  1659 80 

31.  Reverend  Cotton  Mather: 

A  Witch  Trial,  1692 82 

32.  Ordinances  of  New  Amsterdam : 

Life  in  New  York,  1647-1658          .         .        .        .        .         .        .         '85 

33.  Robert  Holden: 

The  Trade  of  the  Colonies,  1679 .88 

34.  Anonymous : 

Plantation  Life  in  Virginia,  1648 91 

35.  Virginia  Assembly : 

Slavery  in  Virginia,  1667-1680 92 

CHAPTER  VI  — RIVALS  FOR  EMPIRE 

36.  Henry  Sieur  de  Tonty : 

La  Salle  on  the  Mississippi,  1681-1682   .         .         .        .         .        .         .96 

37.  Anonymous : 

Destruction  of  Decrfield,  1704 98 

38.  Professor  Peter  Kalm : 

The  French  Trade  with  the  Indians,  1749 IOO 

39.  Colonel  George  Washington : 

BraddocVs  Defeat,  1755 103 

40.  Fran§ois  Bigot : 

Capture  of  Quebec,  1 759 105 

CHAPTER  VII  — COLONIAL  LIFE  IN  THE  EIGHTEENTH 
CENTURY 

41.  Colonel  John  Seymour: 

Discomforts  of  Colonial  Life,  1708 108 

42.  Reverend  George  Whitefield : 

The  Great  Awakening  in  New  England,  1740 109 

43.  Ebenezer  Cook : 

A  Satire  on  Tobacco  Planters,  1708         .         .  . "I 

44.  William  Black : 

Social  Life  in  Philadelphia,  1744  "5 

45.  Professor  Peter  Kalm  : 

The  Town  of 'New  York,  1748 "7 

46.  Colonel  William  Byrd : 

A  Southern  Criticism  of  Slavery,  1736 119 

47.  Alexander  Graydon : 

A  Colonial  School- Boy,  1760-1766  /  ,        .        ,        .        .122 


Contents 


CHAPTER  VIII  — COLONIAL  GOVERNMENT 

PAGE 

48.  James  Earl  of  Stanhope  : 

The  English  Council  for  Trade  and  Plantations,  1715  .         .         .         .124 

49.  Samuel  Purviance,  Jr. : 

How  to  Manage  Elections,  1765 .126 

50.  Professor  Peter  Kalm: 

The  Governor  and  Assembly  in  New  York,  1748    .  .         .         .128 

51.  Agent  Benjamin  Franklin : 

Objections  to  Governing  of  Colonies  by  Instructions,  1772      .         .         .     131 

52.  Boston  Town  Records : 

A  Colonial  Town- Meeting,  1729 132 

CHAPTER  IX— THE  REVOLUTION 

53.  Deacon  John  Tudor : 

The  Boston  Tea-Party,  1773 137 

54.  Reverend  John  Witherspoon : 

"  Conduct  of  the  British  Ministry,"  1775 138 

55.  Reverend  Andrew  Burnaby : 

Undeniable  Supremacy  of  Parliament,  1775 141 

56.  Anonymous : 

"  The  American  Patriot's  Prayer,"  1776 143 

57.  Reverend  William  Emerson : 

Battle  of  Lexington  and  Concord,  1775 144 

58.  Delegate  John  Adams : 

Drafting  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  1776 147 

59.  General  George  Washington : 

Report  of  the  Battle  of  Princeton,  1777 149 

60.  Eliza  Wilkinson : 

A  Southern  Lady's  Experience  of  War,  1780 151 

61.  Captain  Georg  Pausch : 

Hard  Fighting  at  Saratoga,  1777 154 

62.  Robert  Morton: 

The  Baneful  Influence  of  Paper  Money,  1777 157 

63.  Anonymous: 

A  Ballad  on  Cornwallis,  1781 159 

CHAPTER  X— THE  CONFEDERATION  AND  THE 
CONSTITUTION 

64.  J.  Hector  St.  John  de  Crevecceur : 

What  is  an  American?  1782          ........     161 

65.  Judge  Benjamin  Huntington: 

Life  in  Congress,  1783     ..........     164 


1715—1812  xi 


66.  Jean  Pierre  Brissot  de  Warville : 

The  West,  1788 166 

67.  Reverend  Manasseh  Cutler : 

The  Inner  History  of  the  Northwest  Ordinance,  1787     .         .         .        .169 

68.  Delegate  George  Mason  : 

Objections  to  the  Constitution,  1787  .         .         .         •         •         .         .172 

69.  Colonel  Jonathan  B.  Smith  : 

The  Political  Harvest  Time,  1788 .         .     175 

70.  Francis  Hopkinson : 

"  The  New  Roof,"  1788 178 

CHAPTER  XI  — MAKING  A  GOVERNMENT,    1789-1801 

71.  Senator  William  Maclay : 

A  Democratic  View  of  Washington,  1789-1790 l8l 

72.  Representative  Fisher  Ames : 

Speech  on  the  Tariff,  1789 .         .     183 

73.  Secretary  of  State  Thomas  Jefferson : 

A  Question  of  Compromise,  1790 1 86 

74.  Chief  Justice  John  Jay : 

Maritime  Grievances,  1794     .         .         .         .         •         •         .         •         .188 

75.  C.  C.  Pinckney,  John  Marshall,  and  Elbridge  Gerry : 

"  The  X  Y  Z  Despatches,"  1797 191 

76.  Richard  Carter: 

A  Case  of  Impressment,  1799 194 

CHAPTER  XII  — JEFFERSON'S  POLICY,    1801-1808 

77.  Theodore  Dwight : 

Election  of  Jefferson,  1801 197 

78.  President  Thomas  Jefferson : 

Acquisition  of  Louisiana,  1803 200 

79.  Midshipman  Basil  Hall: 

"  Blockading  a  Neutral  Port"  1804         .         ,        .         .         .         .  .       .     202 

80.  Patrick  Gass : 

Lewis  and  Clark's  Oregon  Expedition,  1804-1805  .         •        •         •     206 

81.  Representative  Josiah  Quincy: 

Effect  of  the  Embargo,  1808     .........     209 

CHAPTER  XIII— THE  WAR  OF  1812 

82.  Francis  James  Jackson : 

Impressions  of  America,  1810  .         .         .         .         .         ,         .         .212 

83.  President  James  Madison : 

Causes  of  the  War,  1812 ••.     214 


xii  Contents 


PACK 

84.  Captain  Isaac  Hull  : 

Capture  of  the  Guerriere,  1812 216 

85.  Reverend  George  Robert  Gleig : 

Capture  of  Washington,  1814 218 

86.  Major  Arsene  Lacarriere  Latour: 

Battle  of  New  Orleans,  1815 22O 

87.  Commissioner  Albert  Gallatin : 

Discussion  of  the  Peace,  1814 .         .     223 

CHAPTER  XIV  — CONDITIONS  OF  NATIONAL  GROWTH, 
1815-1830 

88.  JohnMelish: 

Boston  and  Neighboring  Towns,  1 806 226 

89.  Colonel  Thomas  Jefferson  Randolph : 

The  Virginia  Gentleman,  1801-1809      .         .         .         •      .  .         .         .     228 

90.  Reverend  Timothy  Flint : 

Religious  Life  in  the  West,  1828 231 

91.  Secretary  of  State  John  Quincy  Adams  : 

Missouri  Compromise,  1820 234 

92.  Morris  Birkbeck : 

A  Settler  in  Illinois,  1817 237 

93.  Surgeon  Henry  Bradshaw  Fearon : 

Amusements  in  New  Orleans,  1818          .        .        .        •        .        .        .     240 

CHAPTER  XV  — ABOLITIONISTS,    1835-1841 

94.  Reverend  John  Rankin: 

A  Western  Abolition  Argument,  1824 242 

95.  Governor  George  McDuffie  : 

A  Southern  Defence  of  Slavery,  1835     •••••••     244 

96.  William  Lloyd  Garrison : 

An  Anti- Abolitionist  Mob,  1835 24^ 

97.  George  William  Featherstonhaugh : 

The  Internal  Slave- Trade,  1834 251 

98.  Charity  Bowery : 

A  Slave's  Narrative,  1844 255 

99.  John  Greenleaf  Whittier : 

Farewell  of  a  Slave  Mother,  1838 258 

loo.  Henry  Box  Brown : 

A  Fugitive's  Narrative,  1848 260 

101  Salmon  Portland  Chase  : 

A  Political  Abolitionist,  1845 2^3 


1 8  i  2— 1 86  2  xiii 

CHAPTER  XVI— TERRITORIAL   DEVELOPMENT,    1841-1853 

PAGE 

102.  Charles  Augustus  Davis : 

Jackson 's  Responsibility,  1833 266 

103.  Francis  Parkman,  Jr. : 

The  Oregon  Trail,  1846 .         .         .268 

104.  James  Russell  Lowell : 

A  Satire  on  the  Mexican  War,  1846 .271 

105.  Reverend  Walter  Colton  : 

At  the  Gold  Fields,  1848 276 

106.  Senator  Henry  Clay : 

Compromise  0/1850 279 

CHAPTER  XVII  — SLAVERY  CONTEST,   1851-1860 

107.  Richard  Henry  Dana,  Jr. : 

7^he  Rescue  of  Shadrach,  1851 282 

108.  Representative  Thomas  Hart  Benton : 

A  Criticism  of  the  Kansas- Nebraska  Act,  1854      .         .         ...         .     284 

109.  Erastus  D.  Ladd : 

Troubles  in  Kansas,  1855 2^7 

no.  Justice  John  McLean : 

The  Dred  Scott  Decision,  1856 290 

in.  Senator  Stephen  A.  Douglas : 

A  Criticism  of  Lincoln,  1858         •         .         •         •         .         •         .         .291 

112.  Captain  John  Brown: 

John  Brown's  Last  Speech,  1859 294 

113.  Alexander  H.  Stephens : 

Slavery  the  Corner- Stone  of  the  Confederacy,  1861          .         .         .         .     296 

1 14.  Captain  Abner  Doubleday : 

Attack  on  Fort  Sumter,  1861 299 

CHAPTER  XVIII  — CIVIL  WAR,   1861-1865 

115.  Reverend  Morgan  Dix : 

The  Rousing  of  the  North,  1861 303 

1 1 6.  Edmund  Clarence  Stedman: 

Battle  of  Bull  Run,  1861 305 

117.  George  Gary  Eggleston : 

The  Southern  Soldier,  1861-1865 308 

1 1 8.  Reverend  Francis  Nathan  Peloubet  and  Reverend  George  Lansing  Taylor : 

Supplies  for  the  Wounded,  1862    .         . 311 

119.  Flag-Officer  David  Glasgow  Farragut : 

Farragut  at  New  Orleans,  1862     .         .', 313 


xiv  Contents 


PA 


120.  Francis  Bicknell  Carpenter  : 

Proclamation  of  Emancipation,  1862     .......    3 

121.  Doctor  Albert  Gaillard  Hart  : 

In  the  Thick  of  the  Fight,  1863      ........     3 

122.  "A  Lady": 

Cave  Life  in  a  Besieged  City,  1863        .......    3 

123.  New  York  Tribune  : 

Battle  of  'Gettysburg,  1863      .  .......     3 

124.  President  Abraham  Lincoln: 

The  War  and  Slavery,  1864         ........     3 

125.  General  Horace  Porter: 

Surrender  of  Lee,  1865          .         ,        «         ......     3 

126.  James  Russell  Lowell: 

Abraham  Lincoln,  1865         .        .        .......    3 


CHAPTER  XIX  — RECONSTRUCTION,   1865-1871 

127.  Sidney  Andrews : 

Condition  of  the  South,  1865 ,3 

128.  Elizabeth  Hyde  Botume  : 

A  Negro  School,  1862 3, 

129.  General  Robert  E.  Lee : 

A  Southerner's  Advice  on  Reconstruction,  1865 3 

130.  Representative  Thaddeus  Stevens: 

Congressional  Reconstruction,  1865        .......     3. 

131.  General  Oliver  Otis  Howard : 

A  Military  Governor  in  Louisiana,  1865-1866 3- 

132.  Attorney-General  Daniel  Henry  Chamberlain: 

Failure  of  Reconstruction,  1871 3- 


CHAPTER  XX  — UNION  RESTORED,   1871-1885 

133.  Samuel  Jones  Tilden : 

Iniquities  of  the  Tweed  Ring,  1869-1871 $\ 

134.  Caleb  Gushing : 

Treaty  of  Washington,  1871  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         •     3J 

135.  John  Greenleaf  Whittier : 

"  Centennial  Hymn,"  1876 .     Z\ 

136.  New  York  World : 

Resumption  of  Specie  Payments,  1879 3< 

137.  George  William  Curtis : 

Workings  of  Civil  Service  Reform,  1881        ......     3< 


1862—1899  xv 

FACE 

138.  Thomas  Jefferson  Morgan  : 

Our  Treatment  of  the  Indians,  1891 366 

139.  James  Bryce : 

Character  of  the  Americans,  1888 369 

CHAPTER   XXI— THE   SPANISH    WAR,  1895-1899 

140.  William  J.  Starks : 

Troubles  in  Cuba,  1867-1873 373 

141.  Don  Enrique  Jose  Varona: 

A  Cuban  Indictment  of  Spanish  Rule,  1895  .....     376 

142.  Colonel  Theodore  Roosevelt : 

The  Rotigh  Riders  at  the  Front,  1898 38(7 

143.  General  Francis  Vinton  Greene : 

The  Conditions  of  the  Philippines,  1898         .         .         .         .         .         .382 

144.  President  William  McKinley : 

A  Review  of  the  Spanish  War,  1898 385 

145.  John  Davis  Long : 

The  Future  of  the  Republic,  1895 39° 

INDEX 393 


Illustrations 

The  Mayflower  Compact,  1620 Frontispiece 

Specimens  of  Continental  Currency,  1776 To  face  p.  156 

Letter  on  Fugitive  Slaves,  by  Charles  Carroll,  1826    ....""     244 
Extracts  from  the  final  Proclamation  of  Emancipation,  by  Abraham 

Lincoln,  1863     .         . "      "     329 


OF  THE     " 


Source  Book  of  American   History 


PRACTICAL   INTRODUCTIONS 

I.    The  Use  of  Sources 

WITH  the  use  which  investigators  make  of  sources,  as  a  basis  for 
elaborate  historical  writing,  this  book  has  nothing  to  do,  except 
to  suggest  that  upon  such  materials,  vast  in  amount  and  bewildering  in 
variety,  rest  all  that  we  really  know  about  the  history  of  times  earlier 
than  the  memory  of  living  men.  Even  the  investigator  nowadays  does 
not  necessarily  examine  for  himself  every  record  of  the  events  with  which 
he  deals :  he  may  accept,  and  almost  always  does  accept,  some  state 
ments  of  facts  gathered  for  him  by  other  writers  who  have  themselves 
examined  the  ground.  It  is  not  the  conception  of  the  editor  that  young 
and  inexperienced  boys  and  girls  can  find  in  this  book  material  broad 
enough  to  serve  as  the  sole  basis  for  generalizations ;  or  that  they  can 
construct  a  complete  narrative  for  themselves  out  of  any  amount  of 
material :  the  Source  Book  is  meant  to  supplement,  not  to  supplant  the 
text-book. 

In  schools,  and  even  in  most  college  classes,  the  sources  have  a  very 
different  office  :  they  are  to  act  as  adjuncts  to  historical  narrative,  by 
illustrating  it,  and  making  it  vivid ;  as  by  analyzing  a  few  flowers  the 
young  student  of  botany  learns  some  plant  structure,  and  accepts  the 
rest  from  the  text-book,  so  the  student  of  history  by  intimate  acquaint 
ance  with  a  few  writers  of  contemporary  books  finds  his  reading  in 
secondary  works  easier  to  understand. 

Upon  the  subject  of  source-study  in  schools  there  is  as  yet  little  in 
print.  Charles  W.  Colby,  in  the  Introduction  to  his  Selections  from  the 
Sources  of  English  History  (1899),  very  suggestively  discusses  the  uses 
of  sources.  In  the  Report  of  the  Madison  Conference,  included  in  the 

xvii 


xviii  Introductions 

Report  of  the  Committee  [of  Ten]  on  Secondary  School  Studies  (1893), 
§§  15>  33»  sources  are  treated  incidentally  in  connection  with  topical 
study.  In  the  American  History  Studies,  issued  by  the  University  of 
Nebraska,  are  hints  and  suggestions.  The  University  of  Pennsylvania 
issues  a  little  tract,  The  Use  of  Original  Sources  in  the  Teaching  of 
History,  which  has  helpful  suggestions  and  includes  a  brief  list  of  col 
lections  available  for  schools  in  various  fields  of  history.  The  editor  of 
this  book  has  prefixed  an  essay  on  this  subject  to  each  of  the  volumes  of 
American  History  told  by  Contemporaries.  Almost  the  only  general 
discussion  of  the  subject  is  in  one  of  the  appendices  to  The  Study  of 
History  in  Schools,  Report  of  the  Committee  of  Seven  (1899),  printed 
also  in  Report  of  the  American  Historical  Association  for  1898.  The 
subject  is  taken  up  in  connection  with  other  topics  in  the  printed  pro 
ceedings  of  the  two  Associations  of  Colleges  and  Preparatory  Schools — 
that  of  New  England,  and  that  of  the  Middle  States ;  and  also  in  the 
proceedings  of  the  New  England  History  Teachers'  Association  for  1898 
and  1899,  and  of  the  American  Historical  Association  for  1897. 

The  use  of  sources  in  secondary  and  normal  schools  is  described 
below  by  experts ;  it  is  therefore  necessary  here  only  to  allude  to  some 
of  the  general  advantages  of  sources,  and  to  suggest  some  cautions  in 
their  use.  First  of  all,  as  reading  matter,  even  brief  sources  have  the 
advantage  of  lively  narratives  on  interesting  subjects ;  and  one  cannot 
read  extracts  from  men  like  John  Evelyn,  Captain  John  Smith,  Cotton 
Mather,  Whittier,  or  Lincoln,  without  desiring  to  know  more  about  them 
and  their  times ;  but  so  much  depends  upon  a  writer's  character,  his 
truthfulness,  his  opportunities,  his  prejudices,  that  it  is  not  safe  to  take 
sources  at  haphazard,  without  some  one  to  vouch  for  them. 

The  use  of  sources  enforces  on  the  mind  what  ought  to  be  familiar  to 
any  pupil  in  history :  that  the  text-book  grows  out  of  such  material,  directly 
or  at  second  hand ;  and  that  the  knowledge  of  the  writer  of  history  goes 
no  farther  than  the  sum  of  his  sources.  On  the  Revolution,  for  instance, 
the  pupil  must  realize  that  the  books  quote  only  a  few  out  of  hundreds 
of  sources,  and  that  generalization  from  narrow  bases  is  dangerous. 

Sources  may  very  well  furnish  sufficient  types  of  oft-repeated  experi 
ence  :  for  instance,  from  the  text-book  the  pupil  gets  the  impression  of 


Use   of  Sources  xix 

the  number  of  voyages  of  discovery,  and  of  the  cross-relations  of  the 
Spanish,  Portuguese,  French,  English,  Dutch,  and  Swedes  in  the  new 
world  during  two  centuries.  But  the  general  aim  and  results  of  those 
voyages  are  well  enough  set  forth  in  the  seventeen  pages  of  Chapter  I, 
which  includes  one  Spanish  voyage  and  one  Spanish  land  exploration, 
two  English  sea-voyages  and  one  land  exploration,  and  one  French 
exploration.  Since  it  is  a  common  experience  that  the  illustration  fixes 
the  principle  in  mind,  and  not  the  principle  the  illustration,  it  is  fair  to 
expect  that  these  illustrative  voyages  will  serve  to  make  vivid  the  con 
secutive  narrative  of  explorations  in  general.  In  the  same  way,  colonial 
life  has  many  phases,  and  it  would  take  years  of  study  in  a  large  library 
of  sources  to  get  an  idea  of  how  our  forefathers  lived  and  thought ;  bat 
the  illustrative  extracts  in  Chapter  V,  below,  show  in  detail  something  of 
a  few  phases  of  social  life,  of  church  services,  of  witchcraft  delusions, 
of  trade,  and  of  slave  life ;  and  they  will  serve  to  explain  the  general  and 
necessarily  sweeping  statements  of  text-books. 

History  has  two  functions  :  to  tell  us  what  has  happened,  and  to  tell 
us  why  the  men  of  old  time  let  it  so  happen.  Perhaps  the  most  diffi 
cult  problem  for  the  teacher  is  to  bring  home  to  the  minds  of  pupils 
how  differently  other  people  have  looked  at  things.  Our  own  slavery 
contest  is  an  example  :  freedom  seems  to  us  normal,  and  we  can  under 
stand  neither  the  South  nor  the  North  unless  we  let  people  who  lived  in 
the  midst  of  slavery  speak  for  themselves.  One  has  only  to  take  a  suc 
cession  of  statements  of  facts  about  the  slavery  contest  out  of  the  best 
text-books,  and  then  state  the  same  thing  out  of  the  narratives  of  fugi 
tives  and  the  apologies  of  slave-holders,  to  see  whether  secondary 
narrative  or  source  leaves  the  deeper  impression  on  the  mind.  A 
combination  of  the  two  makes  it  possible  to  see  more  clearly  both  the 
significance  and  the  relation  of  events. 

This  book  is  not  prepared  with  reference  to  any  particular  text-book ; 
wherever  a  good,  straightforward,  accurate,  narrative  history  is  used, 
which  deals  with  what  is  really  important  in  the  history  of  the  nation, 
the  extracts  in  this  volume  may  be  brought  in  to  supplement  the 
accounts  of  special  episodes,  and  to  furnish  a  background  of  reality 
and  personal  character. 


xx  Introductions 


II.    Materials  for  Source  Study 

ANY  well-chosen  set  of  extracts,  each  long  enough  to  be  character 
istic,  and  all  together  broad  enough  to  cover  the  main  episodes  of 
American  history,  will  serve  to  illuminate  the  study ;  but  schools  should 
have  at  least  a  small  library  of  complete  volumes,  both  to  extend  the 
interest  that  may  be  raised  by  extracts,  and  to  give  material  for  topical 
work.  Many  people  are  startled  at  the  idea  that  pupils  can  safely  .be 
trusted  with  "original  sources,"  just  as  the  same  good  people  were 
startled  at  the  idea  of  laboratories  in  chemistry  or  physics,  or  of  sight 
reading  in  classics.  There  is  nothing  dangerous  in  sources  if  used  for 
purposes  which  are  within  the  abilities  of  pupils.  Topics  can  well  be 
prepared  from  secondary  books  which  are  fresh  to  the  pupil ;  but  they 
can  also  be  prepared  from  sources  if  you  have  them,  and  the  quaintness 
and  liveliness  of  much  of  this  material  make  it  more  interesting  to  dig 
down  through  the  crust  of  secondary  works.  The  point  of  view  must 
always  be  that  the  pupil's  result  is  incomplete,  because  he  has  not  time, 
material,  or  judgment  to  come  to  any  final  conclusion  ;  but  that  he  learns 
what,  but  for  use  of  sources,  neither  he  nor  his  friends  could  know.  A 
pupil  cannot  be  expected  to  weigh  conflicting  evidence  or  to  reconcile 
disagreements,  but  he  can  state  things  as  he  finds  them.  However  simple 
his  work  and  small  his  result,  however  far  it  may  be  from  "  original  re 
search,"  it  is  nevertheless  to  him  a  voyage  of  discovery ;  and  the  state 
ment  of  his  results,  if  he  really  puts  his  mind  upon  it,  is  a  creative  act. 

To  aid  in  such  work  a  short  list  of  desirable  books  may  be  suggested, 
containing  only  a  few  of  the  most  important  works  in  each  field. 

Bibliographies  of  Sources 

Lists  of  select  sources  are  to  be  found  in  various  small  books,  —  as 
William  E.  Foster's  little  pamphlet,  References  to  the  History  of  Presi 
dential  Administrations,  1789-1885  (New  York,  1885),  containing  excel 
lent  classified  references  to  biographies.  Channing  and  Hart's  Guide  to 
the  Study  of  American  History  (Boston,  1896)  includes  long  classified 


Available   Reprints  xxi 

lists  of  sources,  with  exact  titles.  The  editor  of  this  book  has  prefixed 
lists  of  sources  to  each  of  the  four  volumes  of  American  History  told  by 
Contemporaries.  Good  characterizations  of  the  writers  of  sources  may 
be  found  in  H.  T.  Tuckerman's  America  and  her  Commentators  (New 
York,  1864);  and  Justin  Winsor's  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of 
America  (8  volumes,  Boston,  1886-89)  *s  tne  greatest  work  of  American 
historical  bibliography.  Sources  may  often  be  reached  through  the  foot 
notes  and  lists  of  works  cited  in  the  standard  secondary  historians, 
especially  Doyle,  English  in  America,  Bancroft  (early  edition),  Frothing- 
ham,  Rise  of  the  Republic,  Henry  Adams,  History,  Von  Hoist,  Rhodes ; 
and  in  the  more  detailed  biographies. 

Collections  of  Reprints  available  for  Schools 

There  are  now  four  collections  of  related  reprints  in  American  his 
tory,  besides  five  series  of  leaflets,  obtainable  in  single  numbers  or  in 
quantities.  Full  sets  of  the  nine  works  mentioned  below,  complete  to 
the  end  of  1899,  should  cost  all  together  about  $45. 

American  Colonial  Tracts.  Edited  by  George  P.  Humphrey  (Roches 
ter,  1897-).  —  A  monthly  series  of  reprints,  taken  chiefly  from  the  rare 
and  expensive  Force  Tracts,  and  not  collated  with  the  originals. 

American  History  Leaflets.  Edited  by  Albert  Bushnell  Hart  and 
Edward  Channing  (New  York,  1892-96).  —  Thirty  numbers,  chiefly 
documents ;  some  complete,  others  made  up  of  short  related  pieces. 

American  History  Studies :  Selections  made  from  the  Sources.  Edited 
by  H.  W.  Caldwell  (Lincoln,  Nebraska,  1897-).  — Chiefly  short  related 
extracts  illustrating  some  general  subject. 

American  History  told  by  Contemporaries.  Edited  by  Albert  Bushnell 
Hart  (4  volumes,  New  York,  1897-).  —  Made  up  substantially  on  the 
same  plan  as  the  Source  Book,  except  that  the  extracts  are  longer,  and 
include  many  more  subjects  and  authors. 

American  Orations :  Studies  in  American  Political  History.  Edited 
by  Alexander  Johnston,  reedited  by  James  Albert  Woodburn  (4  volumes, 
2d  ed.,  New  York,  1898). 

Select  Documents  illustrative  of  the  History  of  the   United  States. 


xxii  Introductions 

Edited  by  William  Macdonald  (New  York,  1898).  —  This  volume 
covers  the  period  1776-1861,  and  is  made  up  chiefly  of  constitutional 
and  political  documents.  A  second  volume,  from  1861  down,  is  in 
preparation. 

Liberty  Bell  Leaflets.  (Philadelphia,  1899-.) — Recently  begun; 
thus  far  the  numbers  include  only  the  .history  of  the  middle  colonies. 

Library  of  American  Literature  from  the  Earliest  Settlement  to  the 
Present  Time.  Edited  by  Edmund  Clarence  Stedman  and  Ellen  Mackay 
Hutchinson  (n  volumes,  New  York,  1888-90).  —  Extracts  selected 
rather  for  their  literary  value  than  for  their  historical  contents,  but  con 
taining  some  of  the  choicest  work  of  American  statesmen  and  worthies ; 
an  excellent  set  for  a  school  library. 

Old  South  Leaflets.  Edited  by  Edwin  D.  Mead  (Boston,  1883-). — 
The  earliest  in  the  field ;  now  about  ninety  numbers ;  texts  not  care 
fully  collated. 


Additional  Sources  desirable  for  Schools 

To  go  beyond  the  sets  of  reprints  leads  one  into  a  great  mass  of 
material,  most  of  which  is  of  so  much  interest  and  value  that  it  is  hard 
to  discriminate  and  select.  What  any  particular  school  can  buy  and 
profitably  use  depends  on  its  means  and  its  geographical  situation.  In 
making  up  a  school  library  it  is  very  desirable  to  have  good  sets  of 
material  on  the  local  and  State  history,  including  the  history  of  any 
colony  of  which  the  territory  or  the  State  was  at  any  time  a  part. 

1.  Local  Records.  —  Printed  town  or  city  records,  of  the  place  in 
which  the  school  is  situated,  and  of  the  most  important  places  in  the 
State ;  where  there  are  no  local  records,  among  the  best  of  their  kind 
are  the  Boston,  Providence,  New  Amsterdam,  Upland,  Albany,  Newark. 

2.  State  Records.  —  If  none  for  the  State  in  which  the  school  is  situ 
ated,  the  best  for  general  use  are  those  of  Plymouth,  Massachusetts,  New 
Hampshire,  Connecticut,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  North  Carolina  ;  most 
useful  of  all  are  the  Documents  relative  to  the  Colonial  History  of  thl 
State  of  New-York  (15  vols.). 


Materials  xxiii 

3.  National  Records.  — Journals  of  the  Continental  Congress  (three 
editions) ;  Secret  Journals.     On  the  Constitutional  Conventions,  Elliot's 
Debates  (5  vols.)  is  indispensable  and  easy  to  get.     Under  the  Consti 
tutional  government,  at  least  one  set  of  congressional  documents  for  a 
Congress  (two  years)  ;  any  part  of  the  printed  debates  is  valuable,  but 
especially  for  the  years  1789-93,  1797-99,  1811-13,  1819-21,  1835-37, 
1849-51,  1853-55,  1859-61,  1863-65,  1867-69.     A  set  or  a  partial  set 
of  the  Statutes  at  Large  is  desirable.     The  folio  American  State  Papers 
(38  vols.)  is  rather  common,  and  would  be  a  mine  for  topical  work  on 
the  period  1789-1840. 

4.  Publications  of  Learned  Societies.  —  Every  school  ought  to  have  a 
set  of  the  publications  of  its  local  and  state  historical  societies  if  pos 
sible,  or  at  least  a  partial  set.      The  most  valuable  issues  (nearly  all 
relating  to  the  period  before  1789)  are  those  of  the  societies  of  Maine, 
New  Hampshire,  Connecticut,  New  Haven,  New  York,   New  Jersey, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  South  Carolina,  Louisiana,  and  especially  of  Massa 
chusetts,  Pennsylvania,  and  Wisconsin. 

5.  Works  of  Public  Men.  —  Out  of  hundreds  of  statesmen  the  most 
important  are  Franklin,  John  Adams,  John   Jay,  Hamilton,  Jefferson, 
Madison,  Gallatin,  Monroe,  Calhoun,  Clay,  Webster,  Seward,  Garfield, 
Sumner ;  especially  Washington,  and   Correspondence  of  the  American 
Revolution  (letters  to  Washington),  and  Lincoln  (Works). 

6.  Autobiographies   and   Reminiscences.  —  Any  local  author :    John 
Quincy  Adams,  Benton,  Hutchinson,  Kemble,  McCullough ;  especially 
Samuel  Sewall,  Franklin,  William  Maclay,  Josiah  Quincy,  U.  S.  Grant, 
John  and  W.  T.  Sherman. 

7.  Travels.  — Those  who  have  visited  the  locality  or  neighborhood  : 
W.  Bartram,  Burnaby,  Chambers,  Chastellux,  Crevecceur,  James  Hall; 
especially  Bankers  and  Sluyter,  Josselyn,  Kalm,  Olmstead,  Bryce. 

8.  Newspapers.  —  Difficult   to  handle   and   early  worn   out;   hence 
hardly  suitable  for  a  school  library.     The  most  serviceable  for  historical 
work  are  Niles's    Weekly  Register,  the  National  Intelligencer,  and  the 
Nation,  covering  in  succession  the  period  from  1815  to  1899;  reprints 
of  extracts  from  colonial  newspapers  make  up  several  volumes  of  the 
New  Jersey  Archives. 


xxiv  Introductions 


III.    The  Sources  in  Secondary  Schools 

BY  RAY  GREENE  RULING,  Sc.D. 

HEADMASTER  OF  THE  CAMBRIDGE  ENGLISH   HIGH   SCHOOL 

THE  last  decade  has  witnessed  a  marked  change  in  the  teaching 
of  history  in  secondary  schools.  What  before  was  characteristic 
of  a  few  favored  localities  has  now  become  widespread  both  in  theoretic 
acceptance  and  in  actual  practice.  In  aims  and  in  methods  the  advance, 
though  later  in  point  of  times,  has  been  quite  comparable  as  to  quality 
with  the  changes  that  have  given  our  pupils  "originals"  in  geometry, 
and  have  introduced  them  to  laboratory  practice  in  the  physical  and 
biological  sciences.  The  rapid  growth  of  the  movement  is  largely  due 
to  the  open-mindednes,  of  the  teachers;  for,  seeing  the  superior  value 
to  their  pupils  of  the  more  strenuous  work,  they  have  eagerly  welcomed 
methods  which  materially  add  to  their  own  labors.  Therefore  the  newer 
conceptions  have  caused  the  growth  of  associations  of  teachers ;  and 
by  the  initiative  of  college  instructors  in  this  field  have  taken  form  in 
new  requirements  for  admission  to  college.  The  interest  aroused  has 
also  produced  a  considerable  body  of  literature,  and  especially  has  led 
to  a  demand  for  more  abundant  and  adequate  material  to  be  used  in 
daily  work.  To  this  demand  the  present  volume  is  a  direct  and  com 
petent  response. 

The  most  important  element  in  the  change  is  doubtless  the  emphasis 
now  laid  on  the  disciplinary  aims  of  the  study  of  history.  It  has  always 
been  held,  and  is  yet  held,  that  a  body  of  well  selected  historical  facts 
should  be  acquired.  It  is  now  believed,  however,  that  these  facts  are 
not  really  acquired  by  children  and  youth  merely  by  reading  and 
memoriter  work,  and  that  a  more  effective  way  to  train  both  memory 
and  reason  is  so  to  organize  these  facts  in  the  process  of  acquisition 
as  to  set  up  in  the  pupils'  minds  by  repeated  practice  accurate  and 
persistent  intellectual  habits,  —  in  the  secondary  school  the  processes 
which  are  grouped  under  the  terms,  imagination,  memory,  judgment, 
and  reasoning.  It  is  also  held  that  in  these  schools  history  should  yield 


Secondary   Schools  xxv 

ethical  ideals,  stimulate  right  emotions,  and  thus  train  moral  character ; 
that  by  means  of  it  the  pupil  should  become  more  facile  and  precise 
with  tongue  and  pen ;  and  that  when  school  ends  for  him,  he  should 
step  forth  the  possessor  of  sufficient  knowledge,  sufficient  interest,  and 
sufficient  power  to  warrant  a  continuance  of  historical  study  by  private 
effort.  It  is  hoped  that  the  final  outcome  of  the  pursuit  of  history,  even 
in  the  secondary  schools,  may  be  a  constant  application  of  the  lessons 
of  the  past  to  the  problems  of  the  present,  —  the  tendency  to  see  all 
things  in  historical  perspective.  Certainly  there  are  few  richer  gifts 
which  these  schools  have  to  bestow. 

A  natural  result  of  this  enlargement  of  purpose  is  a  change  to  methods 
more  adequate  and  more  varied.  A  text-book  is  used,  as  before,  to 
give  a  thread  of  continuity  to  the  whole  work,  but  it  is  no  longer  the 
exclusive  reliance.  Collateral  reading  is  added  in  some  variety.  Atlases 
and  maps  are  studied  and  reproduced.  Objective  illustrations,  —  pic 
tures,  weapons,  specimens  of  dress,  household  utensils,  and  other  realia, — 
are  utilized  as  in  the  natural  sciences.  Then,  in  the  class-room,  tests  are 
applied  to  determine  the  reaction  of  the  pupil's  mind  on  this  material : 
intelligent  application  is  stimulated  in  a  variety  of  ways,  by  requiring 
written  summaries  of  assigned  collateral  reading,  by  calling  for  continu 
ous  oral  statements  of  the  course  of  events  within  a  particular  period, 
by  short,  sharp  questions  about  definite  facts,  by  impromptu  or  pre 
pared  discussions  upon  debatable  questions.  Skill  in  selection  is  trained 
by  topical  work,  skill  in  judgment  by  instituting  comparisons  and  search 
ing  for  causes,  skill  in  expression  by  the  acceptance  of  none  but  well- 
written  papers  or  recitations  made  in  correct  form. 

Inasmuch  as  there  are  differences  of  mental  power  among  children 
in  the  secondary  school,  ranging  in  age  as  they  do  from  thirteen 
to  nineteen  years,  some  care  must  be  taken  to  adapt  our  aims  and 
methods  to  the  order  of  mental  growth  established  by  nature ;  otherwise 
we  shall  be  found  demanding  bricks  without  straw,  or  failing  to  utilize 
the  full  capacity  of  the  learner.  Obviously  with  the  younger  classes 
stress  should  be  laid  on  the  cultivation  of  the  memory  and  the  imagina 
tion,  and  with  the  older  increasingly  upon  the  logical  processes ;  but 
during  the  whole  period  an  appeal  can  be  made  by  a  discriminating 


xxvi  Introductions 

teacher  with  safety  and  with  hope  of  profit  to  all  the  activities  which 
have  been  mentioned. 

But  the  teacher  who  welcomes  the  enlarged  hopes  concerning  the 
study  of  history  and  values  aright  the  more  modern  methods,  finds  cer 
tain  difficulties  confronting  him  as  soon  as  he  essays  the  broader  instruc 
tion.  Not  to  enumerate  them  all,  let  us  mention  one  that  is  obvious. 
A  well  selected  working  library  should  be  provided,  wherein  quality  is 
of  even  more  importance  than  quantity,  desirable  as  is  the  latter ;  and 
even  a  well  chosen  library  is  'seen  to  be  a  bewildering  field  into  which 
to  turn  boys  and  girls,  to  say  nothing  of  some  bewildered  teachers. 
But  so  great  is  the  advantage  that  may  be  derived  from  collateral  read 
ing,  and  from  the  ability  to  use  books  wisely  as  to  contents  and  eco 
nomically  as  to  time,  that  no  difficulties  ought  to  be  regarded  as 
insurmountable  until  enough  books  of  a  suitable  kind  are  obtained  and 
efficient  guides  to  their  use  have  been  found. 

Such  a  book  and  such  a  guide,  combining  a  double  office  of  helpful 
ness,  teachers  of  the  history  of  our  own  land  will  henceforth  have  in  this 
Source  Book  of  American  History.  It  is  a  compilation,  to  be  sure,  but 
the  judgment  displayed  in  the  character,  the  length,  the  order,  and  the 
annotation  of  the  selections  reveals  an  unusual  understanding  of  the 
needs  of  teachers  and  pupils  in  the  secondary  schools.  The  extracts 
are  above  all  interesting  in  themselves,  and  for  their  liveliness  will  attract 
the  attention  of  many  who  care  more  for  literature  than  for  history  as 
such.  They  also  throw  a  flood  of  light  on  the  setting  of  historical 
episodes,  helping  us  to  see  with  the  eyes  of  our  forbears,  and  making 
the  times  of  which  they  speak  living  scenes,  almost  visible  before  our 
faces.  They  come  to  our  consciousness  with  the  force  of  fresh  testimony 
from  eye-witnesses,  and  therefore  imbed  themselves  within  the  memory 
and  move  the  emotions  as  no  narrative  at  second  hand  can  possibly  do. 
The  stories  they  have  to  tell  are  often  quaint  in  style,  but  they  are  easy 
to  comprehend,  and  never  so  long  in  any  case  as  to  be  tedious.  The 
hard  thing,  indeed,  will  be  not  to  read  them  all  at  a  sitting,  and  so  to 
diminish  the  freshness  of  their  force  when  we  desire  them,  on  closer 
study,  to  yield  their  full  aid  in  mental  discipline.  They  whet  our  appe 
tite  acd  at  the  same  time  point  to  laden  tables,  whither  we  may  turn  at 


Secondary   Schools  xxvii 

our  leisure,  or  our  need,  for  ampler  feasts.  The  antique  form  of  the 
more  ancient  documents  is  retained  for  the  sake  of  accuracy  and  of  dis 
tinctness  of  impression ;  yet  nothing  is  left  obscure  for  lack  of  due 
explanation.  Their  range  covers  the  whole  period  of  our  history ;  their 
variety  is  as  broad  as  the  capacity  of  youth  for  appreciation ;  the  mar 
ginal  comments  are  terse  and  sensible.  One  can  scarcely  conceive  of 
a  more  efficient  or  more  timely  gift  to  historical  instruction  in  the 
secondary  school. 

Let  us  turn  now  to  some  consideration  of  the  uses  of  which  this  little 
volume  is  capable  as  a  means  of  realizing  the  aims  of  modern  history 
work.  We  cannot,  however,  treat  the  matter  exhaustively  or  otherwise 
than  by  the  merest  suggestion,  which  every  teacher  must  amplify  accord 
ing  to  his  judgment. 

Since  school  instruction  is  mainly  through  class  work,  and  since  ordi 
narily  all  members  of  a  class  find  it  convenient  to  consult  their  most 
used  books  at  one  and  the  same  time,  there  should  be  supplied  as  many 
copies  of  the  Source  Book  as  there  are  members  of  the  class.  A  less 
number  will  be  helpful,  but  will  not  yield  the  full  service  desirable. 
Among  the  younger  pupils  its  first  use  is  to  minister  to  the  stimulation 
of  interest  and  the  development  of  historical  imagination.  As  maturity 
warrants,  it  may  be  employed  in  a  search  for  motives,  in  comparisons, 
and  in  the  determination  of  logical  relations.  In  classes  of  all  ages,  it 
may  be  made  the  means  of  illuminating  the  narrative  of  the  text-book, 
of  stimulating  curiosity  so  as  to  lead  students  farther  afield,  and  of  culti 
vating  intelligent  reading  and  competent  expression.  An  appropriate 
selection  from  this  volume  should  be  made  a  part  of  the  assignment  as 
reading  collateral  to  the  text  or  to  the  topic  under  consideration,  and 
the  definite  time  for  its  completion  should  be  stated.  When  that  time 
arrives,  in  connection  with  the  ordinary  recitation,  the  pupils  should  be 
led  to  reproduce  the  picture  given  in  the  selection  read,  to  mention 
what  new  facts  have  been  gleaned  from  it,  to  indicate  what  they  like  or 
especially  dislike  in  the  narrative,  and  otherwise  to  comment  upon  their 
reading.  At  times  they  should  be  asked  to  present  written  summaries 
of  the  incidents  mentioned  or  the  personal  characteristics  described. 
Later  on  this  written  work  may  take  the  form  of  comparisons  and  oi 


xxviii  Introductions 

inferences  drawn  from  them.  For  instance,  in  the  first  selection, 
Columbus  shows  us  the  simple,  credulous  spirit  of  the  West  Indian 
natives,  and  their  liberality  toward  the  newcomers,  whom  they  deemed 
"beings  of  a  celestial  race."  In  the  sixth  selection,  Champlain  recounts 
the  cruelties  practised  on  enemies  by  his  savage  allies,  the  Hurons.  In 
the  ninth,  Spelman  makes  a  third  contribution  to  our  knowledge  of  the 
customs  of  the  natives:  Later  we  have  other  pictures  of  them  by  the 
Sieur  de  Tonty,  by  an  unknown  Puritan,  by  Peter  Kalm,  by  Patrick 
Gass  and  by  Commissioner  Morgan.  These  varying  accounts,  as  they 
come  in  due  course,  will  lead  to  natural  comparisons  and  discussion,  all 
tending  to  make  definite  a  composite  portrait  of  the  Aborigines,  and  to 
increase  intellectual  power.  With  somewhat  older  students,  it  will  not 
be  hard  to  stimulate  a  deeper  search  into  the  content  of  these  pages. 
Many  will  be  interested  to  see  if  they  can  find  from  the  documents 
themselves,  without  accepting  any  hints  from  the  notes,  whether  the 
several  authors  of  the  nine  selections  numbered  from  53  to  61  were  in 
heart  "  for  us  "  or  "  against  us  "  in  the  Revolutionary  War ;  and  they 
will  be  glad  to  give  reasons  for  their  opinions.  The  admirable  topics 
which  appear  in  the  first  introduction  will  abundantly  furnish  suggestions 
for  severer  requirements. 

Yet  after  all  the  sight  of  this  Source  Book  may  elicit  from  some  hard- 
worked  teacher  the  frank  objection,  "  But  it  takes  more  time  ! "  No 
better  answer  was  ever  made  than  by  the  late  and  lamented  Mary 
Sheldon  Barnes :  "  Good  friend,  it  does ;  and  it  takes  more  time  to 
solve  a  problem  in  arithmetic  than  to  read  its  answer ;  and  more  time 
to  read  a  play  of  Shakespeare  than  to  read  that  Shakespeare  was  the 
greatest  dramatist  of  all  the  ages ;  and  more  time,  finally,  to  read  the 
American  Constitution  and  the  American  newspaper,  and  make  up  your 
mind  how  to  vote  your  own  vote,  than  it  does  to  be  put  into  a  *  block 
of  five.'  But  what  is  time  for  ?  " 


Normal   Schools  xxix 

IV.    The  Sources  in  Normal  Schools 

0 

BY  PROFESSOR  EMMA  M.  RIDLEY 

IOWA   STATE   NORMAL    SCHOOL 

T)ERHAPS  no  subject  has  undergone  a  greater  transformation  in  the 
JT  last  few  years  than  history.  This  is  without  doubt  due  to  an  appre 
ciation  of  the  personal  element  in  history,  —  to  a  realization  of  the  fact 
that  the  makers  of  past  history  were  human  beings,  men  and  women  like 
ourselves,  with  the  same  mixture  of  good  and  bad  impulses  and  motives, 
the  same  hopes  and  fears,  the  same  ambitions  and  desires.  We  at  last 
can  say  with  Emerson :  "  We  sympathize  in  the  great  movements  of 
history,  in  the  great  discoveries,  the  great  resistances,  the  great  prosperi 
ties  of  men,  because  their  law  was  enacted,  the  sea  was  searched,  the 
land  was  found,  or  the  blow  was  struck  for  us,  as  we  ourselves  in  that 
place  would  have  done  or  applauded." 

In  the  study  of  history,  as  in  other  subjects,  two  things  are  to  be 
considered, —  a  mastery  of  the  subject-matter  and  the  development  of 
the  pupil's  mind.  The  bare  facts  and  dates  may  perhaps  be  obtained 
and  even  the  memory  developed  under  the  old  text-book  system,  but  it 
is  impossible  to  get  into  the  spirit  of  the  period  studied,  or  to  develop 
the  reason,  judgment,  imagination,  by  any  such  process.  Some  more 
stimulating  influence  is  needed. 

Until  very  recently  the  stimulus  of  first-hand  acquaintance  with  even 
a  few  sources  was  not  possible  for  schools,  even  for  Normal  Schools, 
because  it  was  a  long  and  costly  task  to  get  together  a  sufficient  library 
of  sources  to  be  really  representative.  Such  books  as  this  solve  the 
problem  :  for  they  put  into  the  hand  of  the  individual  pupil  a  body  of 
material  brief  enough  to  be  used  in  the  time  usually  allotted,  and  yet 
full  enough  to  preserve  the  continuity  of  American  history  from  its 
beginning  to  the  present  time. 

The  reader  of  the  Source  Book  will  at  once  be  struck  by  the  live 
liness  of  American  history.  The  accounts  of  the  discoverers  and 
explorers  are  not  less  exciting  than  the  tales  of  the  Arabian  Nights. 
The  effects  of  lives  of  struggle  and  adventure  are  seen  in  the  reckless, 


xxx  Introductions 

adventurous  class  of  immigrants  who  came  to  Virginia.  The  principle 
of  state  sovereignty  becomes  more  intelligible  to  the  pupil  who  traces 
it  from  the  beginning  in  the  foundation  and  rivalries  of  the  separate 
colonies.  How  the  practical  side  of  Puritan  character  comes  out  in  the 
plaint  of  Colonel  Byrd  :  "  tho'  with  Respect  to  Rum,  the  Saints  of  New 
England  I  fear  will  find  out  some  trick  to  evade  your  Act  of  Parliament." 
Slavery  becomes  a  vital  thing  when  the  Virginia  Assembly  legislates  on 
it,  a  governor  of  South  Carolina  defends  it,  William  Lloyd  Garrison  is 
mobbed  for  it,  Charity  Bowery  gives  her  experience  of  it,  and  John 
Brown  goes  to  the  scaffold  defying  it.  And  the  real  causes  of  the  Civil 
War  are  shadowed  forth  in  the  speeches  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and 
Alexander  H.  Stephens. 

Another  advantage  of  the  source  method  is  the  widening  of  one's 
circle  of  friends.  The  pupil  finds  his  heroes  and  heroines  whose  good 
points  he  henceforth  consciously  or  unconsciously  imitates  and  into 
whose  place  as  makers  of  history  he  tries  to  put  himself. 

Let  no  one  suppose,  however,  that  the  method  for  which  this  book  is 
planned  is  automatic.  Good  tools  alone  cannot  insure  a  perfect  piece 
of  workmanship  :  the  teacher  must  be  a  zealous  and  hard-working  general 
manager,  and  the  pupils  must  be  earnest  and  faithful  workmen.  First 
the  teacher  must  see  that  the  extracts  are  in  the  hands  of  each  pupil, 
with  the  understanding  that  they  are  to  be  studied,  not  merely  read. 
Text-books  or  good  secondary  histories,  up-to-date  narratives,  should 
always  be  used  in  connection  with  the  Source  Book ;  for  each  supple 
ments  the  other. 

To  insure  a  thorough  study  of  the  extract  the  teacher  should  suggest 
some  questions  or  ask  for  the  development  of  some  line  of  thought  as 
the  lesson  is  assigned.  For  example,  if  the  study  is  Columbus  (pp.  1-3), 
the  pupil  may  be  asked  to  form  his  opinion  of  the  motives  and  character 
of  Columbus  from  his  own  letter ;  his  notions  of  the  Indians,  and  his 
treatment  of  them;  let  him  discover  whether  the  descriptions  are  true  to 
facts,  later  established  ;  and  determine  in  his  own  mind  how  far  Colum 
bus  deserves  praise  or  censure  from  our  modern  standards.  Broad  gen 
eralization  cannot  be  expected  from  brief  extracts ;  what  is  to  be  sought 
is  that  the  pupil  may  think  about  what  he  reads. 


Normal   Schools  xxxi 

The  lessons  should  be  short  at  first  and  very  specific,  because  the 
method  is  new  and  the  old  English  and  spelling  are  hard  to  understand. 
The  method  must  vary  with  the  age  and  previous  preparation  of  the 
pupil.  Each  extract  should  be  regarded  as  a  problem  to  be  solved  by 
honest  study  and  thought  on  the  part  of  the  pupil.  The  result  will  be 
his  opinion  of  the  causes  and  results  of  the  circumstances  under  consid 
eration.  The  opinion  must  always  be  proved  from  the  extract. 

This  method  takes  more  time  for  both  pupil  and  teacher,  but  the  gain 
in  interest,  in  mental  discipline,  in  citizenship,  in  manhood  and  woman 
hood  is  correspondingly  great.  The  pupil  may  not  know  as  many  facts 
at  the  close  of  a  term's  study,  but  he  will  have  gained  such  an  insight 
into  human  nature,  such  an  appreciation  of  the  relation  of  results  to 
causes  that  life  and  his  relations  to  it  will  have  a  better  and  deeper 
meaning  to  him.  History  will  then  do  its  proper  work  of  raising  the 
standard  of  patriotism  and  civic  virtue. 

This  book  will  be  especially  appreciated  by  Normal  Schools,  for 
to  them  the  source  method  appeals,  not  only  because  of  the  advantage 
to  the  student  himself,  but  also  because  the  Normal  trained  teacher 
should  go  out  into  the  field  well  equipped  with  the  newest  and  best 
methods.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  it  is  the  province  of  the 
Normal  School  to  devote  much  of  its  time  to  the  so-called  common 
branches,  there  is  always  a  tendency  among  the  students  to  feel  that 
since  they  have  had  these  subjects  in  the  grades,  it  is  a  waste  of  time 
"  to  take  them  again  " ;  and  hence  they  apply  for  test  examinations. 
That  this  is  often  the  case  in  United  States  history,  cannot  be  wondered 
at,  since  these  students  usually  feel  that  all  of  American  history  is  com 
prised  within  the  covers  of  a  brief  and  inaccurate  text-book. 

Normal  teachers  will  find  that  source  study  will  greatly  alleviate  this 
difficulty,  for  source  material  never  gets  old  and  worn  out.  The  teacher 
who  has  used  this  method  learns  that  history  does  not  consist  in  com 
mitting  to  memory  statements  found  in  some  narrative  text,  but  that  it 
means  mental  development  through  contact  with  realities,  and  power 
to  reach  conclusions  for  oneself.  Once  accustomed  to  the  method, 
one  need  not  stop  studying  American  history  because  a  few  facts  have 
been  acquired,  any  more  than  one  drops  mathematics  when  he  has 


xxxii  Introductions 

learned  the  multiplication  table.  Other  Normals  will  find,  as  the  Iowa 
State  Normal  has  found,  that  under  this  method  requests  for  anticipatory 
tests  will  decrease  at  least  three  fourths,  because  students  become  con 
vinced  that  history  by  this  method  is  not  merely  a  review,  but  a  serious 
subject  demanding  serious  study ;  that  it  will  develop  all  his  mental 
powers  and  enable  him  to  see  American  history  in  a  new  light. 

It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  Normal  students  are  to  be  teaehers. 
Can  any  one  be  too  well  equipped,  too  well  balanced  for  such  work? 
The  great  need  to-day  is  for  men  and  women  who  can  think;  for 
citizens  capable  of  forming  sound  judgments  in  social  and  governmental 
matters.  The  opportunity  for  meeting  this  demand  rests  very  largely 
with  those  teachers  who  have  power  in  themselves  to  develop  thought 
and  call  out  originality  in  the  pupils.  The  Normal  trained  teacher,  who 
has  himself  had  the  advantage  of  the  source  method  in  history  as  well  as 
the  source  or  laboratory  method  in  physics,  chemistry,  or  botany  will 
most  nearly  meet  the  requirements.  This  volume,  placed  in  the  hands 
of  a  Normal  student  and  studied  as  it  should  be,  will  not  only  put  him 
more  in  sympathy  with  his  own  country  than  ever  before,  will  not  only 
develop  his  own  reason  and  judgment,  but  will  enable  him  to  make 
history  a  power,  in  the  schoolroom. 

The  effect  of  the  use  of  such  a  book  as  this  in  the  future  teacher's  own 
grasp  of  the  subject  must  not  be  forgotten :  the  careful  reading  of 
selected  sources  fills  the  mind  with  illustrations,  and  adds  the  lively 
details  which  make  recitations  interesting  to  the  pupils  and  easy  for  the 
teacher.  Of  course  for  preparation  for  classroom  work  the  teacher  will 
go  farther  into  source  material,  through  such  collections  as  are  de 
scribed  in  Introduction  IV,  below,  and  in  the  side-notes  throughout  this 
book ;  and  he  will  find  useful  the  helps  for  teachers  which  appear  in 
these  introductions. 

The  teacher  who  introduces  the  source  method  into  a  Normal  School 
will  constantly  have  the  pleasure  of  hearing  students  testify  that  for  the  first 
time  history  has  been  interesting  and  profitable  to  them,  because  it  has 
made  them  thoughtful,  critical,  inquiring,  and  even  original.  History 
can  do  nothing  for  us,  be  nothing  to  us,  unless  it  be  vitalized.  This 
book  rightly  used  cannot  fail  to  accomplish  this,  its  purpose. 


Subjects   for   Topics  xxxiii 

V.    Subjects  for  Topical  Study  from  Sources 

THIS  book  is  too  brief  to  furnish  much  material  for  topical  study, 
and  hence  references  are  made  throughout  to  other  collections. 
The  advantages  of  written  work  are  well  known,  in  giving  point  an  I 
definiteness  to  the  pupil's  knowledge,  and  in  affording  training  in  the  use 
of  books,  in  the  analysis  of  material,  and  in  stating  things. to  other 
people ;  and  discussions  of  various  kinds  of  written  work  will  be  found 
in  the  various  treatises  on  the  teachings  of  history.  One  of  the  principal 
difficulties  in  such  work  is  to  find  topics  which  are  simple  and  definite 
enough  for  young  pupils,  upon  which  information  may  readily  be  ob 
tained,  and  which  are  not  complicated  by  contested  questions.  In  many 
of  the  recent  text-books  lists  of  such  subjects  will  be  found,  as  well  as  in 
Channing  and  Hart's  Guide  (through  the  topical  heads  in  Parts  II,  III). 
There  are  also  several  outlines  and  outline  histories  of  the  United  States 
which  are  made  up  almost  wholly  of  topics ;  a  list  of  such  will  be  found 
in  the  Guide,  §  16  b.  In  the  editor's  Revised  Suggestions  in  United  States 
History  and  Government  (Cambridge,  1895)  are  about  two  thousand 
i»ubjects  of  a  more  advanced  character,  intended  primarily  for  college 
students. 

The  following  list  is  intended  to  include  only  subjects  upon  which 
interesting  material  can  be  found  in  comparatively  small  libraries  of 
sources.  A  very  large  list  might  also  be  made  of  more  special  and  minute 
questions,  and  of  historical  incidents.  It  is  impossible  to  make  them  all 
equally  difficult  or  equally  interesting,  but  the  asterisks  mark  especially 
likely  topics ;  each  of  the  subheads  under  the  numbered  headings  is 
supposed  to  be  a  sufficient  subject  for  a  piece  of  written  work,  so  that 
about  a  thousand  topics  are  here  suggested. 

i.    Discoveries 

T.  Physical  conditions  of  America  at  the  time  of  discovery:  *wild 
animals;  *  forests  ;  trees  ;  birds;  *  tobacco;  fruits;  *  Indian  corn;  fish; 
Indian  sugar ;  metals. 

2.  Indians  :  houses  ;  clothing  ;  families  ;  chiefs  ;  *  councils ;  weapons ; 
journeys  ;  worship  ;  friendship  for  whites  ;  *war-path. 


xxxiv  Introductions 

3.  What  did  one  of  the  following  Spanish  discoverers  find  that  was 
not  known  to  Europeans  ?  Columbus,  first  voyage  ;  second  voyage  ;  third 
voyage  ;  *fourth  voyage  ;  *Balboa  ;  Pineda  ;  Vespucci ;  *Ponce  de  Leon  ; 
De  Ayllon  ;  Cabeza  de  Vaca  ;  *Coronado. 

4.  What  did  each  of  the  following  French  explorers  discover?   *Ver- 
razano;    *Cartier,    first  and  second   voyages;    Cartier,   third   voyage; 

*  Father  Jogues  ;  *Champlain ;  Nicolet ;  *Marquette  ;  Hennepin  ;  *La 
Salle;  Bienville ;  *Ibervilte. 

5.  What  was  actually  discovered  by  the  following  English  explorers? 
John  Cabot ;  Sebastian  Cabot ;  *Sir  Francis  Drake  ;  *Sir  Walter  Raleigh  ; 
John  Rut ;   Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert ;   *Amadas  and  Barlow ;   Gosnold , 
Pring;  Weymouth  ;  *Captain  John  Smith. 

6.  What  was  discovered  by  one  of  the  following  Dutch  explorers? 

*  Henry  Hudson ;  De  Vries. 

ii.    Conditions  of  Settlement 

7.  Previous  life  in  England  of  some  early  settlers  :    Bradford ;  *Win- 
throp  ;  Vane  ;  John  Smith  ;  Say  and  Sele. 

8.  Settlers  :  public  buildings  ;  *houses  ;  block-houses  ;  *inland  jour 
neys  ;  canoe  voyages  ;  *trading  with  Indians  ;  weapons ;  food ;  crops ; 
cattle. 

in.    First  Era  of  Colonization 

9.  The  great  companies:  *Plymouth  Company;  London  Company; 
Grand  Council  for  New  England ;  *Massachusetts  Bay  Company. 

10.  Virginia:  *boundaries;  *town  of  Jamestown ;  town  of  Williams- 
burg  ;  John  Smith  as  governor ;  Edward  Wingfield  as  governor ;  Dale  as 
governor  ;  *first  Assembly  ;  Sir  William  Berkeley ;  incidents  of  Bacon's 
Rebellion ;  *first  slaves. 

11.  Maryland:  *boundaries ;  territorial  map ;  first  settlement ;  quar 
rels  with  Pennsylvania ;  troubles  with  Clayborne  ;  a  Catholic  family  in 
Maryland  ;  a  Puritan  family  in  Maryland  ;  *tobacco  culture. 

12.  The  Carolinas  :    *  boundaries ;   territorial  maps;  Puritans;  a  re 
bellion;  boundary  quarrels  with  Virginia;  Indians. 


Subjects   for   Topics  xxxv 

13.  Plymouth  :    biography   of  some   worthy,   as   *Bradford,   Carver, 
Winslow,  *Brewster,  Robinson,  Standish ;  life  of  a  Pilgrim  in  Holland ; 
^account  of  an  escape  from  England ;  *Hampton  Court  Conference  ; 
*Archbishop    Laud's    opinion    of    Puritans ;    James    I's    opinion    of 
Puritans  ;  *what  do  we  know  about  the  "Mayflower"  voyage?  Plymouth 
fish  trade ;    dealings   with    Indians ;    *early  town-meetings ;    Plymouth 
patent;  union  with  Massachusetts. 

14.  Massachusetts :    *Merry  Mount ;    *why  did  Boston  become  the 
chief  town  ?  relations  with  Indians  ;  biography  of  some  worthy,  as  *Win- 
throp,  Endicott,  Saltonstall,  *Higginson,  *Vane,  Coddington,  *Dudley ; 
opinions    expressed    by  Charles    II ;    investigation   by  commissioners ; 
*Governor  Andros  ;  *revolution  of  1689. 

15.  Rhode  Island  :  *what  did  Anne  Hutchinson  teach?  *Roger  Wil 
liams  ;    first   settlement    at    Providence ;    Gorton ;    first   settlement   at 
Newport ;  charter  obtained  ;  religious  liberty. 

1 6.  Connecticut :  Boundaries  ;  Dutch  on  the  Connecticut ;  *emigra- 
tion  from  Cambridge ;  relations  with  Indians ;  Pequod  War ;  founding 
of  New  Haven;  annexation  of  New  Haven;  "Fundamental  Orders"; 
Governor  Andros  ;  ^Charter  Oak. 

1 7.  New    Hampshire     and    Maine :     boundaries ;     Mason     claim ; 
*Gorges  claim  ;  first  settlements  ;  city  of  Agamenticus  ;  fishermen. 

1 8.  New  England  Confederation:  *why  formed?  *accountof  a  meet 
ing  ;  quarrels  with  Massachusetts ;  quarrels  with  the  Dutch ;  charitable 
work  ;  *why  did  it  break  up  ? 

iv.    Second  Era  of  Colonization 

19.  Dutch  settlements  :  boundaries  on  the  Delaware  ;  *New  Amster 
dam  ;  Fort  Orange;  Governor  Stuyvesant;  *Governor  Kieft;  relations 
with  Indians  ;  account  of  a  patroonate  ;  Five  Nations. 

20.  New  York:  why  did  the  English  wish  New  Amsterdam?  *why 
could   not   the   Dutch   defend   New  Amsterdam?   *" Duke's   Laws"; 
*Jacob  Leisler  ;  prosecution  of  Zenger ;  Governor  Andros. 

21.  New  Jersey  :   *  boundaries ;  foundation  of  East  Jersey;  founda 
tion  of  West  Jersey ;  New  Englanders  ;  Quakers  ;  union  of  the  Jerseys. 


xxxvi  Introductions 

22.  Pennsylvania:  boundaries;  early  Swedish  settlements;  how  did 
Penn    get    his    charter?    *Penn's    first    coming;    early   Philadelphia; 
^Germans ;    Finns ;    Moravians ;    *Penn's  constitution ;    relations  with 
Indians. 

23.  Georgia :     boundaries ;    *Oglethorpe    in    Georgia ;     Germans ; 
Jews ;  *why  were  slaves  allowed  ?  *quarrels  with  the  Spaniards ;  *ques- 
tion  of  rum. 

v.    Seventeenth  Century  Life 

.  (Very  often  it  will  be  found  quite  sufficient  to  work  up  one  of  the 
following  topics  on  some  single  colony,  using  all  available  journals, 
diaries,  travels,  and  descriptions,  as  well  as  wills,  statutes,  etc.) 

24.  Social  life  :  *houses  ;  furniture ;  *clothing ;  *amusements ;  food ; 
*beverages ;  table  ware. 

25.  Travel:  on  horseback;  by  sea;  dangers  of  the  roads;  ferries; 
inns. 

26.  Employments  :    *ship-building ;  *iron-making ;  fishing ;    foreign 
trade;  *furs;  mining;  *timber. 

27.  Religion:    church  buildings ;    *account   of   Sunday;    sermons; 
baptism  ;   "  Half-way  Covenant  "  ;   Thursday   lectures ;    might   a   man 
worship  God  according  to  his  own  conscience?     *ministers;  *church 
music ;  fast  days  ;  thanksgivings. 

28.  Education :  schools ;    *foundation  of  Harvard ;    *foundation  of 
Yale ;  *foundation  of  William  and  Mary ;  *learned  women. 

29.  Literature  :  *poetry  ;  humorous  works  ;  *histories. 

30.  Quakers :   what  did  they  believe  ?  were  they  dangerous  to  the 
colonies  ?  defence  of  themselves ;  *a  trial. 

31.  Witchcraft:    *" spectral    evidence";    a    trial;    punishment   of 
witches  ;  *courts  in  Massachusetts  ;  witches  in  other  colonies  ;  *Increase 
Mather  on  witches  ;  Calef  on  witches. 

32.  Town  life  :  *Boston ;  *New  Haven ;   *New  Amsterdam ;  *New 
York ;  *Philadelphia ;  *Charleston  ;  Savannah. 

33.  Slavery :  *might  slaves  be  baptized  ?  Indian  slaves ;  plantations ; 
house  servants  ;  *early  anti-slavery  ;  insurrections  ;  fugitives. 


Subjects  for  Topics          xxxvii 

vi.    France  and  England 

34.  Canada :   how  governed ;   "  coureurs  de  bois "  ;  fur-trading ;   a 
French  attack  on  the  English  frontier ;  a  Canadian  town. 

35.  Louisiana:    La  Salle's  colony ;    *Bienville's  colony ;    *" Missis 
sippi  bubble"  ;  foundation  of  New  Orleans  ;  slaves  ;  *Crozat's  grant. 

36.  Six   Nations :    relations   with   French ;   relations  with   English ; 
methods  of  fighting  ;  *Long  House  ;  *an  attack  on  the  frontier. 

3  7.  Wars  with  France  :  *capture  of  Deerfield ;  capture  of  Andover ; 
*capture  of  Schenectady ;  *colpnial  privateering;  *first  capture  of 
Louisburg ;  *removal  of  the  Acadians. 

38.  French  and   Indian  War:    French  in  Ohio;   *the  Half- King; 
*Colonel  Washington  at  Fort  Necessity ;    *Braddock's  defeat ;    Aber- 
crombie's  defeat ;  second  capture  of  Louisburg ;  *capture  of  Quebec ; 
capture  of  Montreal. 

vii.    Eighteenth  Century  Life 

(Most  of  the  subjects  in  section  V  above  are  also  applicable  to 
the  eighteenth  century,  and  the  following  additional  topics  may  be 
suggested.) 

39.  Social  life :    early   theatres ;    horse   races ;    military  uniforms ; 
*family  life  ;  conflagrations  ;  country  seats ;  *purchases  from  England ; 
*use  of  tea ;  use  of  chocolate ;  entertainment  of  guests ;  inoculation ; 
the  ague  ;  lotteries  ;  *weddings  ;  tippling ;  instances  of  large  families. 

40.  Servitude  :  indentured  servants  ;  sales  of  slaves ;  *advertisements 
of  runaways ;  slave  galleries  in  church  ;  *African  slave-trade. 

41.  Anti-slavery:  *Quaker  abolitionists;  restrictions  on  slave-trade; 
setting  slaves  free;  *Somerset  decision;  anti-slavery  Puritans ;  Samuel 
Sewall ;  Samuel   Hopkins ;   Anthony  Benezet ;   John  Woolman ;  earli 
est  abolition  societies. 

42.  Religion :    *  clergy  in  the  Southern  colonies ;   Dutch  ministers ; 
*Puritan   ministers;    Episcopalian    churches;    Baptists:    *Methodists; 
Presbyterians;    Bunkers;    Shakers;    United    Brethren;     *Whitefield; 
*"  Great  Awakening";  *John  Wesley. 


xxxviii  Introductions 

43.  Intellectual  life  :  *earliest  newspapers  ;  *public  libraries  ;  private 
libraries ;  doctors ;  lawyers  ;  New  England  Earthquake  ;  lightning-rods ; 
*printers;  almanacs;  *  Poor  Richard ;  *Phillis  Wheatley. 

44.  Education :    foundation  of  Dartmouth ;  Brown ;  King's  College 
(Columbia);    Princeton;    Rutgers;    University   of  Pennsylvania;    law 
students;    *school-teachers ;     examinations;    primary   schools;   *good 
letter-writers. 

45.  Histories:    Smith's  New  Jersey;    *Stith's    Virginia;   Williams's 
Deerfield;  Prince's  New  England ;  *Hutchinson's  Massachusetts  ;  Amos 
Adams's   Concise   View;  *Proud's  Pennsylvania;  Edwards's  Baptists; 
Backus's  New  England. 

46.  Industries :    beaver    pelts ;    raising    fruit ;    hat-making ;    *iron- 
making  ;  potash ;  rice  ;  sugar ;  wine  ;  *indigo ;  exports  of  grain ;  min 
ing  ;  tobacco ;  home  spinning ;  home  weaving ;  cheese. 

47.  Trade  :  with  the  West  Indies  ;  with  the  enemy  ;  *  English  pirates  ; 
Spanish    pirates ;    masts ;    timber ;    *Captain    Kidd ;    *  Black    Beard ; 
*smuggling;  rum. 

48.  Travel :  carriages ;  boats ;  sailing  crafts  ;  roads ;  canoes  ;  *Niagara 
Falls. 

49.  Paper   money:    issues;    *arguments    for;    Objections;    British 
prohibition ;  local  coinage. 

vin.    Colonial  Government 

(This  is  one  of  the  most  difficult  subjects  in  colonial  history;  hence 
topics  are  not  recommended  which  require  the  use  of  a  large  body  of 
material  and  elaborate  generalization,  but  rather  such  as  involve  the 
study  of  narratives,  especially  the  records  of  colonies  and  municipali 
ties.  Detailed  subjects  might  be  suggested  by  going  carefully  over 
Contemporaries,  II,  Part  iii.) 

50.  Activity:   *lords  of  trade  ;  restriction  of  the  suffrage ;  *disorderly 
elections ;  *a  day  in  an  assembly ;  *a  day  in  town-meeting ;  a  day  in  a 
colonial  council ;   city  councils ;    a  vestry-meeting ;  ^imprisonment  for 
debt ;  the  pillory ;  branding ;  *a  veto  ;  a  governor's  salary ;  a  governor's 
ball ;  "  mandamus  councillors," 


Subjects   for   Topics  xxxix 


ix.    The  Revolution 

(On  the  history  of  the  Revolution,  the  extracts  in  this  volume  look 
rather  to  its  causes  and  to  the  spirit  of  the  people  than  to  the  actual 
military  operations ;  and  the  material  is  so  abundant  that  stimulating 
topics  may  be  found  which  do  not  deal  with  military  movements  01 
details.  A  very  few  out  of  a  possible  multitude  are  here  stated.) 

51.  The  Stamp  Act  controversy:    protests;    *a   mob;    *  Franklin's 
opinions ;    *why   was   the   Stamp    Act   repealed  ?    colonial    loyalty    to 
King  George  ;  what  became  of  the  stamps  ? 

52.  Spirit  of  the  people:   ^revolutionary  town-meetings;  *Sons  of 
Liberty ;   ^Committees  of  Correspondence ;    *a  revolutionary  conven 
tion  ;    *the   flight  of  a  governor ;    destruction  of  /he   "  Gaspee "  ;    *a 
revolutionary  mob ;  British  soldiers  in  garrison ;  North  Carolina  Regu 
lators ;  *a  Tory's  defence;  imprisonment  of  Tories;  *exile  of  Tories; 
Tory  ministers  of  the  gospel ;   patriot  ministers ;   Tory  songs ;  patriot 
songs ;  *  life  of  a  refugee. 

53.  The  Western  country  :  *an  emigrant  journey  ;  *a  settler's  home  ; 
*a  brush  with  the  Indians ;    frontier  churches ;    a  log  house ;    floating 
down  the  Ohio ;  a  powwow  with  the  Indians  ;  clearing  land. 

54.  Soldiers  :  ^recruiting  ;  pay  ;  uniforms;  *camp  life  ;  on  the  march  ; 
in  battle;  *negro  troops;  *  French  officers;  *Hessian  officers;  Hessian 
soldiers;   naval   officers;    *life  of  a  privateer;    loyalist  troops;   spies; 
hospitals  ;  *work  of  women ;  Indian  allies. 

55.  Experiences    of    individuals:    *  Washington ;    Gates;    Greene; 
Putnam  ;    *Riedesel ;   *Burgoyne  ;    Clinton  ;    ^Charles    Lee  ;    Lincoln ; 
"  Whitehorse   Harry   Lee  "  ;    Knox  ;    Ward  ;    Hamilton  ;    *Cornwallis ; 
Tarleton;  *Lafayette ;  Steuben;   Conway ;   Andre"  ;  *  Arnold;  ^Nathan 
Hale;  Burnaby;  Tilghman ;  Thacher. 

56.  Revolutionary  government :  *a  day  in  the  first  Continental  Con 
gress  ;  *a  day  in  the  second  Continental  Congress ;  *a  day  in  a  State 
convention ;  debate  on  the  Declaration  of  Independence ;  ^arguments 
for  confederation ;  debate  on  the  French  treaty. 

5  7.  Battles  :  *  Lexington  and  Concord  ;  *  Bunker  Hill ;  siege  of  Boston ; 
Long  Island  ;  New  York  ;  Trenton ;  *  Princeton ;  Bennington  ;  Brandy- 


xl  Introductions 

wine;  *Saratoga;  Valley  Forge;  Newport;  Charleston;  Camden;  Cow- 
pens ;  siege  of  Yorktown  ;  *surrender  at  Yorktown. 

58.  Finances:   *Continental  paper  money;   paper  money  of  some 
State  ;  Bank  of  North  America ;  *  maximum  prices  ;  war  taxes. 

59.  Peace  :  Deane  in  France  ;  *  Franklin  in  France  ;  treaty  of  1778  ; 
French  loans ;  John  Adams  in  Paris ;  *John  Jay  in  Paris ;  *breaking 
instructions  ;  *George  III  yields  ;  independence  acknowledged ;  boun 
daries  ;  fisheries ;  British  debts ;  loyalists. 


x.    Confederation  and  Constitution 

60.  Articles  of  Confederation  :  *  Franklin's  draft ;  *Dickinson's  draft ; 
draft  of  Congress  ;  New  Jersey's  opposition  ;  *  Maryland's  opposition  ; 
slavery  question  ;  *defects  ;  criticisms  by  Pelatiah  Webster,  Noah  Web 
ster,  Hamilton,  Washington. 

61.  Land  claims  and  cessions:    *Connecticut ;  Massachusetts;  New 
York ;    Pennsylvania ;    *Virginia ;    South    Carolina ;    North    Carolina ; 
*Georgia;     Grayson's    ordinance;    Western    Reserve;    Fire    Lands; 
Symmes  purchase ;    Wyoming  controversy. 

62.  New  State   constitutions :   any  one  of  the  thirteen  States ;  suf 
frage ;   single   house  legislatures;    councils  as  chief  executive;    *John 
Adams's  opinions. 

63.  Slavery:   the  Association;    *  Jefferson's   ordinance;    *  Northwest 
Ordinance;  emancipation  by  *  Vermont,  *Massachusetts,  *Pennsylvania, 
New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey. 

64.  Federal  Convention  :  *describe  the  attitude  of  some  member  of 
the  convention  by  following  out  his  motions  and  arguments  through  the 
debates ;    follow   through   its  various   stages   the    question   of  Senate, 
Supreme  Court,  election  of  President,  Vice-President,  taxing   power, 
commerce  power. 

65.  Compromises  of  the  Constitution:  *two  houses;  *federal  ratio; 
*slave-trade. 

66.  Ratification  :  follow  out  some  one  line  of  argument  for  or  against 
the  Constitution  through  all  the  conventions ;  *find  out  what  were  the  rea- 


Subjects   for   Topics  xli 

sons  which  determined  some  one  of  the  State  conventions  for  or  against 
ratification ;  how  many  amendments  were  suggested  by  conventions  ? 

xi.    Making  the  Government 

67.  Public  services  of  Hamilton,  *  Jefferson,  Madison,  *Maclay,  Bou- 
dinot,  Robert  Morris,  Gallatin,  Gouverneur  Morris,  John  Jay,  Edmund 
Randolph,  Harper,  Henry  Knox,  Arthur  St.  Clair. 

68.  Debates,  1789-93  :  on  instructions  ;  *State  department ;  Treasury 
department;  President's  title ;  *first  tariff ;  excise;  judiciary;  *submit- 
ting  papers  (1796)  ;    *removal  of  officers;   *national  capital;  funding 
the  debt ;  assumption  ;  *United  States  Bank ;  slavery  petitions. 

69.  Admission   of   new  States :    Vermont ;    Kentucky ;   Tennessee ; 
*Ohio. 

70.  Foreign  relations  :    *Genet's  mission ;   neutrality  proclamation ; 
*Jay  treaty;  Spanish  treaty;  "Despatch  No.  10";  *"X.  Y.  Z.";  French 
treaty  of  1800  ;  *"  Addresses  "  to  Adams. 

71.  Internal  dissensions  :  *  Whiskey  Rebellion  ;  election  of  Adams  ; 
*debates  on  Alien  Act  *or  Sedition  Act ;  *first  Kentucky  Resolutions ; 
Virginia  Resolutions ;    *second  Kentucky  Resolution ;    Madison's  Re 
port;  Fries  insurrection ;  election  of  1800. 

xii.    Jefferson's  Policy 

72.  Political :  election  of  1801  ;  "  midnight  appointments"  ;  removal 
of  Bishop ;  *Jefferson's  simplicity ;  his  opinions  on  Marbury  vs.  Madi 
son  ;   on  Chase  impeachment ;   *on   Burr  trial ;    on  the   army ;  *some 
incident  in  the  Barbary  wars ;  Quid  party. 

73.  Annexations :    Treaty  of  St.  Ildefonso ;    withdrawal  of  right  of 
deposit;  *why  did  Napoleon  cede  Louisiana?     Constitutional  objec 
tions  to  the  annexation ;  *political  objections ;  West  Florida  question ; 
Texas  boundary ;    Lewis  and  Clark's  expedition ;    account  of  Astoria ; 
complaints  of  Louisiana  territorial  government. 

74.  Neutral  trade  :  •  instances  of  capture  of  American  merchantmen ; 
number  of  captures  ;  *in^.onces  of  impressment ;  Berlin  Decree  ;  Milan 


xlii  Introductions 

Decree;  Bayonne  Decree;  Decree  of  the  Trianon;  British  Orders 
in  Council;  *"  Leopard-Chesapeake  "  affair;  *debate  on  embargo;  on 
enforcement;  on  repeal ;  Erskine's  mission  ;  *Jackson's  mission ;  Rose's 
mission ;  Foster's  mission ;  Pinckney's  mission. 

xin.    War  of  1812 

75.  Opinions  of  statesmen  on  the  war :   Madison;  Monroe;  *Clay; 
*Calhoun  ;  *Webster ;  Jackson  ;  Lowndes  ;  Cheves  ;  J.  Q.  Adams. 

76.  Military  operations  :    Detroit ;   Niagara ;  *battle  of  Lake   Erie ; 
*Plattsburg ;   *Lundy's  Lane ;  capture  of  Washington ;  *New  Orleans. 

77.  Naval  operations  :  capture  of  *"  Guerriere  "  ;  *"  Macedonian  "  ; 
"Java"  ;  "  Peacock  "  ;  "Argus"  ;  *"  Boxer"  ;  "Chesapeake"  ;  *" Essex." 

78.  Opposition :     feeling    in    *Massachusetts ;    in   Connecticut ;    in 
Rhode  Island;  in  Vermont;  *Hartford  Convention. 

79.  Peace  :  services  of  Gallatin,  Clay,  Bayard,  *John  Quincy  Adams  ; 
Mississippi  question ;  slaves  ;  impressment ;  *nsheries ;  boundaries. 

xiv.    Reorganization 

80.  *Cities  and  towns  in  1820:  Boston;  Salem;  Providence;  Hart 
ford;  New  Haven;  New  York;  Albany;   Newark;  Philadelphia;  Bal 
timore  ;  Richmond ;  Charleston ;  New  Orleans  ;  Pittsburg ;  Cincinnati ; 
Detroit. 

81.  Western  life:  *clearing  land ;  *schools ;  churches;  camp-meet 
ings;   lawyers;    land  buyers;    *Abraham  Lincoln's  family;   flat-boats; 
*steamboats. 

82.  Commercial:    *debate  on  United  States  Bank;  on  Bonus  Bill; 
*on  tariff  of  1816  ;  *a  trip  over  the  Cumberland  Road  ;  Erie  Canal. 

83.  Missouri  Compromise  :  Arkansas  Debate  ;  first  Missouri  Debate  ; 
*Northern  opposition  ;   *Southern  advocacy ;  attitude  on  compromise  of 
Clay,  Calhoun,  *J.  Q.  Adams,  Thomas,  Taylor,  Monroe,  Webster,  Benton. 

84.  Monroe  Doctrine  :  *Holy  Alliance ;  description  of  a  Latin-Amer 
ican  republic ;    Bolivar ;   Russia  on  the  northwest  coast ;    Congress  of 
Verona ;  attitude  of  Jefferson,  Madison,  *J.  Q.  Adams,  *Calhoun,  Rush, 


Subjects   for   Topics  xliii 

Canning ;  discussion  in  the  cabinet ;  arguments  for  the  Panama  Con 
gress  ;  *arguments  against  it. 


xv.    Abolitionists 

85.  *Slave  life  :  names;  dress;  quarters;  field  work;  house  service  ; 
jollifications;    funerals;    overseers;    kind   treatment;    cruel  treatment ; 
instances    of    insurrection ;    runaways ;    auction    sales ;    setting    free ; 
marriages. 

86.  Defence  of  slavery  :  *scriptural ;  good  of  negro ;  good  of  whites ; 
Christianizing ;  "  positive  good." 

87.  Arguments  against  slavery:   bad  effect   on  whites;    ignorance; 
wastefulness ;  cruelty  ;  *prosecutions  for  teaching  slaves  to  read. 

88.  Interstate  slavery:   free  negroes  in  the  North;    free  negroes  in 
the  South  ;  transit ;  *runaways  ;  extradition  of  slave-traders  ;  *"  Under 
ground  Railroad." 

89.  International     slavery :      cases     of     "  Comet,"     "  Enterprise," 
*"  Creole,"  "  L'Amistad  "  ;    quintuple  treaty. 

90.  Abolitionists :    *Benjamin    Lundy ;    *William    Lloyd    Garrison ; 
John  Rankin ;  *Salmon  P.  Chase ;   *Wendell  Phillips ;    *Charles  Sum- 
ner ;    William  Ellery  Channing ;    Gerrit  Smith ;   Arthur  Tappan ;  Levi 
Coffin  ;  Theodore  Parker ;  Samuel  J.  May ;  *Whittier ;    Lowell ;  Abby 
Kelly. 

91.  Slave  episodes  :  an  account  of  any  one  of  the  famous  escapes  or 
fugitive-slave  trials  before  1850,  especially  those  of  *Crafts,  Box-Brown, 
Douglas,  *Van  Zandt,  Kennedy,  Latimer,  Prigg,  Ottoman. 

xvi.    Territorial  Development 

92.  Jackson:    military   experience;    previous   political   experience; 
*opinions  on  the  bank;  on  the  tariff;  on  internal  improvements;  *on 
deposits;  onVanBuren;  on  slavery;  onCalhoun;  on  Clay;  "Kitchen 
Cabinet  "  ;  specie  circular. 

93.  Oregon  :    overland  journeys  ;  early  settlers  ;  *Marcus  Whitman ; 
*"  fifty- four  forty  or  fight  "  ;  fur-traders  ;  treaty  of  1846. 


xliv  Introductions 

94.  Texas  :  Lone  Star  government ;  red-back  notes ;  Clay's  letters ; 
annexation  treaty ;  *debate  on  joint  resolution ;  Sam  Houston ;  Moses 
Austin. 

95.  Mexican  War:    claims  against  Mexico;  capture  of  Santa  F£ ; 
*war  in  California ;  Lieutenant  U.  S.  Grant ;  *General  Taylor  in  Mex 
ico  ;  *General  Scott  in  Mexico. 

96.  California:    Fremont's  expedition;   accounts  before   1846;   ac 
counts  by  Forty-niners ;  across  the  plains ;  around  the  Horn ;  across 
the  Isthmus  ;  *gold  fields ;  miners'  government ;  vigilance  committees ; 
constitutional  convention  of  1849  \  slaves. 

97!   Territorial    crisis:    *Wilmot    proviso;    *  Lincoln   in   Congress; 
*Barn-burners ;  Buffalo  Convention. 

98.  Compromise  of  1850:  Oregon  Act;  Walker  amendment;  Cal- 
houn's  resolutions ;   attitude  of  *Clay ;    *Webster ;   Seward ;   *Chase ; 
Calhoun ;  *Jefferson  Davis  ;  Douglas. 

xvii.    Slavery  Contest 

99.  Fugitive-slave  cases  :    Hamlet ;   *Shadrach ;  Sims  ;  *Christiana ; 
Burns  ;   Passmore-Williamson  ;  Garner ;  *Oberlin-Wellington  ;  Booth. 

100.  Cuba  :  Lopez  expedition ;  Tripartite  guaranty  ;  Black  Warrior ; 
*Ostend  Manifesto  ;  Pierre  Soule\ 

101.  Kansas-Nebraska  Act :  *Douglas's  defence  ;  *"  Appeal  of  Inde 
pendent  Democrats " ;   attitude   of  Douglas,   *Chase,  Seward,  Dixon, 
Toombs,  *Pierce,  Jefferson  Davis. 

102.  Kansas:    "border  ruffians";    aid  societies;   a   settler's   expe 
riences  ;    *elections ;    first   legislature ;    Topeka    government ;    *John 
Brown  ;  *Lecompton  Convention  ;  "  English  Bill." 

103.  John   Brown:    in  Hudson;    in   Springfield;    at   North   Elba; 
*plans  for  Harper's  Ferry;  *Harper's  Ferry  raid;  *trial;    *was  he  a 
murderer? 

104.  Election  of  1860:  *Lincoln-Douglas  debate;  "Freeport  doc 
trine  " ;  Charleston  Convention ;  Chicago  Convention ;  Baltimore  Con 
vention  ;  campaign  ;  threats  of  secession ;  Lincoln's  part. 

105.  *Secession:  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi, 


Subjects   for   Topics  xlv 

Florida,  Arkansas,  Texas,  Louisiana ;  saving  of  Maryland,  West  Virginia, 
Kentucky,  Missouri. 

106.  Southern  Confederacy  :  Congress  at  Montgomery  ;  new  Consti 
tution  ;  President  Davis;  *Vice-President  Stephens;  paper  money; 
seizure  of  forts ;  *Fort  Pickens  ;  Fort  Sumter. 


xvm.    Civil  War 

107.  *  Abraham  Lincoln  :  early  life  ;  education ;  feeling  toward  sla 
very;  cabinet-making;  attitude  on  compromise  ;   story-telling. 

1 08.  Advisers  :  *Seward  ;  *Chase  ;  Cameron  ;  *Stanton  ;  Bates ;  Blair ; 
Smith ;  Welles. 

109.  *Soldiers :    first  regiments  to  appear;  recruiting;  camp  life; 
hospitals ;    drill ;    on   the    march ;    at   the   front ;    deserters ;    bounty- 
jumpers  ;  spies ;  acts  of  heroism. 

no.  Battles:  *Bull  Run;  Fair  Oaks;  Malvern  Hill;  second  Bull 
Run  ;  *Antietam  ;  Fredericksburg  ;  *Chancellorsville  ;  *Gettysburg ; 
*Pittsburg  Landing ;  Stone  River ;  *Chickamauga ;  Chattanooga ; 
*Appomattox;  sieges  of  Atlanta,  Vicksburg,  Charleston,  Petersburg. 

in.  Navy:  blockaders;  *  the  "Alabama ";  *New  Orleans;  Mobile; 
*"  Monitor  "  and  "  Merrimac." 

112.  Slavery  :  *"  contrabands  "  ;  Hilton  Head  ;  *first  proclamation  ; 
final  proclamation;  negro  troops;  emancipation  in  Maryland,  West 
Virginia,  Missouri ;  Thirteenth  Amendment. 


xix.    Reconstruction 

113.  Southern  whites  :  *a  ruined  plantation;  a  town;  New  Orleans  ; 
Charleston  ;  Richmond  ;  a  "  carpet-bagger." 

114.  Negroes:  land-buyers;  schools;  churches;  in  Congress. 

115.  System  of  reconstruction:    Lincoln's  amnesty;  Johnson's  am 
nesty;  Johnson's  speeches,   1865-66;  ^attitude  of  Stevens,  *Sumner, 
Wade,  Chase,  Butler;  *impeachment ;  report  of  a  military  governor;  a 
constitutional  convention ;  a  carpet-bag  government ;  the  Ku  Klux. 


xlvi  Introductions 


xx.    Union  Restored 

1 1 6.  Bad  government :  a  Tweed  contract ;  a  Tweed  judge;  S.  J.  Til- 
den's  reforms  ;  Boss  Shepherd  in  Washington  ;  Belknap  impeachment ; 
*George  William  Curtis  on  reform. 

117.  Foreign  relations:   *Seward  on  the  French  in  Mexico;  Treaty 
of  Washington  ;  Geneva  arbitration ;  northeastern  fisheries. 

1 1 8.  Finances:   debates  on  greenbacks,  resumption,  tariff,  *demone- 
tization  of  silver,  1873  ;  *coinage  act  of  1878  ;  the  Greenback  party. 

119.  Civil  Service  Reform  :  instances  of  removal ;  instances  of  doubt 
ful  appointments  ;  *President  Grant's  attitude ;  the    first  commission ; 
President  Hayes;  President  Arthur;  the  Pendleton  Act;  *second  com 
mission. 

120.  Indians  :  account  of  a  campaign;  account  of  a  reservation  ;  an 
Indian  speech ;  civilized  Indians. 

xxi.    The  Spanish  War 

121.  Cuba  before  1895  :  *a  visit  to  Cuba;  instances  of  Spanish  mis- 
government  ;    instances    of    seizure    of    property ;    *the    "  Virginius" ; 
filibustering  expeditions. 

122.  Second  Cuban  War:    *reconcentrados ;  Americans  in    prison; 
the  "  Maine  "  ;  *debate  on  intervention  ;  debate  on  declaring  war. 

123.  Battles:   *Manila ;  Guasimas;   San  Juan;  *Santiago. 

124.  Peace  :  reports  on  the  Philippines;  debates  on  appropriation. 

125.  Administration:    of  Cuba;    of  Porto   Rico;    sanitary;    police; 
schools ;  justice. 

126.  The  Philippines  :  Dewey's  government ;  Aguinaldo  ;  the  war. 


CHAPTER   I  —  DISCOVERIES 

Discovery  of  the  New  World   (1402)    written  in 

'  1       1493   by 

CHRISTO- 

LETTER  addressed  to  the  noble  Lord  Raphael  J^0- 
Sanchez,  Treasurer  to  their  most  invincible  Majes-    (about 
ties,  Ferdinand  and  -Isabella,  King  and  Queen  of 

Spain,  by  Christopher  Columbus,  to  whom  our  age  is  greatly  the  service  of 

/•     7      •  r       7       j-    T     7-  77-  j   Spain.  —  For 

indebted,  treating  of  the  islands  of  India  recently  discovered  other  letters 

beyond  the  Ganges,  to  explore  which  he  had  been  sent  eight  j^.^11™/^ 
months  before  under  the  auspices  and  at  the  expense  of  their  South  Leaf- 

•j  n/r    •     j-  lets,  No.  71  ; 

said  Majesties.  American 

History  Leaf- 

KNOWING  that  it  will  afford  you  pleasure  to  learn  that  I  ^n^mp^ra- 
have  brought  my  undertaking  to  a  successful  termination,  ries,  I,  NOS. 
I  have  decided  upon  writing  you  this  letter  to  acquaint  you 


with  all  the  events  which  have  occurred  in  my  voyage,  and   by  nis  son.  °* 

,_„,  .  ,  the  discovery 

the  discoveries  which  have  resulted  from  it.     Thirty-three   Of  America, 


days  after  my  departure  from  Cadiz  I  reached  the  Indian 
sea,  where  I  discovered  many  islands,  thickly  peopled,  of   29. 
which  I  took  possession  without  resistance  in  the  name  of   Columbus 
our  most  illustrious  Monarch,  by  public  proclamation  and   hePhaded 
with  unfurled  banners.     To  the  first  of  these  islands,  which   neared  Asia. 
is  called  by  the  Indians  Guanahani,  I  gave  the  name  of  the   Guanahani= 
blessed  Saviour  (San  Salvador),  relying  upon  whose  protec-   wortdns 
tion  I  had  reached  this  as  well  as  the  other  islands  ...     As   island. 
soon  as  we  arrived  at  that,  which  as  I  have  said  was  named 
Juana,  I  proceeded  along  its  coast  a  short  distance  westward,   Juana,  now 
and  found  it  to  be  so  large  and  apparently  without  termina 
tion,  that  I  could  not  suppose  it  to  be  an  island,  but  the 
continental  province  of  Cathay.  ...     In  the  mean  time  I 
had  learned  from  some   Indians  whom  I  had  seized,  that 
that  country  was  certainly  an  island  :  and  therefore  I  sailed 


Discoveries 


[1492 


Now  -San 
Domingo. 


Noble  = 
6s.  8d.  = 
about  $1.65. 

Blanca,  a 
small  silver 
coin  weigh 
ing  about 


towards  the  east,  coasting  to  the  distance  of  three  hundred 
and  twenty-two  miles,  which  brought  us  to  the  extremity  of 
it ;  from  this  point  I  saw  lying  eastwards  another  island, 
fifty-four  miles  distant  from  Juana,  to  which  I  gave  the 
name  of  Espanola  ...  All  these  islands  are  very  beauti 
ful,  and  distinguished  by  a  diversity  of  scenery ;  they  are 
filled  with  a  great  variety  of  trees  of  immense  height,  and 
which  I  believe  to  retain  their  foliage  in  all  seasons ;  for 
when  I  saw  them  they  were  as  verdant  and  luxuriant  as 
they  usually  are  in  Spain  in  the  month  of  May,  —  some  of 
them  were  blossoming,  some  bearing  fruit,  and  all  flourish 
ing  in  the  greatest  perfection,  according  to  their  respective 
stages  of  growth,  and  the  nature  and  quality  of  each :  yet 
the  islands  are  not  so  thickly  wooded  as  to  be  impassable. 
The  nightingale  and  various  birds  were  singing  in  countless 
numbers,  and  that  in  November,  the  month  in  which  I 
arrived  there.  .  .  .  The  inhabitants  .  .  .  are  very  simple 
and  honest,  and  exceedingly  liberal  with  all  they  have  ;  none 
of  them  refusing  any  thing  he  may  possess  when  he  is  asked 
for  it,  but  on  the  contrary  inviting  us  to  ask  them.  They 
exhibit  great  love  towards  all  others  in  preference  to  them 
selves  :  they  also  give  objects  of  great  value  for  trifles,  and 
content  themselves  with  very  little  or  nothing  in  return.  I 
however  forbad  that  these  trifles  and  articles  of  no  value 
(such  as  pieces  of  dishes,  plates,  and  glass,  keys,  and  leather 
straps)  should  be  given  to  them,  although  if  they  could 
obtain  them,  they  imagined  themselves  to  be  possessed  of 
the  most  beautiful  trinkets  in  the  world.  It  even  happened 
that  a  sailor  received  for  a  leather  strap  as  much  gold  as 
was  worth  three  golden  nobles,  and  for  things  of  more  tri 
fling  value  offered  by  our  men,  especially-newly  coined 
blancas,  or  any  gold  coins,  the  Indians  would  give  what 
ever  the  seller  required  ...  On  my  arrival  ...  I  had 
taken  some  Indians  by  force  from  the  first  island  that  I 
came  to,  in  order  that  they  might  learn  our  language  .  .  . 


NO.  i]  Columbus  3 

These  men  are  still  travelling  with  me,  and  although  they 

have  been  with  us  now  a  long  time,  they  continue  to  enter 

tain  the  idea  that  I  have  descended  from  heaven  ;  and  on 

our  arrival  at  any  new  place  they  published  this,  crying  out 

immediately  with  a  loud  voice  to  the  other  Indians,  "Come, 

come  and  look  upon  beings  of  a  celestial  race  "  :  upon  which 

both  women  and  men,  children  and  adults,  young  men  and 

old,  when  they  got  rid  of  the  fear  they  at  first  entertained, 

would  come  out  in  throngs,  crowding  the  roads  to  see  us, 

some  bringing  food,  others  drink,  with  astonishing  affection 

and  kindness.  .  ,   .     Although  all  I  have  related  may  appear 

to  be  wonderful  and  unheard  of,  yet  the  results  of  my  voyage 

would  have  been  more  astonishing  if  I  had  had  at  my  dis 

posal  such  ships  as  I  required.     But  these  great  and  mar 

vellous  results  are  not  to  be  attributed  to  any  merit  of  mine, 

but  to  the  holy  Christian  faith,  and  to  the  piety  and  religion 

of  our  Sovereigns  ;  for  that  which  the  unaided  intellect  of    Ferdinand 

man  could  not  compass,  the  spirit  of  God  has  granted  to  an     sa  e  a 

human  exertions,  for  God  is  wont  to  hear  the  prayers  of  his 

servants  who  love  his  precepts  even  to  the  performance  of 

apparent  impossibilities.     Thus  it  has  happened  to  me  in 

the   present  instance,  who  have   accomplished   a   task  to 

which  the  powers  of  mortal  men  had  never  hitherto  attained  ; 

for  if  there  have  been  those  who  have  anywhere  written  or 

spoken  of  these  islands,  they  have  done  so  with  doubts  and 

conjectures,  and  no  one  has  ever  asserted  that  he  has  seen   For  Norse 

them,  on  which  account  their  writings  have   been  looked   0fSAmerica, 

upon  as  little  else  than  fables.     Therefore  let  the  king  and  ^  Old  South 

Leaflets,  Nos. 

queen,  our  princes  and  their  most  happy  kingdoms,  and  all  30,  31  ;  Con- 


the  other  provinces  of  Christendom,  render  thanks  to  our 

Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  who  has  granted  us  so  great   other  voy- 
,          .  .  ages,  Old 

a  victory  and  such  prosperity.  .  .  .  South  Leaf 

lets,  Nos.  17, 
Select  Letters  of  Christopher  Columbus  (translated  by  R.   H.    34. 

Major,  in   Hakluyt   Society,   Works  issued,  London,   1847), 
i-ij  Passim. 


Discoveries 


[1497 


Written  in 
1516  by 
PETER 
MARTYR 

D'ANGHIERA 
(1455-1526), 

a  Milanese, 
resident  at 
the  Spanish 
court.    The 
account  is 
based  on 
information 
given  him  by 
Sebastian 
Cabot,  at 
that  time  a 
pilot  in  the 
service  of 
Spain,  and  is 
the  first  com 
plete  narra 
tive  of  an 
English  voy 
age  which  we 
have.  —  For 
the  Cabots, 
see  Old  South 
Leaflets,  No. 
37;  Ameri 
can  History 
Leaflets,  No. 
9;   Contem 
poraries,  I, 
No.  26. 

36°  north 
latitude ; 
about  the 
latitude  of 
Cape  Hat- 
teras. 

Fretum  Her- 
culeum  = 
Straits  of 
Gibraltar. 

Baccallaos  = 
Newfound 
land? 


2.    An  English  Voyage  to  North  America 

(H97) 


T 


'HESE  northe  seas  haue  byn  [have  been] 
searched  by  one  Sebastian  Cabot  a  Venetian 
borne  [born],  whom  beinge  yet  but  in  maner  an  infante,  his 
parentes  caryed  [carried]  with  them  into  Englande  hauyng 
[having]  occasion  to  resorte  thether  [thither]  for  trade  of 
marchandies  [merchandise],  as  is  the  maner  of  the  Vene 
tians  too  leaue  [leave]  no  parte  of  the  worlde  vnsearched  to 
obteyne  [obtain]  richesse  [riches].  He  therfore  furnisshed 
two  shippes  in  England  at  his  owne  charges  :  And  fyrst  [first] 
with  three  hundreth  men,  directed  his  course  so  farre  toward 
the  northe  pole,  that  euen  [even]  in  the  mooneth  [month] 
of  luly  he  founde  monstrous  heapes  of  Ise  [ice]  swimming 
on  the  sea,  and  in  maner  continuall  day  lyght.  Yet  sawe  he 
the  lande  in  that  tracte,  free  from  Ise,  whiche  had  byn  [been] 
molten  by  heate  of  the  sunne.  Thus  seyng  [seeing]  suche 
heapes  of  Ise  before  hym  he  was  enforced  to  tourne  [turn] 
his  sayles  and  folowe  the  weste,  so  coastynge  styll  by  the 
shore,  that  he  -was  thereby  broughte  so  farre  into  the  southe 
by  reason  of  the  lande  bendynge  so  muche  southward  that 
it  was  there  almoste  equall  in  latitude  with  the  sea  cauled 
[called]  Fretum  Herculeum,  hauynge  the  north  pole  eleuate 
in  maner  in  the  same  degree.  He  sayled  lykewise  in  this 
tracte  so  farre  towarde  the  weste,  that  he  had  the  Ilande 
of  Cuba  [on]  his  lefte  hande  in  maner  in  the  same  degree 
of  langitude.  As  he  traueyled  [travelled]  by  the  coastes 
of  this  greate  lande  (whiche  he  named  Baccallaos}  he  sayth 
that  he  found  the  like  course  of  the  waters  toward  the  west, 
but  the  same  to  runne  more  softely  and  gentelly  [gently] 
then  [than]  the  swifte  waters  whiche  the  Spanyardes  found 
in  their  nauigations  southeward. 

Wherefore,   it   is   not   onely    [only]    more   lyke   to   bee 


No.  2] 


Sebastian    Cabot 


trewe  [true],  but  ought  also  of  necessitie  to  bee  concluded, 
that  betwene  both  the  landes  hetherto  vnknowen,  there 
shulde  bee  certeyne  great  open  places  wherby  the  waters 
shulde  thus  continually  passe  from  the  East  into  the  weste  : 
which  waters  I  suppose  to  bee  dryuen  [driven]  about  the 
globe  of  the  earth  by  the  vncessaunt  mouynge  [moving] 
and  impulsion  of  the  heauens  :  and  not  to  be  swalowed  vp 
[up]  and  cast  ovvt  [out]  ageyne  [again]  by  the  breathynge 
of  Demogorgon  as  sume  [some]  haue  imagined  bycause  they 
see  the  seas  by  increase  and  decrease,  to  flowe  and  reflowe. 
Sebastian  Cabot  him  selfe,  named  those  landes  Baccallaos, 
bycause  that  in  the  seas  therabout  he  founde  so  great  multi 
tudes  of  certeyne  [certain]  bigge  fysshes  [fishes]  much  lyke 
vnto  tunics  [tunnies]  (which  th[e]inhabitantes  caule  [call] 
Baccallaos)  that  they  sumtymes  stayed  his  shippes.  He 
founde  also  the  people  of  those  regions  couered  with  beastes 
skynnes  :  yet  not  without  th[e]use  of  reason. 

He  saythe  [saith]  also  that  there  is  greate  plentie  of 
beares  in  those  regions,  whiche  vse  to  eate  fysshe.  For 
plungeinge  theym  selues  [themselves]  into  the  water  where 
they  perceue  [perceive]  a  multitude  of  these  fysshes  to  lye, 
they  fasten  theyr  [their]  clawes  in  theyr  scales,  and  so  drawe 
them  to  lande  and  eate  them.  So  that  (as  he  saith)  the 
beares  beinge  thus  satisfied  with  fysshe,  are  not  noysom  to 
men.  He  declareth  further,  that  in  many  places  of  these 
regions,  he  sawe  great  plentie  of  laton  amonge  th[e]inhabi- 
tantes.  Cabot  is  my  very  frende,  whom  I  vse  famylierly, 
and  delyte  [delight]  to  haue  hym  sumtymes  keepe  mee  com 
pany  in  myne  owne  house.  For  beinge  cauled  owte  [out] 
of  England  by  the  commaundement  of  the  catholyke  kynge 
of  Castile  after  the  deathe  of  Henry  kynge  of  Englande  the 
seuenth  of  that  name,  he  was  made  one  of  owre  [our]  coun- 
sayle  and  assystance  as  touchynge  the  affayres  [affairs]  of 
the  newe  Indies,  lookynge  dayely  for  shippes  to  bee  fur- 
nysshed  for  hym  to  discouer  this  hyd  secreate  of  nature. 


As  yet  no 
notion  that 
there  was  a 
continent 
between 
Europe  and 
Asia. 


An  infernal 
deity. 


These  were 
the  cod-fish. 


Copper  ore. 


About  1512, 
by  Ferdinand 
V  of  Spain. 


Discoveries 


[i54r 


Frustrated  by 
the  death  of 
Ferdinand  in 
the  preceding 
January. 

For  English 
claims  based 
on  Cabot's 
discoveries, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  I, 
No.  48. 


By  FRAN 
CISCO  VAS- 
QUEZ  CORO- 

NADO  (1510- 

1542?),  at 
this  time 
Spanish  gov 
ernor  of  New 
Galicia.     In 
his  letter  to 
the  king  of 
Spain  he  tells 
the  story  of 
the  first 
explorations 
into  the  in 
terior  of  what 
is  now  the 
United 
States.  —  For 
Coronado, 
see  Old  South. 
Lea/lets,  No. 
20;  American 
History  Leaf 
lets,  No.  13'. 
—  For  other 
Spanish 
explorations, 
see  Old  South 
Leaflets,  Nos. 

35,36,39; 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  Nos. 
17-25- 


This  vyage  is  appoynted  to  bee  begunne  in  March  in  the 
yeare  next  folowynge,  beinge  the  yeare  of  Chryst  M.D.XVI. 
What  shall  succeade,  yowre  [your]  holynes  shalbe  aduer- 
tised  by  my  letters  if  god  graunte  me  lyfe  [life].  Sume  of 
the  Spanyardes  denye  that  Cabot  was  the  fyrst  fynder  of  the 
lande  of  Baccallaos  :  And  affirme  that  he  went  not  so  farre 
westewarde.  But  it  shall  suffice  to  haue  sayde  thus  much  of 
the  goulfes  [gulfs]  &  strayghtes  [straits],  and  of  Cebastian 
Cabot.  .  .  . 

Peter  Martyr,  The  Decades  of  the  Newe  Worlde  or  West  India 
(translated  by  Richard  Eden,  London,  1555),  Decade  III, 
Book  vi,  fol.  118-119. 


3.    A  Spanish  Exploration   (1541) 

HOLY  CATHOLIC  CAESARIAN  MAJESTY:  On  April  20  of 
this  year  [1541]  I  wrote  to  Your  Majesty  from  this 
province  of  Tiguex,  in  reply  to  a  letter  from  Your  Majesty 
dated  in  Madrid,  June  1 1  a  year  ago.  ...  I  started  from 
this  province  on  the  23d  of  last  April,  for  the  place  where 
the  Indians  wanted  to  guide  me.  After  nine  days'  march  I 
reached  some  plains,  so  vast  that  I  did  not  find  their  limit 
anywhere  that  I  went,  although  I  traveled  over  them  for 
more  than  300  leagues.  And  I  found  such  a  quantity  of 
cows  in  these  [plains]  .  .  .  which  they  have  in  this  country, 
that  it  is  impossible  to  number  them,  for  while  I  was  journey 
ing  through  these  plains,  until  I  returned  to  where  I  first 
found  them,  there  was  not  a  day  that  I  lost  sight  of  them. 
And  after  seventeen  days'  march  I  came  to  a  settlement  of 
Indians  who  are  called  Querechos,  who  travel  around  with 
these  cows,  who  do  not  plant,  and  who  eat  the  raw  flesh  and 
drink  the  blood  of  the  cows  they  kill,  and  they  tan  the  skins 
of  the  cows,  with  which  all  the  people  of  this  country  dress 
themselves  here.  They  have  little  field  tents  made  of  the 


No.  3] 


Coronado 


hides  of  the  cows,  tanned  and  greased,  very  well  made,  in 
which  they  live  while  they  travel  around  near  the  cows, 
moving  with  these.  They  have  dogs  which  they  load,  which 
carry  their  tents  and  poles  and  belongings.  These  people 
have  the  best  figures  of  any  that  I  have  seen  in  the  Indies. 
They  could  not  give  me  any  account  of  the  country  where 
the  guides  were  taking  me.  .  .  . 

It  was  the  Lord's  pleasure  that,  after  having  journeyed 
across  these  deserts  seventy-seven  days,  I  arrived  at  the 
province  they  call  Quivira,  to  which  the  guides  were  con 
ducting  me,  and  where  they  had  described  to  me  houses  of 
stone,  with  many  stories  ;  and  not  only  are  they  not  of  stone, 
but  of  straw,  but  the  people  in  them  are  as  barbarous  as  all 
those  whom  I  have  seen  and  passed  before  this ;  they  do 
not  have  cloaks,  nor  cotton  of  which  to  make  these,  but  use 
the  skins  of  the  cattle  they  kill,  which  they  tan,  because  they 
are  settled  among  these  on  a  very  large  river.  .  .  .  The 
country  itself  is  the  best  I  have  ever  seen  for  producing  all 
the  products  of  Spain,  for  besides  the  land  itself  being  very 
fat  and  black  and  being  very  well  watered  by  the  rivulets 
and  springs  and  rivers,  I  found  prunes  like  those  of  Spain 
.  .  .  and  nuts  and  very  good  sweet  grapes  and  mulberries. 
I  have  treated  the  natives  of  this  province,  and  all  the  others 
whom  I  found  wherever  I  went,  as  well  as  was  possible, 
agreeably  to  what  Your  Majesty  had  commanded,  and  they 
have  received  no  harm  in  any  way  from  me  or  from  those 
who  went  in  my  company.  .  .  .  And  what  I  am  sure  of  is 
that  there  is  not  any  gold  nor  any  other  metal  in  all  that 
country,  and  the  other  things  of  which  they  had  told  me  are 
nothing  but  little  villages,  and  in  many  of  these  they  do  not 
plant  anything  and  do  not  have  any  houses  except  of  skins 
and  sticks,  and  they  wander  around  with  the  cows ;  so  that 
the  account  they  gave  me  was  false,  because  they  wanted  to 
persuade  me  to  go  there  with  the  whole  force,  believing  that 
as  the  way  was  through  such  uninhabited  deserts,  and  from 


Cows  = 
buffalo. 

This  is  the 
earliest  ac 
count  of  the 
Indians  of 
the  plains. 


Now  Kansas 


Coronado 
got  probably 
as  far  as 
eastern 
Kansas. 


8  Discoveries  [1541 

the  lack  of  water,  they  would  get  us  where  we  and  our  horses 
would  die  of  hunger.  ...  I  have  done  all  that  I  possibly 
could  to  serve  Your  Majesty  and  to  discover  a  country  where 
God  Our  Lord  might  be  served  and  the  royal  patrimony  of 
Your  Majesty  increased,  as  your  loyal  servant  and  vassal. 

in  New  For  since  I  reached  the  province  of  Cibola,  to  which  the 
viceroy  of*  New  Spain  sent  me  in  the  name  of  Your  Majesty, 

=GMex?co?  seeing  that  there  were  none  of  the  things  there  of  which 
Friar  Marcos  had  told,  I  have  managed  to  explore  this 
country  for  200  leagues  and  more  around  Cibola,  and  the 

Rio  Grande,  best  place  I  have  found  is  this  river  of  Tiguex  where  I  am 
now,  and  the  settlements  here.  It  would  not  be  possible  to 
establish  a  settlement  here,  for  besides  being  400  leagues 

Pacific  Ocean  from  the  North  sea  and  more  than  200  from  the  South  sea, 

and  Gulf  of          .,,        ,  .   ,    .     .     .  -111  r 

California        with  which  it  is  impossible  to  have  any  sort  of  communica- 

respectively.  tion,  the  country  is  so  cold,  as  I  have  written  to  Your  Majesty, 
that  apparently  the  winter  could  not  possibly  be  spent  here, 
because  there  is  no  wood,  nor  cloth  with  which  to  protect 
the  men,  except  the  skins  which  the  natives  wear  and  some 
small  amount  of  cotton  cloaks.  I  send  the  viceroy  of  New 
Spain  an  account  of  everything  I  have  seen  in  the  countries 
where  I  have  been,  and  as  Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas 
is  going  to  kiss  Your  Majesty's  hands,  who  has  done  much 
and  has  served  Your  Majesty  very  well  on  this  expedition, 
and  he  will  give  Your  Majesty  an  account  of  everything  here, 
as  one  who  has  seen  it  himself,  I  give  way  to  him.  And 
may  Our  Lord  protect  the  Holy  Imperial  Catholic  person 
of  Your  Majesty,  with  increase  of  greater  kingdoms  and 
powers,  as  your  loyal  servants  and  vassals  desire.  From 

this  province  of  Tiguex,  October  20,  in  the  year  1541. 
Your  Majesty's  humble  servant  and  vassal,  who  would  kiss 
the  royal  feet  and  hands  : 

FRANCISCO  VAZQUEZ  CORONADO. 

Coronado's  letter  to  the  king,  October  20.  1541  ;  translated  by 
George  Parker  Winship,  The  Coronado  Expediti&n^  1540-1542 
(Washington,  1896),  ^o-^^  passim. 


No.  4] 


Drake 


4.    An  English  Plundering  Voyage 

(1578-1579) 

WHEN  Frances  Drake  had  passed  ye  straytes  [straits] 
of  Magellan,  the  first  land  hee  fell  wth  [with]  was 
an  Hand  named  Mocha,  wrier  .  .  .  hee  wth  ten  of  his 
company  went  on  shore,  thincking  ther  to  have  taken  in  fresh 
water.  Two  of  the  company  going  far  into  the  Hand  were 
intercepted  and  cut  of[f]  by  the  Indians  that  inhabite  the 
Hand  .  .  .  They  stayed  heere  but  one  day,  but  set  sayle 
toward  ye  coast  of  Chile,  wher  ariving  they  met  with  an 
Indian  in  a  canoa  nere  the  shore,  who  thincking  them  to  have 
bin  [been]  Spaniards,  tould  them  that  behind  the  [them], 
at  a  place  called  St.  Yago,  there  was  a  Spanish  schip  [ship], 
for  wch  [which]  good  nves  [news]  they  gave  him  divers 
trifles.  The  Indian  being  ioyfull  [joyful]  therof  went  on 
shore  and  brought  them  ij.  [2]  sheepe  and  a  small  quantyty 
of  fish,  and  so  they  returned  back  againe  to  St.  Yago  to 
seeke  the  Spanish  ship  (for  they  had  overshot  ye  place  before 
they  were  ware)  ;  and  when  they  came  thither,  they  found 
the  same  ship  and  in  her  3  Negros  and  viij.  [8]  Spaniards ; 
they  of  the  ship  thincking  Drakes  [men]  to  have  bin  Span 
iards,  welcomed  them  with  a  drum,  and  made  redy  a  great 
buttiro  [butt]  of  wyne  of  Chile  to  have  made  them  drinck ; 
but  when  Drakes  men  were  entred,  one  of  them,  whose  name 
was  Tom  Moone,  strake  ye  Spanish  pilate  wth  his  fist  of  [on] 
the  face,  saying,  Abassho  Pirra,  wch  is  to  say  in  English,  Go 
downe,  dogg,  and  then  the  poore  Spaniards  being  sore 
afrayde  went  downe  into  the  hould  of  the  ship,  all  saving  one 
of  them,  who  leping  out  at  the  stern  of  the  ship  swam  on 
shore,  and  gave  warning  to  them  of  the  towne  of  their  corn 
ing.  When  Drake  had  taken  this  ship  and  stowed  the  men 
vnder  hatches,  hee  tooke  her  bote  and  his  owne  boote  [boat] 
and  manned  them  both  wth  his  men,  and  went  to  set  vpon 


ANONY 
MOUS. 
This  brief 
abstract  of 
Drake's  voy 
age,  famous 
from  being 
the  first  Eng 
lish  expedi 
tion  to  sail 
in  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  coin 
cides  on  the 
whole  with 
the  longer 
and  better- 
known 
accounts, 
though  it 
adds  some 
things  not 
noticed  by 
them.   There 
was  no  war 
between 
England  and 
Spain,  and 
Drake's  voy 
age  was  a 
kind  of  pri 
vate  hostility, 
almost  pi 
racy.  —  For 
Drake,  see 
Contempo 
raries,  I, 
Nos.  30,  31 ; 
on  other 
English  free 
booters,  Con 
temporaries, 
I,  Nos.  28, 
29.  33- 


10 


Discoveries 


[1578-1579 


Drake  was  a 
Protestant. 


20  pounds, 
or  a  value  of 

#300. 


80  pounds,  a 
value  of 
about 
$40,000. 


the  towne  of  S.  Yago  .  .  .  hee  found  there  a  chappell,  wch  he 
rifled  and  tooke  from  thence  a  chalice  of  silvr  and  twoo 
cruets  of  silver  .  .  .  and  the  altar  cloth,  all  wch  hee  tooke 
away  with  him  and  brought  them  on  boord  [board],  and 
gave  all  the  spoyle  of  that  chappell  to  Mr.  Fletcher,  his 
precher,  at  his  coming  on  boorde  .  .  .  Drake  ...  set 
sayle  and  bent  his  course  towards  a  place  called  Arica,  where 
he  found  in  the  haven  iij  small  barcks,  and  rifling  them,  he 
found  in  one  of  the  [them]  57  slabs  of  fine  silver  weing 
[weighing]  about  20"  weight  eche  [each]  of  them.  These 
slabs  were  about  the  bignes  of  a  brick  batt  eche  one  of  them, 
and  one  of  ye  two  other  barks  was  set  on  fire  by  one  Fuller 
and  one  Tom  Marcks,  and  so  burned  to  the  very  water. 
There  were  not  in  those  iij  barcks  one  prson  [person],  for 
they  mistrusting  no  theves  were  all  gone  on  shore.  In  this 
towne  of  Arica  were  about  20  howses,  which  Drake  would 
have  set  vppon  if  hee  had  had  more  company  with,  him,  but 
wanting  company  of  pirates  he  depted  [departed]  hence, 
having  still  with  him  the  Grand  Capitaine  of  St.  Yago ;  but 
within  one  day  after  he  was  gone  from  this  haven  of  Arica, 
he  cast  of  [f]  the  Grand  Capitaine,  clapping  her  helme  fast 
on  the  lee  and  let  her  drive  to  seaward  without  any  creature 
in  her.  From  hence  hee  sayled  toward  Lyma  ...  At  his 
departure  from  the  haven  of  Lyma  he  cut  all  the  cables  of 
the  ships  there  and  let  them  drive  to  seaward,  and  so  made 
speed  toward  Payta,  thincking  there  to  have  founde  the 
Cacafoga,  but  she  was  gone  before  he  arived  there  toward 
Panama,  whom  he  still  followed  amayne,  but  betwene  Payta 
and  Cape  St.  Franc [i]s  hee  met  with  a  barck  laden  with 
ropes  and  tackell  for  shipps.  This  ship  hee  rifled,  and  found 
in  her  about  8oli  weight  of  gould,  and  he  tooke  out  of  her 
greate  quantyty  of  ropes  to  store  his  own  ship,  and  so  let  her 
go.  The  owner  of  this  ship  was  a  frier.  He  found  also  in 
her  a  greate  crucifix  of  goulde,  and  certaine  emeralds  neere 
as  longe  as  a  mans  finger.  From  this  robbery  following  still 


No.  5] 


Drake  1 1 


after  the  Cacafoga,  hee  overtooke  her  at  Cape  St.  Frances, 
whom  hee  had  long  wisshed  for.     In  his  iorn^y  [journey] 
he  pmised  y*  [promised  that]  whosoever  should  overtake 
her   should    have    his   cheine    [chain]    of   gould    for   his 
labour.      This  did  John  Drake  descry  on  St.  Davids  day, 
being  the  first  of  March,  about  viij.  of  the  clock  in  ye  after- 
none,  and  boorded  her  about  v.  of  the  clock ;  and  in  the 
boording  of  her  hee  shot  downe  her  misen  mast,  and  so 
entred  her,  and  found  in  her  about  So11  weight  of  gould,  and 
13.  chests  full  of  royalls  of  plate,  and  so  mooch  [much] 
silver  as  did  ballas[t]  the  Goulden  Hinde.  ...  the  Pylats   Drake's  ship, 
[pilot's]  name  was  Don  Francisco,  who  had  two  cupps  of 
silver  gilt  clene  over,  to  whom  Drake  said  at  his  departure 
as  folio  we  th  :  Seignior  Pilate,  you  have  ij.  cupps  and  I  must 
needes  have  one  of  them,  wch  the  Pilate  yeelded  vnto  will 
ingly,  because  he  could  not  chuse.  .  .  .     Drake  watered  his 
ship  and  departed,  sayling  northwards  till  he  came  to  48.  gr.   48°  north 
of  the  septentrionall  latitud,  still  finding  a  very  lardge  sea  c^asut  *{~~ 
trending  toward  the  north,  but  being  afraid  to  spend  long   Oreg°n« 
time  in  seeking  for  the  straite,  hee  turned  back  againe,  still 
keping  along  the  cost  [coast]  as  nere  land  as  hee  might, 
vntill  hee  came  to  44.  gr.,  and  the   [there]  hee  found  a 
harborow  [harbor]  for  his  ship,  where  he  grouded  [grounded]  g^p^J, 
his  ship  to  trim  her  .  .  .  cisco  Bay. 

Francis  Fletcher,  The  World  Encompassed  by  Sir  Francis 
Drake  (Hakluyt  Society,  Works  issued,  London,  1854),  Ap 
pendix  iii,  178-184  passim. 


5.    The  First  English  Exploration   (1607) 

a  journal 

MAY  21   [1607].  —  Thursday,  the  2ist  of  May,  Capt.   companion 
Newport  (having  fitted  our  shallop  with  provision  Christopher 
and  all  necessaryes  belonging  to  a  discovery)   tooke  five   Newport, 


12 


Discoveries 


[160; 


commander 
of  the  vessels 
that  brought 
over  the 
Jamestown 
settlers.   The 
extract 
describes 
an  exploring 
voyage  which 
they  made, 
with  Captain 
John  Smith 
and  twenty- 
three  others, 
up  the  James 
River  from 
Jamestown 
to  the  Falls. 
—  For  the 
founding 
of  Virginia, 
see  American 
History  Leaf 
lets,  No.  27; 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  Nos. 
62-64. 


NearHaxall? 


Usually 
spelled 
"weroance" 
=  chief. 


gentlemen,  four  maryners,  and  fourteen  saylors  ;  with  whome 
he  proceeded,  with  a  perfect  resolutyon  not  to  returne,  but 
either  to  finde  the  head  of  this  ryver,  the  laake  mentyoned 
by  others  heretofore,  the  sea  againe,  the  mountaynes  Apa- 
latsi  [Appalachian],  or  some  issue.  .  .  . 

May  22,  Fryday.  —  Omitting  no  tyme,  we  passed  up  some 
sixteen  myle  further,  where  we  founde  an  ilet,  on  which 
were  many  turkeys,  and  greate  store  of  young  byrdes  like 
black-birdes ;  whereof  wee  tooke  dyvers,  which  wee  brake 
our  fast  withall.  Now,  spying  eight  salvages  [savages]  in  a 
canoa,  we  haled  them  by  our  worde  of  kyndnes  [kindness], 
"  Wingapoh  [good  friends]  " ;  and  they  came  to  us.  In 
conference  by  signes  with  them,  one  seemed  to  understand 
our  intentyon,  and  offred  with  his  foote  to  describe  the  river 
to  us :  so  I  gave  him  a  pen  and  paper  (showing  first  the 
use),  and  he  layd  out  the  whole  river  from  the  Chesseian 
[Chesapeake]  Bay  to  the  end  of  it,  so  farr  as  passadg  was 
for  boats.  .  .  . 

May  23,  Satturday.  —  We  passed  a  few  short  reaches; 
and,  five  mile  of[f]  Poore  Cottage,  we  went  ashore.  Heer 
we  found  our  kinde  comrads  againe,  who  had  gyven  notice 
all  along  as  they  came  of  us  ;  by  which  we  were  entertayned 
with  much  courtesye  in  every  place.  We  found  here  a 
wiroans  (for  so  they  call  their  kyngs),  who  satt  upon  a  matt 
of  reeds,  with  his  people  about  him.  He  caused  one  to  be 
layd  for  Capt.  Newport ;  gave  us  a  deare  [deer]  roasted, 
which,  according  to  their  custome,  they  seethed  [boiled] 
againe.  His  people  gave  us  mullberyes,  sodd  [sodden] 
wheate,  and  beanes ;  and  he  caused  his  weomen  to  make 
cakes  for  us.  He  gave  our  captain  his  crowne  ;  which  was 
of  deare's  hayre  [hair],  dyed  redd.  Certifying  him  of  our 
intentyon  [to  go]  up  the  ryver,  he  was  willing  to  send 
guydes  with  us.  ...  Now  .  .  .  newes  came  that  the 
greate  Kyng  Powatah  [Powhatan]  was  come  .  .  .  Him 
wee  saluted  with  silence ;  sitting  still  on  our  matts,  our 


NO.  5]  Newport  1 3 

captain  in  the  myddest  [midst]  ;  but  presented  (as  before 

we  dyd  [did]  to  Kyng  Arahatec)  gyftes  of  dyvers  sorts  — 

as   penny-knyves,  sheeres  [shears],  belles,   beades,  glasse 

toyes,  &c.  —  more  amply  then  [than]   before.      Now,  this 

king  appointed  five  men  to  guyde  us  up  the  river,  and  sent 

posts  before  to  provyde  us  victuall.  .  .  .      Now,  the  day 

drawing  on,  we  made  signe  to  be  gone ;  wherewith  he  was 

contented,  and  sent  six  men  with  us :  we  also  left  a  man 

with  him,  and  departed.     But  now,  rowing  some  three  myle 

in  shold  [shallow]  water,  we  came  to  an  overfall,  impassible   Waterfalls, 

for  boates  any  further.     Here  the  water  falles  downe  through  SpSsf* 

great  mayne  [vast]  rocks  from  ledges  of  rocks  above,  two  present  site 

i-/-    ,     ~     -i  i  •    i  •         i  •    i    r  11   •  i       IT  f    i       of  the  city  of 

fadome  [fathom]  highe  ;  in  which  fall  it  maketh  divers  little  Richmond, 
iletts,  on  which  might  be  placed  a  hundred  water-milnes 
[mills]  for  any  uses.  Our  mayne  ryver  ebbs  and  flowes 
four  foote,  even  to  the  skert  of  this  downfall :  shippes  of  two 
hundred  or  three  hundred  toone  [ton]  may  come  to  within 
five  myle  hereof,  and  the  rest  [is]  deepe  inoughe  for  barges 
or  small  vessells  that  drawe  not  above  six  foote  water. 
Having  viewed  this  place,  betweene  content  and  greefe 
[grief],  we  left  it  for  this  night,  determyning  the  next  day 
to  fitt  ourselfe  for  a  march  by  land.  .  .  . 

May  24  ...  Now,  sitting  upon  the  banck  by  the  overfall, 
beholding  the  sonne  [sun],  he  [Powhatan]  began  to  tell  us 
of  the  tedyous  travell  we  should  have  if  wee  proceeded  any 
further ;  that  it  was  a  daye  and  A  halfe  jorney  to  Monanacah ;   An  Indian 
and,  if  we  went  to  Quirauck,  we  should  get  no  vittailes  [vie-   {[^  **f  *£ ® 
tuals],  and  be  tyred  [tired]  ;  and  sought  by  all  meanes  to  James  River, 
dissvvade  our  captayne   from  going  any  further.      Also  he   Quirauck  = 
tolde  us  that  the  Monanacah  was  his  enemye ;  and  that  he 
came  downe  at  the  fall  of  the  leafe,  and  invaded  his  countrye. 
Now,  what  I  conjecture  of  this  I  have  left  to  a  further  ex 
perience.     But  our  captayne,  out  of  his  discretyon  (though 
we  would  faine   have   scene  further ;  yea,  and  himselfe  as 
desirous  also),  checkt  his  intentyon,  and  retorned  to  his 


Discoveries 


I.e.  James, 
King. 


boate ;  as  holding  it  much  better  to  please  the  kyng  (with 
whome,  and  all  of  his  command,  he  had  made  so  faire  way) 
then  [than]  to  prosecute  his  owne  fancye  or  satisfye  our 
requests.  So,  upon  one  of  the  little  iletts  at  the  mouth  of 
the  falls,  he  sett  up  a  crosse,  with  this  inscriptyon,  —  "  laco- 
bus,  Rex,  1607;"  and  his  owne  name  belowe.  At  the 
erecting  hereof,  we  prayed  for  our  kyng,  and  our  owne  pros 
perous  succes  in  this  his  actyon  [action].  ...  So  farr  as 
we  could  discerne  the  river  above  the  overfall,  it  was  full  of 
huge  rocks.  About  a  myle  of[f],  it  makes  a  pretty  bigg 
iland.  It  runnes  up  betweene  highe  hilles,  which  increase  in 
height,  one  above  another,  so  farr  as  wee  sawe.  Now,  our 
kynde  [kind]  consort's  relatyon  sayth  (which  I  dare  well 
beleeve,  in  that  I  found  not  any  one  report  false  of  the  river 
so  farr  as  we  tryed,  or  that  he  told  us  untruth  in  any  thing 
els  whatsoever),  that,  after  a  daye's  jorney  or  more,  this 
river  devyds  [divides]  itselfe  into  two  branches,  which  both 
wind  from  the  mountaynes  Quirauck.  Here  he  whispered 
with  me,  that  their  caquassun  [copper]  was  gott  in  the  bites 
of  rocks,  and  betweene  cliffs  in  certayne  vaynes  [veins].  .  .  . 

American   Antiquarian    Society,    Transactions   and  Collections 
([Boston,]  1860),  IV,  40-48 passim. 


By  SAMUEL 
SIEUR  DE 
CHAMPLAIN 
(t 1635),  a 
French  naval 
officer, 
founder  of 
Quebec,  and 
later  gov 
ernor  of 
Canada. 
The  French 
had  discov 
ered  the 
river  in  1534 


6.    A  French  Exploration  (1615) 

ON  the  pth  of  the  month  [July,  1615]  I  embarked  with 
two  others,  namely,  one  of  our  interpreters  and  my 
man,  accompanied  by  ten  savages  in  ...  two  canoes  .  .  . 
We  continued  our  voyage  up  the  River  St.  Lawrence  some 
six  leagues  ... 

Continuing  our  journey  by  land,  after  leaving  the  river  of 
the  Algonquins,  we  passed  several  lakes  where  the  savages 
carry  their  canoes,  and  entered  the  lake  of  the  Nipissings  .  .  t 


NO.  6]  Champlain  1  5 


Thence  I  had  them  guide  me  to  Carhagouha,  which  was   (see  Content- 

)!'  *' 


fortified  by  a  triple  palisade  of  wood  thirty-five  feet  high  for  $0^35)!' 
its  defence  and  protection.     In  this  village  Father  Joseph   The  French 

J        r 


.  enmity  with 

was  staying,  whom  we  saw  and  were  very  glad  to  find  well,   the  iroquois, 
...     On  the  twelfth  day  of  August  the  Recollect  Father  *££*£? 
celebrated  the  holy  mass,  and  a  cross  was  planted  near  a  scribed  by 
small  house  apart  from  the  village,  which  the  savages  built  beiow,Pbe" 
while  I  was  staying  there,  awaiting  the  arrival  of  our  men  cameamat- 

ter  of  great 
and  their  preparation  to  go  to  the  war,  in  which  they  had   importance 

been  for  a  long  time  engaged  ----  %£  »j£ 

I  was  glad  to  find  this  opportunity  for  gratifying  my  desire  gles.—  For 

of  obtaining  a  knowledge  of  their  country.     It  is  situated  eariierPex- 

only  seven  days  from  where  the  Dutch  go  to  traffic  .  .  .  pjoration,  see 

J  L,ontemporci- 

The  savages  there,  assisted  by  the  Dutch,  make  war  upon  ries,  i,  No. 

them,  take  them  prisoners,  and  cruelly  put  them  to  death  ;  flench  ex-er 

and  indeed  they  told  us  that  the  preceding  year,  while  mak-  piorations, 

ing  war,  they  captured  three  of  the  Dutch,  who  were  assist-  Leaflets,  No. 
ing  their  enemies,  as  we  do  the  Attigouautans  [a  principal 


tribe  of  the  Hurons],  and  while  in  action  one  of  their  own  ch.v;  l,  ch. 

t  MI    j  xvii. 
men  was  killed.  .  .  . 

On  the  Qth  of  the  month  of  October  our  savages  going 

out  to  reconnoitre  met  eleven  savages,  whom  they  took  Gabriel,  in 

„,  ,      r  -  ,  .     J  the  township 

prisoners.     They  consisted  of  four  women,  three  boys,  one  Of  Tiny,  Sim- 


girl,  and  three  men  .  .  .  one  of  the  chiefs,  on  seeing  the 

prisoners,  cut  off  the  finger  of  one  of  these  poor  women  as  _ 

a  beginning  of  their  usual  punishment  ;  upon  which  I  inter-  lects  were  an 

posed  and  reprimanded  the  chief,  Iroquet,  representing  to  monks° 

him  that  it  was  not  the  act  of  a  warrior,  as  he  declared  him-  Dutch  trad_ 

self  to  be,  to  conduct  himself  with  cruelty  towards  women,  ing  place  = 

who  have  no  defence  but  their  tears,  and  that  one  should  see  Cfewfew- 

treat  them  with  humanity  on  account  of  their  helplessness  ^s^s'  o 

and  weakness  ;  and  I  told  him  that  on  the  contrary  this  act 

.  ,  Cutting  off 

would  be  deemed  to  proceed  from  a  base  and  brutal  courage,  fingers  was  a 


and  that  if  he  committed  any  more  of  these  cruelties  he 

would  not  give  me  heart  to  assist  them  or  favor  them  in  the   the  iroquois. 


i6 


Discoveries 


[1615 


In  the  origi 
nal  there  is 
a  capital  pic 
ture  of  Cham- 
plain  firing 
his  arquebus, 
or  rude  gun. 


For  the  pur 
pose  of  set 
ting  fire  to 
the  fort. 


war.  To  which  the  only  answer  he  gave  me  was  that  their 
enemies  treated  them  in  the  same  manner,  but  that,  since 
this  was  displeasing  to  me,  he  would  not  do  anything  more 
to  the  women,  although  he  would  to  the  men. 

The  next  day,  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  we  arrived 
before  the  fort  of  their  enemies,  where  the  savages  made 
some  skirmishes  with  each  other,  although  our  design  was 
not  to  disclose  ourselves  until  the  next  day,  which  however 
the  impatience  of,  our  savages  would  not  permit,  both  on 
account  of  their  desire  to  see  fire  opened  upon  their  enemies, 
and  also  that  they  might  rescue  some  of  their  own  men  who 
had  become  too  closely  engaged,  and  were  hotly  pressed. 
Then  I  approached  the  enemy,  and  although  I  had  only  a 
few  men,  yet  we  showed  them  what  they  had  never  seen 
nor  heard  before ;  for,  as  soon  as  they  saw  us  and  heard  the 
arquebus  shots  and  the  balls  whizzing  in  their  ears,  they 
withdrew  speedily  to  their  fort,  carrying  the  dead  and 
wounded  in  this  charge.  We  also  withdrew  to  our  main 
body,  with  five  or  six  wounded,  one  of  whom  died. 

This  done,  we  withdrew  to  the  distance  of  cannon  range, 
out  of  sight  of  the  enemy,  but  contrary  to  my  advice  and  to 
what  they  [the  Indian  allies]  had  promised  me.  .  .  . 

...  the  greater  part  of  tfie  savages  began  to  carry  wood 
against  the  palisades,  but  in  so  small  quantity  that  the  fire 
could  have  no  great  effect.  There  also  arose  such  disorder 
among  them  that  one  could  not  understand  another,  which 
greatly  troubled  me.  In  vain  did  I  shout  in  their  ears  and 
remonstrate  to  my  utmost  with  them  as  to  the  danger  to 
which  they  exposed  themselves  by  their  bad  behavior,  but 
on  account  of  the  great  noise  they  made  they  heard  nothing. 
Seeing  that  shouting  would  only  burst  my  head,  and  that  my 
remonstrances  were  useless  for  putting  a  stop  to  the  dis 
order,  I  did  nothing  more,  but  determined  together  with 
my  men  to  do  what  we  could,  and  fire  upon  such  as  we 
could  see. 


.,o.  6j  Champlain  1 7 

Meanwhile  the  enemy  profited  by  our  disorder  to  get 
water  and  pour  it  so  abundantly  that  you  would  have  said 
brooks  were  flowing  through  their  spouts,  the  result  of  which 
was  that  the  fire  was  instantly  extinguished,  while  they  did 
not  cease  shooting  their  arrows,  which  fell  upon  us  like  hail. 
But  the  men  on  the  cavalier  [rampart]  killed  and  maimed 
many.  We  were  engaged  in  this  combat  about  three  hours, 
in  which  two  of  our  chiefs  and  leading  warriors  were 
wounded,  namely,  one  called  Ochateguain  and  another 
Orani,  together  with  some  fifteen  common  warriors.  The 
others,  seeing  their  men  and  some  of  the  chiefs  wounded, 
now  began  to  talk  of  a  retreat  without  farther  fighting,  in 
expectation  of  the  five  hundred  men,  whose  arrival  could 
not  be  much  delayed.  Thus  they  retreated,  a  disorderly 
rabble. 

Moreover  the  chiefs  ha  /e  in  fact  no  absolute  control  over 
their  men,  who  are  governed  by  their  own  will  and  follow 
their  own  fancy,  which  is  the  cause  of  their  disorder  and  the 
ruin  of  all  their  undertakings ;  for,  having  determined  upon 
anything  with  their  leaders,  it  needs  only  the  whim  of  a 
villain,  or  nothing  at  all,  to  lead  them  to  break  it  off  and 
form  a  new  plan.  Thus  there  is  no  concert  of  action  among 
them,  as  can  be  seen  by  this  expedition. 

Now  we  withdrew  into  our  fort  .  .  .  and  ...  it  was  not 
possible  to  return  again  against  their  enemies,  as  I  told  them 
it  was  their  duty  to  do.  .  .  . 

E.  F.  Slafter,  editor,  Voyages  of  Samuel  de  Champlain  (trans 
lated  by  Charles  Pomeroy  Otis,  in  Prince  Society,  Publications^ 
Boston,  1882),  III,  111-134 passim. 


By  JOHN 
EVELYN 
(1620-1706), 
a  man  inti 
mate  with 
many  distin 
guished  con 
temporaries, 
a  type  of 
an  accom 
plished  and 
public-spir 
ited  gentle 
man  of  the 
seventeenth 
century.    His 
diary  is  one 
of  the  best 
mirrors  of  the 
period,  and 
illustrates  the 
life  of  gentle 
men,  like 
Winthrop 
and  Penn, 
who  came  to 
America. — 
For  an  earlier 
description  of 
England,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  No. 44. 

11  Mock- 
par  liament- 
men  "  = 
members  of 
the  "  Long 
Parliament." 

Punishment 
by  fire  disap 
peared  about 
forty  years 
later. 


CHAPTER   II  — CONDITIONS   OF 
SETTLEMENT 

7.    Life  in  England  (1652-1668) 

MARCH  6  [1652].  Saw  the  magnificent  funeral  of 
that  Arch-rebell  Ireton,  carried  in  pomp  from  Som 
erset  House  to  Westmr  [Westminster],  accompanied  with 
divers  regiments  of  souldiers  horse  and  foote  ;  then  marched 
ye  mourners,  Gen1.  Cromwell  (his  father-in-law),  his  mock- 
parliament-men,  officers,  and  40  poore  men  in  gownes,  3  led 
horses  in  housings  of  black  cloth,  2  led  in  black  velvet, 
and  his  charging-horse  all  cover'd  over  with  embrodery  and 
gold  on  crimson  velvet;  then  the  guydons  [flags],  ensignes, 
4  heraulds  carrying  the  armes  of  the  State  (as  they  cal'd 
it),  namely,  ye  red  crosse  and  Ireland,  with  the  casq[ue], 
wreath,  sword,  spurrs,  &c. ;  next,  a  chariot  canopied  of 
black  velvet  and  6  horses,  in  which  was  the  corps  [e]  ;  the 
pall  held  up  by  the  mourners  on  foote ;  the  mace  and  sword, 
with  other  marks  of  his  charge  in  Ireland  (where  he  died 
of  ye  plague),  carried  before  in  black  scarfs.  Thus  tn  a 
grave  pace,  drums  cover'd  with  cloth,  souldiers  reversing 
their  armes,  they  proceeded  through  the  streetes  in  a  very 
solemn  manner.  .  .  . 

10  May.  Passing  by  Smithfield  I  saw  a  miserable  creat 
ure  burning  who  had  murder'd  her  husband.  I  went  to  see 
some  workmanship  of  that  admirable  artist  Reeves,  famous 
for  perspective  and  turning  curiosities  in  ivorie.  .  .  . 

[June].     .  .  .    The  weather  being  hot,  and  having 


ii 


sent  my  man  on  before,  I  rod[e]  negligently  under  favour 
of  the  shade,  till  within  three  miles  of  Bromley,  at  a  place 

18 


NO.  7]  In   England  19 

call'd  the  Procession  Oake,  two  cut-throates  started  out,  and   Such  adven- 

striking  with  long  staves  at  ye  horse  and  taking  hold  of  the 

reines  threw  me  downe,  tooke  my  sword,  and  haled  me  into 

a  deepe  thickett  some  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  highway,   times. 

where   they  might   securely  rob   me,   as   they  soone    did. 

What  they  got  of  money  was  not  considerable,   but  they 

took  two  rings,  the  one   an   emerald   with  diamonds,   the 

other  an  onyx,  and  a  pair  of  bouckles  set  with  rubies  and 

diamonds,  which  were  of  value,  and  after  all  bound  my 

hands  behind   me,  and  my  feete,  having  before  pull'd  off 

my  bootes ;  they  then  set  me  up  against  an  oake,  wth  most 

bloudy  threats  to  cutt  my  throat  if  I  offer'd  to  crie  out  or 

make  any  noise,  for  they  should  be  within  hearing,  I  not 

being  the  person  they  looked  for.     I  told  them  if  they  had 

not  basely  surpriz'd  me  they  should  not  have  had  so  easy  a 

prize,  and  that  it  would  teach  me  never  to  ride  neere  an 

hedge,  since  had  I  ben  in  ye  mid-way  they  durst  not  have 

adventur'd  on  me ;  at  which  they  cock'd  their  pistols,  and 

told  me  they  had  long  guns  too,  and  were  14  companions. 

I  begg'd  for  my  onyx,  and  told  them  it  being  engraven  with 

my  armes  would  betray  them,  but  nothing  prevail'd.  .  .  . 

...  I  heard  afterwards  that  had  it  not  been  for  his  com 
panion,  a  younger  man,  he  would  probably  have  kilPd  me. 
He  was  afterwards  charg'd  with  some  other  crime,  but 
refusing  to  plead,  was  press'd  to  death.  .  .  . 

25    [Dec.].      Christmas  day,  no  sermon  any  where,  no  SoinNew 
Church  being  permitted  to  be  open,  so  observ'd  it  at  home.   Jh?fti£e.at 
The   next   day  we   went   to   Lewesham,   where    an   honest 
divine  preach'd. 

31  Dec.  I  adjusted  all  accompts,  and  render'd  thanks 
to  Almighty  God  for  his  mercys  to  me  the  yeare  past.  .  .  . 

ii  April  [1653].  I  went  to  take  the  aire  in  Hide  Park, 
where  every  coach  was  made  to  pay  a  shilling,  and  horse 

6d.  by  the  sordid  fellow  who  had  purchas'd  it  of  the  State  £f- of    ... 
*  Cromwells 

as  they  were  cal'd.  .  .  ,  government 


2O 


Conditions 


[1652-1668 


At  Oxford, 


inations; 

corresponds^ 
to  our 

Commence 
ment. 

inceptor  = 

degree'of  ^ 
master  of 


Evelyn  was 

tifuf  views  aU~ 
and  land- 


Evelyn's 

ideals  of 


those  gen- 


Restoration16 
period. 


For  New 

Oulkers  see 
below,  No. 


ii  [May,  1654].  I  now  observed  how  the  women  began 
to  paint  themselves,  formerly  a  most  ignominious  thing.  .  .  . 

10  [July].  On  Monday  I  went  againe  to  ye  Scholes 
[schools]  to  heare  the  severall  Faculties,  and  in  ye  after- 
noone  tarried  out  the  whole  Act  in  St.  Mane's,  the  long 
speeches  of  the  Proctors,  the  Vice-Chancellor,  the  severall 
Professors,  creation  of  Doctors  by  ye  cap,  ring,  kisse,  &c. 
those  antien-t  ceremonies  and  institution  being  as  yet  not 
wholy  abolish'd.  Dr.  Kendal,  now  Inceptor  amongst  others, 
performing  his  Act  incomparably  well,  concluded  it  with  an 
excellent  oration,  abating  his  Presbyterian  animosities,  which 
he  witheld  not  even  against  that  learned  and  pious  divine 
Dr.  Hammond.  .  .  . 

Went  back  to  Cadenham,  and  on  ye  iQth  to  Sir  Ed. 
Baynton's  at  Spie  Park,  a  place  capable  of  being  made  a 
noble  seate  ;  but  the  humourous  old  Knight  has  built  a  long 
single  house  of  2  low  stories  on  ye  precipice  of  an  incom- 
parable  prospect,  and  landing  on  a  bowling  greene  in  ye 
park.  The  house  is  like  a  long  barne,  and  has  not  a  win 
dow  on  ye  prospect  side.  After  dinner  they  went  to  bowles, 

' 

and  in-  the  meanetime  our  coach-men  were  made  so  exceed- 
*nsty  drunk,  that  in  returning  home  we  escap'd  greate  dan- 
gers.  This  it  seems  was  by  order  of  the  Knight,  that  all 
gentlemen's  servants  be  so  treated  ;  but  the  custom  e  is 
t>ar^arous»  an^  much  unbecoming  a  Knight,  still  lesse  a 
Christian.  .  .  . 

22  July.  We  departed  and  din'd  at  a  ferme  [farm]  of 
my  uncle  Hungerford's,  call'd  Darneford  Magna,  situate  in  a 
vally  under  ye  plaine,  most  sweetly  water'd,  abounding  in 
trouts  catch'd  by  speare  in  the  night  when  they  come 
attracted  by  a  light  set  in  ye  sterne  of  a  boate.  .  .  . 

[8  July,  1656].  I  had  ye  curiosity  to  visite  some  Quakers 
nere  *n  Pr^son  >  a  new  P^anatic  [fanatic]  sect,  of  dangerous 
principles,  who  shew  no  respect  to  any  man,  magistrate  or 
other,  and  seeme  a  melancholy  proud  sort  of  people,  and 


No.  8] 


In   England 


21 


exceedingly  ignorant.     One  of  these  was  said  to  have  fasted  For  the  gov- 

20  daies,  but  another  endeavouring  to  do  ye  like,  perish'd  England,  see 

on  the  loth,  when  he  would  have  eaten  but  could  not.  .  .  .  ?~|5?w 

1668.     8  Jan.      I  saw  deepe  and  prodigious  gaming  at  5,6,19,23-28, 

the  Groome-Porters,  vast  heapes  of  gold  squander'd  away  57~  4' 
in  a  vaine  and   profuse   manner.      This  I  looked  on  as  a 
horrid  vice  and  unsuitable  in  a  Christian  Court. 

John  Evelyn,  Memoirs  (edited  by  William  Bray,  London,  1819), 
I,  261-412  passim. 


8.    Reasons  for  Emigration  (1641) 

WHEN  a  Kingdom  beginneth  to  be  over-burthened 
with  a  multitude  of  people  (as  England  and  Scot 
land  now  do)  to  have  a  convenient  place  where  to  send 
forth  Coloniesis  no  smal  benefit :  And  such  are  the  North 
east  and  North-west  parts  of  America,  betweene  the  degrees 
of  25.  and  45.  of  the  North  latitude,  which,  at  this  time  doe 
even  offer  themselves  unto  us,  to  bee  protected  by  us,  against 
the  knowne  cruelty  of  the  over-neare  approaching  Spaniard. 

A  very  large  tract  of  ground  containing  spacious,  health- 
full,  pleasant,  and  fruitfull  countries,  not  only  apt,  but  already 
provided  of  all  things  necessary  for  mans  sustentation,  Corne, 
Grasse,  and  wholsome  cattell  [cattle]  in  good  competencie ; 
but  Fish,  Fowle,  Fruits  and  Herbes  in  abundant  variety. 

If  wee  should  looke  no  further,  then  [than]  the  South  of 
Virginia,  (which  is  our  owne)  wee  shall  find  there  all  man 
ner  of  provision  for  life ;  besides  Merchantable  Commodi 
ties,  Silke,  Vines,  Cotton,  Tobacco,  Deer-skins,  Goat-skins, 
rich  Furre,  and  Beavers  good  store,  Timber,  Brasse,  Iron, 
Pitch,  Tarre,  Rosin ;  and  almost  all  things  necessary  for 
shipping,  which  if  they  shall  bee  employed  that  way ;  they 
who  are  sent  away  may  (with  Gods  blessing)  within  short 


By  REV 
EREND  WIL 
LIAM  CAS- 

TELL(tl645), 
a  clergyman 
of  the  Church 
of  England, 
who  was 
much  inter 
ested  in  the 
colonization 
of  America 
and  the  con 
version  of 
the  Indians 
there.    The 
extract  is 
from  a  peti 
tion  to 
Parliament. 
—  For  other 
reasons  for 
colonization, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  I, 
ch.  vi. 

From  25°  to 
45°  =  from 
southern 
Florida  to 
Maine. 


22 


Conditions 


Found  in 
California 
two  centuries 
later. 


For  opinions 
of  Spain,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  Nos. 
25,  30,  46. 


Ultimately 
the  ruin  of 
Spain. 


Bull  of  1494. 
—  See  Con 
temporaries, 
I,  No.  18. 


time  in  due  recompence  of  their  setting  forth,  returne  this 
Kingdome  store  of  silver  and  gold,  pearles  and  precious 
stones;  for  undoubtedly  (if  there  be  not  a  generall  mistake 
in  all  Authors,  who  have  written  of  these  places)  such  treas 
ure  is  to  bee  had,  if  not  there,  yet  in  places  not  farre  remote, 
where  (as  yet)  the  Spaniard  hath  nothing  to  doe.  And  in 
case  the  Spaniard  will  bee  troublesome  to  our  Plantations, 
or  shall  (as  it  is  generally  conceived)  bee  found  an  Enemy 
to  this  Kingdome,  there  is  no  way  more  likely  to  secure 
England,  then  [than]  by  having  a  strong  Navie  there  ;  here 
by  wee  may  come  to  share,  if  not  utterly  to  defeat  him  of 
that  vaste  Indian  Treasure,  wherewith  hee  setteth  on  fire 
so  great  a  part  of  the  Christian  World,  corrupteth  many 
Counsellors  of  state,  supporteth  the  Papacie,  and  generally 
perplexeth  all  reformed  Churches. 

Nor  need  any  scrupulous  quere  [query]  bee  made,  whether 
wee  may  not  assault  an  enemy  in  any  place,  or  not  esteeme 
them  such  as  shall  assault  us  in  those  places,  where  wee  have 
as  much  to  doe  as  they.  The  Spaniard  claimeth  indeed  an 
Interest,  little  lesse  then  hereditarie  in  almost  all  America, 
and  the  West  Indies,  but  it  is  but  by  vertue  of  the  Popes 
grant,  which  is  nothing  worth,  as  was  long  since  determined 
by  Queene  Elizabeth,  and  her  Councell ;  so  as  for  the  Span 
iard  to  debarre  us  in  the  liberty  of  our  Plantations,  or  free- 
dome  of  commerce  in  those  spacious  countries,  were  over 
proudly  to  take  upon  him ;  and  for  us  to  permit  it  were 
over-much  to  yeeld  of  our  own  right. 

Especially,  when  we  may,  as  now  w*e  may,  so  easily  helpe 
our  selves  :  For  your  Petitioner  conceiveth  there  is  no  great 
difficulty  in  the  preparation  here,  or  tediousnesse  in  the 
passage  thither,  or  hazard  when  wee  come  there.  The 
preparation  of  men  and  shipping,  in  respect  of  the  daily 
happy  expected  accord  between e  us  and  the  Scots,  is  (upon 
the  matter)  already  made ;  and  as  for  money  it  is  in  the 
power  of  this  Honourable  House  to  give  sufficient,  without 


NO.  9]  Virginia  2  3 

any  grievance,  or  dislike  of  the  Commonwealth,  who  (un 
doubtedly)  in  the  generall  will  thinke  nothing  grievous, 
which  shall  bee  concluded  by  your  wisedomes,  expedient 
to  such  a  pious  and  charitable  worke. 

And  as  for  the  passage,  how  can  it  be  thought  either 
tedious  or  dangerous,  it  being  ordinarily  but  six  weekes 
sayle,  in  a  sea  much  more  secure  from  Pirats,  and  much 
more  free  from  shipwrack,  and  enemies  coasts,  then  [than] 
our  ten  or  twelve  moneths  voyage  into  the  East- Indies.  And 
as  for  our  good  successe*  there,  wee  need  not  feare  it.  The 
natives  being  now  every  where  more  then  [than]  ever,  out 
of  an  inveterate  hatred  to  the  Spaniard,  ready  and  glad  to 
entertaine  us.  Our  best  friends  the  Netherlanders  being 
with  eight  and  twenty  ships  gone  before  to  assist  and  further  See  below, 
us.  And  which  is  much  more,  our  going  with  a  generall  conr 
sent  in  Gods  cause,  for  the  promoting  of  the  Gospel,  and  in- 
larging  of  his  Church,  may  assure  us  oJ  a  more  then  [than] 
ordinary  protection  and  direction.  That  hitherto  wee  have 
beene  lesse  sucgessefull  in  our  voyage  that  way,  wee  may 
justly  impute  it  to  this,  that  as  yet  they  have  not  beene 
undertaken  with  such  a  generall  consent,  and  with  such  a 
full  reference  to  Gods  glory  as  was  requisite. 

A  Petition  of  W.  C.  exhibited  to  the  High  Court  of  Parliament 
.  .  .  for  the  Propagating  of  the  Gospel  in  America  .  .  . 
(1641),  11-15. 


O.      Indian    Life   (l6oO-l6l  l)  By  HENRY 

SPELMAN 
(1600-1622), 
r*O  giue  sum  [some]  satisfaction  to  my  frends  and  con-  who  came  to 

±      tentment  unto  others,  wch  wish  well  to  this  viage  [voy-  boyfwas  cap> 

age],  and  are  desir[o]us  to  heare  ye  fashions  of  that  cuntrye  :  V11"6^^.^6 

I  haue  set  doune  [down]  as  well  as  I  can,  what  I  obserued  in  1614,  and 

ye  time  I  was  amonge  them.    And  therfore  first  concerninge  Jj^  *™r°snev. 

ther  [their]  gods,  yow  [you]  must  understand  that  for  ye  era!  years. 


24 


Conditions 


[1609-1613 


He  thus 

acquired  an 

intimate  per- 


ways.  —  For 

Indians  and 
theirrelations 
with  the  col- 

°Confempora- 

rieS>6o'  N°S> 
123,  127,  133, 

n^ch!  xvifi2  : 

This  would 
not  hold  true 


and  Central 


most  part  they  worship  ye  diuell  [devil],  wch  yc  couniurers 

r         .  -,        .  f.*  , 

[conjurersj  who  are  ther  preests,  can  make  apeare  unto 
^em  at  ^GT  pleasuer,  yet  neuer  ye  less  [nevertheless]  in 
euery  cuntry  they  haue  a  seuerall  Image  whom  they  call 

.1  j 

ther  g°d' 

T)LACES  of  Habitation  they  haue  but  feaw  [few]  for  ye 
•*•  greatest  toune  [town]  haue  not  aboue  20  or  30  houses 
in  it,  Ther  Biuldirige  [buildings]  are  made  like  an  ouen  w* 
Cwitn]  a  lite11  [little]  hole  to  cum  [come]  in  at  But  more  spatius 
[spacious]  wl  in  [within]  hauinge  a  hole  in  the  midest  of  ye 
house  for  smoke  to  goe  out  at,  The  Kinges  houses  are  both 
broader  and  longer  then  ye  rest  hauinge  many  darke  wind- 
inges  and  turnings  before  any  cum  wher  the  Kinge  is,  But  in 

.  . 

that  time  when  they  goe  a  Huntinge  ye  weomen  goes  to  a 
place  apoynted  before,  to  biuld  houses  for  ther  husbands  to 
lie  in  att  night  carienge  [carrying]  matts  w*  them  to  couer 
ther  houses  w*  all  [withal],  and  as  the  men  goes  furthur  a 
huntinge  the  weomen  follows  to  make  houses,  always  carri- 
enge  ther  mattes  w*  them  ther  maner  of  ther  Huntinge  is 
thiss  they  meett  sum  2  or  300  togither  and  hauinge  ther 
bowes  and  arrows  and  euery  one  wl  a  fier  [fire]  sticke  in 
ther  hand  they  besett  a  great  thikett  round  about,  wch  dunn 
[done]  euery  one  sett  fier  on  the  ranke  grass  wch  ye  Deare 
seinge  [seeing]  fleeth  from  ye  fier,  and  the  menu  cumminge 
[coming]  in  by  a  litell  and  litle  [little  and  little]  incloset/z 
ther  game  in  a  narrow  roome,  so  as  w'  ther  Bowes  and 
arrowes  they  kill  them  at  ther  pleasuer  takinge  ther  skinns 
wch  is  the  greatest  thinge  they  desier,  and  sume  flesh  for 
ther  prouision.  .  .  . 


r  I  ^HE    King  is  not  know[n]  by  any  difference]  from 

A    other  of  ye  chefe  sort  in  ye  cuntry  but  °n]y  when  he 

calling  sav-      cums  to  any  of  ther  howses  they  present  him  w*  copper 
Beads  or  Vitall  [victual],  and  shew  much  reuerence  to  him 


NO.  9]  Indian   Life  25 

The  preest  are  shauen  on  ye  right  side  of  ther  head  close 
to  the  scull  only  a  litle  locke  leaft  [left]  at  ye  eare  and  sum 
of  thes  haue  beards  But  ye  common  people  haue  no  beards  So  to-day 
at  all  for  they  pull  away  ther  hares  [hairs]  as  fast  as  it  growes 
And  they  also  cutt  ye  heares  on  ye  right  side  of  ther  heade 
that  it  might  not  hinder  them  by  flappinge  about  ther  bow 
stringe,  when  they  draw  it  to  shoott,  But  on  ye  other  side 
they  lett  it  grow  and  haue  a  long  locke  hanginge  doune 
[down]  ther  shoulder, 

AS  for  Armoure  or  dissipline  in  ware  [war]  the[y]  haue 
not  any.  The  weopons  they  vse  for  offence  are 
Bowes  and  Arrowes  w*  a  weapon  like  a  hammer  and  ther 
Tomahaucks  for  defence  wch  are  shi[e]lds  made  of  the 
barke  of  a  tree  and  hanged  on  ther  leaft  shoulder  to  couer 
that  side  as  they  stand  forth  to  shoote 

They  neuer  fight  in  open  fields  but  always  e[i]ther 
amonge  reede  or  behind  trees  takinge  ther  oportunitie  to 
shoot  at  ther  enimies  and  till  they  can  nocke  [notch] 
another  arrow  they  make  the  trees  ther  defence 

In  ye  time  that  I  was  ther  I  sawe  a  Battell  [battle]  fought 
betwene  the  Patomeck  [Potomac]  and  the  Masomeck,  ther 
place  wher  they  fought  was  a  marish  [marsh]  ground  full 
of  Reede  Beinge  in  the  cuntry  of  the  Patomecke  the  peopel 
of  Masomeck  weare  [were]  brought  thether  in  Canoes  wch  is 
a  kind  of  Boate  they  haue  made  in  the  forme  of  an  Hoggs  A  dugout 
trowgh  [trough]  But  sumwhat  more  hollowed  in,  On  Both 
sid[e]s  they  scatter  them  selues  sum  litle  distant  one  from 
the  other,  then  take  they  ther  bowes  and  arrows  and  hauinge 
made  ridie  [ready]  to  shoot  they  softly  steale  toward  ther 
enimies,  Sumtime  squattinge  doune  and  priinge  [prying]  if 
they  can  spie  any  to  shoot  at  whom  if  at  any  time  he  so 
Hurteth  that  he  can  not  flee  they  make  hast[e]  to  him  to 
knock  him  on  the  heade  . 


26 


Conditions 


[1634 


WHEN  they  meet  at  feasts  or  otherwise  they  vse 
sprorts  [sports]  much  like  to  ours  heare  [here]  in 
England  as  ther  daunsinge  [dancing],  wch  is  like  our  darby- 
sher  [Derbyshire]  Hornepipe  a  man  first  and  the^  a  woman 
and  so  through  them  all,  hanging  all  in  a  round,  ther  is  one 
wch  stand  in  the  midest  w1  a  pipe  and  a  rattell  [rattle]  wl  \vch 
when  he  beginns  to  make  a  noyes  [noise]  all  the  rest  Gigetts 
[whirl]  about. -wriinge  [wrying]  ther  neckes  and  stampinge 
on  ye  ground 

They  vse  beside  football  play,  wch  wemen  an</  young  boyes 
doe  much  play  at.  The  men  neuer  They  make  ther  Gooles 
[goals]  as  ours  only  they  neuer  fight  nor  pull  one  another 
doune 

The  men  play  w*  a  litel  balle  lettinge  it  fall  out  of  ther  hand 
and  striketh  \t  w*  the  tope  of  his  foot,  and  he  that  can  strike 
the  ball  furthest  winns  that  they  play  for. 

Henry  Spelman,  Relation  of  Virginia  (edited  by  J.  F.  Hunne- 
well,  London,  1872),  11-19  p 


By  JOHN 
SADLER,  an 
emigration 
broker,  or 
agent,  at  Red 
Lion,  in 
Bucklers- 
bury,  Eng 
land.     Lady 
Verney  had 
consulted 
him  about 
the  outfit 
necessary  for 
her  son,  who 
was  going  out 
to  Virginia ; 
Sadler  gave 
the  following 
advice.    Of 


10.    Requirements  of  an   Emigrant  (1634) 

IF  it  will  please  sir  Edmund  and  your  ladyshipp  to  bee 
ruled  by  my  aduise,  your  sonne  shoold  [should]  have 
with  him  iij  [3]  seruants  at  least,  which  may  bee  had  heare 
[here]  at  a  dayes  warninge  ;  if  I  were  to  send  40  servants  I 
coold  [could]  have  them  heere  at  a  dayes  warninge ;  but, 
indede,  I  desierd  [desired],  if  it  were  possible,  to  have  him 
bringe  a  cooper  out  of  the  country,  which  wee  cannot  get 
soe  redily  heare.  Euery  servant  hee  sends  over  will  stand 
him  in  xiju  [for]  his  passage  and  apparel  fit  for  him,  with 
other  charges.  After  his  cumming  into  Verginniae,  I  doubt 
nott  but  by  frends  I  have  there  hee  shall  bee  well  acomo- 


NO.  io]         Emigrant   Supplies  27 

dated  for  his  owne  person,  and  at  a  resonable  rate,  and  his   course,  many 
men  maye  likewise  be  taken  of[f  ]  his  hande  and  dyated  grants 
[dieted]   for  theyre  [their]  worke  for  the  first  yeare,  and 
with  some  advantage  to  your  sonne  besides ;  then  the  next   their  two 
yeare,  if  hee  shall  like  the  cuntry,  and  bee  mynded  to  staye   capital— See 
and  settell  a  plantation  him  selfe,  those  servants  will  bee    Contempora- 
seasoned,  and  bee  enabled  to  direct  such  others  as  shall  bee   NO.' 50. 
sent  vnto  him  from  hence  hearafter,  or  if  hee  shall  nott  like   "Xijii"=^i2, 
the  cuntry,  then  hee  maye  sell  theyre  tyme  they  haue  to  P^P^Jof 
sorve  him  vnto  other  men  that  haue  neede  of  servants,  and   $200  now. 
make  a  good  bennifitt  of  them,  as  alsoe  of  all  such  things 
as  he  shall  carry  with  him,  for  ther  is  nothinge  that  wee 
carry  from  hence  but  if  it  cost  2os.  heare  in  England  they 
doe  geeve  [give]  there  for  it  30.5-. 

Now,  for  his  owne  proper  acomodation,  I  must  intreat 
your  ladiship  that  hee  maye  bring  vp  with  him  a  fether  bed, 
bolster,  pillow,  blanketts,  rugg,  and  3  payre  [pair]  of 
sheets,  vnless  you  will  please  they  shalbee  bought  heare ; 
it  is  but  a  spare  horse  the  more  to  bring  them  vp.  And  lett  I*,  a  pack- 
nott  his  staye  bee  longer.  If  hee  had  cum  vp  nowe,  I  had  them! 
then  beespoack  [bespoke]  for  him  that  acomodation  (in 
regard  of  the  intimasie  I  haue  with  the  owners  of  the  shipp) 
which  he  cannott  haue  in  every  shipp  that  goeth  thether ; 
for  hee  shoold  haue  layne  in  the  great  cabbin,  which  is  more 
then  [than]  an  ordenary  curtesie ;  but  I  am  afeard  if  the 
wynde  cum  fayre  [fair]  for  them  to  bee  gon,  that  theye  will 
not  staye  past  iij.  or  iiij.  dayes  longer  at  most.  But,  howe 
ever,  ther  shalbee  nothinge  wantinge  in  mee  toe  doe  the 
best  I  can  to  gett  him  the  best  acomodation  I  maye  in 
some  other  shipp,  if  hee  doe  cum  toe  [too]  late. 

Maddam,  the  reson  why  I  intreat  your  ladyshipp  that  hee 
may  haue  with  him  for  his  owne  particular  vse  a  fether  bed, 
bolster,  blanquetts,  rugg,  curtaynes,  and  vallence  is,  that, 
althogh  many  howshowlds  [households]  in  Verginia  ar[e] 
soe  well  provided  as  to  enterteyne  a  stranger  with  all  thinges 


28 


Conditions 


[1634 


Corn  = 
grain,  not 
Indian  corn. 


I.e.  liquors. 


About  $95 
each,  per 
haps  equal  to 
$300  now. 


necessary  for  the  belly,  yeat  [yet]  few  or  non[e]  ar[e]  bet 
ter  provided  for  the  back  as  yeat  then  [than]  to  serve  theyre 
own  turnes  j  therfore  tis  necessary  that  hee  bee  provided  of 
that  for  more  asurance. 

Now  if  it  will  please  your  ladishipp  that  he  maye  haue  ij. 
men  with  him,  I  haue  hear  inclosed  sent  a  noate  [account], 
as  neare  calculated  as  I  can,  what  the  charges  will  bee  of  ij. 
men,  as  alsoe  a  nother  noate  added  ther  vnto  of  such  things 
as  tis  necessary  hee  doe  carry  over  for  sale ;  som  part  of 
them  to  purchass  corne  against  next  year,  as  well  for  the)is 
[those]  seruants  hee  now  carryes  as  for  those  he  shall  haue 
sent  him  next  yeare,  and  for  more  asurance  least  [lest]  there 
shoold  happen  to  bee  a  scarsety  [scarcity]  in  the  cuntry, 
which  some  tymes  dooth  soe  fall  out  through  the  covetious- 
nes  of  the  planters,  that  strive  to  plant  much  tobacco  and 
littell  corne  ;  soe  that  want  comes  vpon  som  of  them  beefore 
they  are  aware  of  it. 

I  haue  alreddy  bought  the  flower,  the  fowlinge  peeces,  the 
stronge  waters,  and  the  grosery  wares,  and  for  the  rest  I 
haue  sought  them  out  and  know  where  to  bee  fitted  with 
them  at  halfe  a  dayes  warninge,  but  I  durst  nott  proseede 
in  buyinge  them  vntill  I  might  heare  farther  your  pleasure, 
which  I  coold  wish  might  bee  by  him  selfe  vpon  Satterdaye 
next  by  noone,  and  then  I  hoape  [hope]  in  the  after  noone 
I  might  dispa[t]ch  all,  and  hee  might  cum  time  enough  toe 
goe  awaye  in  this  shipp,  where  I  soe  much  desier  hee  shoold 
goe  for  the  good  acomodation  that  I  am  suer  [sure]  hee 
shoold  haue  there. 

This  charge  for  him  selfe  and  ij.  men,  with  the  provisions 
which  is  needfull  for  him  to  carry,  will  cum  toe  56h  [56^], 
littell  more  or  less ;  and  if  you  shall  think  fitt  toe  [to]  lett 
him  haue  a  third  man  it  is  but  xij11  [12^]  more,  and  truly 
it  is  the  opinion  of  all  that  I  haue  or  can  conferr  with  all, 
that  it  is  a  greate  deale  better  for  him  to  have  som  seasoned 
men  of  his  owne,  when  hee  goes  to  settell  a  plantation  him 


NO. 


New   England 


29 


selfe,  then  to  haue  all  fresh  men,  because  those  men  maye 
bee  inabled  to  direct  others  that  hee  shall  haue  hearafter. 

John  Bruce,  editor,  Letters  and  Papers  of  the   Verney  Family 
(Camden  Society,  London,  1853),  160-162. 


ii.    Some  Rarities  of  New  England 
(1663-1671) 

THE  Six  and  twentieth  [of  July,  1663]  we  had  sight 
of  land. 

The  Seven  and  twentieth  we  Anchored  at  Nantascot,  in 
the  afternoon  I  went  aboard  of  a  Ketch,  with  some  other  of 
our  passengers,  in  hope  to  get  to  Boston  that  night ;  but  the 
Master  of  the  Ketch  would  not  consent. 

The  Eight  and  twentieth  being  Tuesday,  in  the  morning 
about  5  of  the  clock  he  lent  us  his  Shallop  and  three  of  his 
men,  who  brought  us  to  the  western  end  of  the  town  where 
we  landed,  and  having  gratified  the  men,  we  repaired  to  an 
Ordinary  (for  so  they  call  their  Taverns  there)  where  we 
were  provided  with  a  liberal  cup  of  burnt  Madera-wine,  and 
store  of  plum-cake,  about  ten  of  the  clock  I  went  about  my 
Affairs.  .  .  . 

The  shore  is  Rockie,  with  high  cliffs,  having  a  multitude 
of  considerable  Harbours ;  many  of  which  are  capacious 
enough  for  a  Navy  of  500  sail,  one  of  a  thousand,  the  Coun- 
trie  within  Rockie  and  mountanious,  full  of  tall  wood,  one 
stately  mountain  there  is  surmounting  the  rest,  about  four 
score  mile  from  the  Sea :  The  description  of  it  you  have 
in  my  rarities  of  New-England,  between  the  mountains  are 
many  ample  rich  .  .  .  valleys  as  ever  eye  beheld,  beset  on 
each  side  with  variety  of  goodly  Trees,  the  grass  man- high 
unmowed,  uneaten  and  uselesly  withering ;  within  these  val- 


No.  ii  is 
by  JOHN 
JOSSELYN,  a 
traveller  who 
paid  two 
visits  to  New 
England,  in 
1638-39  and 
1663-71  re 
spectively. 
Shortly  after 
his  return 
from  his 
second  trip 
he  published 
the  book 
from  which 
extracts  are 
given  below. 
Though  as  a 
historian  he 
is  often  inac 
curate,  his 
observations 
are  valuable, 
and  he  writes 
in  sprightly 
style.  —  For 
other  pieces 
by  Josselyn, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  I, 
Nos.  125, 145. 
—  On  New 
England,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  I, 
Part  V. 

Nantasket,  at' 
the  entrance 
to  Boston 
Harbor. 

A  ketch  was 
a  small  two- 
masted 
vessel. 

The  south 
ern  White 
Mountains. 

The  so-called 
"  intervales." 


Conditions 


[1663-1671 


l.e.  original 
source. 


A  groat  was 
four  pence. 


leys  are  spacious  lakes  or  ponds  well  stored  with  Fish  and 
Beavers  ;  the  original  of  all  the  great  Rivers  in  the  Countrie, 
of  which  there  are  many  with  lesser  streams  (wherein  are  an 
infinite  of  fish)  manifesting  the  goodness  of  the  soil  .  .  . 
The  whole  Countrie  produceth  springs  in  abundance  replen 
ished  with  excellent  waters,  having  all  the  properties  ascribed 
to  the  best  in  the  world.  .  .  . 

Frogs  too  there  are  in  ponds  and  upon  dry  land,  they 
chirp  like  Birds  'in  the  spring,  and  latter  end  of  summer 
croak  like  Toads.  .  .  . 

The  Toad  is  of  two  sorts,  one  that  is  speckled  with  white, 
and  another  of  a  dark  earthy  colour ;  there  is  of  them  that 
will  climb  up  into  Trees  and  sit  croaking  there  ;  but  whether 
it  be  of  a  third  sort,  or  one  of  the  other,  or  both,  I  am  not 
able  to  affirm  ;  but  this  I  can  testifie  that  there  be  Toads  of 
the  dark  coloured  kind  that  are  as  big  as  a  groat  loaf.  .  .  . 

Now  before  I  proceed  any  further,  I  must  (to  prevent 
misconstructions)  tell  you  that  these  following  Creatures, 
though  they  be  net  properly  accounted  Serpents,  yet  they 
are  venomous  and  pestilent  Creatures.  As,  first  the  Rat, 
but  he  hath  been  brought  in  since  the  English  came  thither, 
but  the  Mouse  is  a  Native,  of  which  there  are  several  kinds 
not  material  to  be  described ;  the  Bat  or  flitter  mouse  is 
bigger  abundance  than  any  in  England  and  swarm,  which 
brings  me  to  the  insects  or  cut-wa[i]sted  Creatures  again, 
as  first  the  honey-Bee,  which  are  carried  over  by  the  Eng 
lish  and  thrive  there  exceedingly  .  .  .  But  the  wasp  is 
common,  and  they  have  a  sort  of  wild  humble-Bee  that 
breed  in  little  holes  in  the  earth.  Near  upon  twenty  years 
since  there  lived  an  old  planter  at  Black-point,  who  on  a 
Sunshine  day  about  one  of  the  clock  lying  upon  a  green 
bank  not  far  from  his  house,  charged  his  Son,  a  lad  of  12 
years  of  age  to  awaken  him  when  he  had  slept  two  hours, 
the  old  man  falls  asleep  and  lying  upon  his  back  gaped  with 
his  mouth  wide  [open]  .  .  .  after  a  little  while  the  lad  sit- 


No.  n] 


New   England 


31 


ting  by  spied  a  humble-Bee  creeping  out  of  his  Fathers 
mouth,  which  taking  wing  flew  quite  out  of  sight,  the  hour 
as  the  lad  ghest  [guessed]  being  come  to  awaken  his  Father 
he  jogg'd  him  and  called  aloud  Father,  Father,  it  is  two  a 
clock,  but  all  would  not  rouse  him,  at  last  he  sees  the  hum- 
ble-Bee  returning,  who  lighted  upon  the  sleepers  lip  and 
walked  down  .  .  .  and  presently  he  awaked.  .  .  . 

The  Diseases  that  the  English  are  afflicted  with,  are  the 
same  that  they  have  in  England,  with  some  proper  to  New- 
England  .  .  . 

.  .  .  they  are  troubled  with  a  disease  in  the  mouth  or 
throat  which  hath  proved  mortal  to  some  in  a  very  short 
time,  Quinsies,  and  Impostumations  of  the  Almonds  [ton 
sils],  with  great  distempers  of  cold.  Some  of  our  New- 
England  writers  affirm  that  the  English  are  never  or  very 
rarely  heard  to  sneeze  or  cough,  as  ordinarily  they  do  in 
England,  which  is  not  true.  For  a  cough  or  stitch  upon 
cold,  Wormwood,  Sage,  Marygolds,  and  Crabs-claws  boiled 
in  posset-drink  and  drunk  off  very  warm,  is  a  soveraign 
medicine.  .  .  . 

Caffs  and  Dogs  are  as  common  as  in  England,  but  our 
Dogs  in  time  degenerate ;  yet  they  have  gallant  Dogs  both 
for  fowl  &  wild  Beasts  all  over  the  Countrey :  the  Indians 
store  themselves  with  them,  being  much  better  for  their 
turns,  than  their  breed  of  wild  dogs  .  .  . 

Of  English  Poultry  too  there  is  good  store,  they  have 
'  commonly  three  broods  in  a  year ;  the  hens  by  that  time 
they  are  three  years  old  have  spurs  like  the  Cock,  but  not 
altogether  so  big,  but  as  long,  they  use  to  crow  often,  which 
is  so  rare  a  thing  in  other  Countries,  that  they  have  a  proverb 
Gallina  recinit  a  Hen  crowes.  .  .  . 


Possibly 
diphtheria. 

Tonsilitis. 


Posset  =  a 
drink  com 
posed  of  hoi 
milk  and 
liquor. 


John  Josselyn,  An  Account  of  Two  Voyages  to  New-England 
(London,  1675),  41-193  passim. 


Conditions 


By  THOMAS 
ASH,  a  clerk 
on  board  his 
majesty's 
ship  Rich 
mond,  sent 
out  to  Caro 
lina  in  1680 
with  special 
royal  instruc 
tions  to 
inquire  into 
the  state  of 
thatprovince. 
Ash  gives 
the  earliest 
account  of 
the  English 
settlers  in 
Carolina 
before  their 
settlement  of 
Charleston. 
One  of  the 
chief  reasons 
of  the  suc 
cess  of  the 
English  col 
onies  lay  in 
the  fact  that 
they  settled 
inside  the 
corn  belt, 
which  fur 
nished  un 
failing  food. 
—  For  the 
Carolinas, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  I, 
ch.  xii ;  for 
corn,  Con 
temporaries, 
I,  No.  66. 


Corn  whis 
key,  made  by 
a  still. 


12.    Praise  of  Indian   Corn   (1682) 

BUT  now  their  Gardens  begin  to  be  supplied 
with  such  European  Plants  and  Herbs  as  are 
necessary  for  the  Kitchen,  viz.  Potatoes,  \^ettice,  Coleworts 
[cabbage],  Parsnip,  Turnip,  Carrot  and  Reddish  :  Their 
Gardens  also  begin  to  be  beautified  and  adorned  with  such 
Herbs  and  Flowers  which  to  the  Smell  or  Eye  are  pleasing 
and  agreable,  viz.  The  Rose,  Tulip,  Carnation  and  Lilly.  &c. 
Their  Provision  which  grows  in  the  Field  is  chiefly  Indian 
Corn,  which  produces  a  vast  Increase,  yearly,  yielding  Two 
plentiful  Harvests,  of  which  they  make  wholesome  Bread, 
and  good  Bisket,  which  gives  a  strong,  sound,  and  nourish 
ing  Diet ;  with  Milk  I  have  eaten  it  dress'd  various  ways : 
Of  the  Juice  of  the  Corn,  when  green,  the  Spaniards  with 
Chocolet,  aromatiz'd  with  Spices,  make  a  rare  Drink,  of  an 
excellent  Delicacy.  I  have  seen  the  English  amongst. the 
Caribbes  roast  the  green  Ear  on  the  Coals,  and  eat  it  with  a 
great  deal  of  Pleasure  :  The  Indians  in  Carolina  parch 
the  ripe  Corn,  then  pound  it  to  a  Powder,  putting  it  in  a 
Leathern  Bag :  When  they  use  it,  they  take  a  little  quan 
tity  of  the  Powder  in  the  Palms  of  their  Hands,  mixing  it 
with  Water,  and  sup  *  it  off :  with  this  they  will  travel 
several  days.  In  short,  it's  a  Grain  of  General  Use  to  Man 
and  Beast,  many  thousands  of  both  kinds  in  the  West  Indies 
having  from  it  the  greater  part  of  their  Subsistence.  The 
American  Physicians  observe  that  it  breeds  good  Blood, 
removes  and  opens  Oppellations  and  Obstructions.  At 
Carolina  they  have  lately  invented  a  way  of  makeing  with 
it  good  sound  Beer ;  but  it's  strong  and  heady  :  By  Macer 
ation,  when  duly  fermented,  a  strong  Spirit  like  Brandy 
may  be  drawn  off  from  it,  by  the  help  of  an  Alembick. 

T[homas]  A[sh],  Carolina;  or  a  Description  of  the  Present 
State  of  that  Country  (London,  1682),  13-14. 


CHAPTER   III  — FIRST    ERA   OF 
COLONIZATION 

13.    Settlement  of  Virginia   (1607) 

HONOURABLE  Gentlemen,  for  so  many  faire  and 
Nauigable  Riuers  so  neere  adioyning  [adjoining], 
and  piercing  thorow  [through]  so  faire  a  naturall  Land,  free 
from  any  inundations,  or  large  Fenny  vnwholsome  Marshes, 
I  haue  not  scene,  read,  nor  heard  of:  And  for  the  building 
of  Cities,  Tovvnes,  and  Wharfage,  if  they  will  vse  the  meanes, 
where  there  is  no  more  ebbe  nor  floud  [flood],  Nature  in 
few  places  affoords  any  so  conuenient,  for  salt  Marshes  or 
Quagmires.  In  this  tract  of  lames  Towne  Riuer  I  know 
very  few ;  some  small  Marshes  and  Swamps  there  are,  but 
more  profitable  then  [than]  hurtfull :  and  I  thinke  there  is 
more  low  Marsh  ground  betwixt  Eriffe  and  Chelsey,  then 
[than]  Kecoughton  and  the  Falls,  which  is  about  one  hun 
dred  and  eighty  miles  by  the  course  of  the  Riuer. 

Being  enioyned  [enjoined]  by  our  Commission  not  to 
vnplant  nor  wrong  the  Saluages  [savages],  because  the 
channell  was  so  neere  the  shore,  where  now  is  lames  Towne, 
then  a  thicke  groue  of  trees ;  wee  cut  them  downe,  where 
the  Saluages  pretending  as  much  kindnesse  as  could  bee, 
they  hurt  and  slew  one  and  twenty  of  vs  in  two  houres  :  At 
this  time  our  diet  was  for  most  part  water  and  bran,  and 
three  ounces  of  little  better  stuffe  in  bread  for  flue  men  a 
meale,  and  thus  we  liued  neere  three  moneths  :  our  lodgings 
vnder  boughes  of  trees,  the  Saluages  being  our  enemies, 
whom  we  neither  knew  nor  vnderstood  ;  occasions  I  thinke 
sufficient  to  make  men  sicke  and  die. 


Written  in 
1626  by 
CAPTAIN 
JOHN  SMITH 
(1580-1631), 
soldier,  ex 
plorer,  colo 
nist,  and  later 
president  of 
Virginia. 
Though  he 
was  some 
what  boastful 
in  relating 
his  personal 
exploits,  it  is 
largely  due  to 
his  efforts 
that  the 
Jamestown 
colony  suc 
ceeded.     In 
spite  of 
obvious  ex 
aggerations, 
Smith's 
books  are 
valuable  con 
temporary 
records  from 
one  who  had 
the  best  of 
opportunities 
for  observa 
tion.  —  For 
other  pieces 
by  Smith,  see 
Humphrey, 
Colonial 
Tracts,  Nos. 
13, 14 ;  Amer 
ican  History 
Leaflets \  No. 
27;    Contem- 


33 


34 


First   Colonization 


[1607 


por aries,  I, 
Nos.  62,  90. 
—  For  Vir 
ginia,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  chs. 
ix,  x;  Am. 
Hist.  Studies, 
No.  2. 

Erith  and 
Chelsea, 
English 
towns. 

Kecoughton, 
now  Hamp 
ton,  Va. 

The  Falls, 
now  Rich 
mond,  Va. 

Unplant  = 
dispossess. 

The  site  of 
Jamestown 
was  ill- 
chosen,  being 
low,  swampy, 
and  un 
healthy;  it 
is  now  no 
longer 
inhabited. 

In  later  edi 
tions  of  his 
account, 
Smith  intro 
duced  the 
doubtful 
story  of 
Pocahontas's 
throwing  her 
self  between 
him  and  the 
hatchet.  — 
See  also  Con 
temporaries, 
1,64. 


Necessity  thus  did  inforce  me  with  eight  or  nine,  to  try 
conclusions  amongst  the  Saluages,  that  we  got  prouision 
which  recouered  the  rest  being  most  sicke.  Six  weeks  I 
was  led  captiue  by  those  Barbarians,  though  some  of  my 
men  were  slaine,  and  the  rest  fled,  yet  it  pleased  God  to 
make  their  great  Kings  daughter  the  means  to  returne  me 
safe  to  lames  towne,  and  releeue  [relieve]  our  wants,  and 
then  our  Commonwealth  was  in  all  eight  and  thirty,  the 
remainder  of  one  hundred  and  fiue. 

Being  supplied  with  one  hundred  and  twenty,  with  twelue 
men  in  a  boat  of  three  tuns,  I  spent  foureteene  weeks  in 
those  large  waters  ;  the  contents  of  the  way  of  my  boat  pro 
tracted  by  the  skale  [scale]  of  proportion,  was  about  three 
thousand  miles,  besides  the  Riuer  we  dwell  vpon,  where  no 
Christian  knowne  euer  was,  and  our  diet  for  the  most  part 
what  we  could  finde,  yet  but  one  died. 

The  Saluages  being  acquainted,  that  by  command  from 
England  we  durst  not  hurt  them,  were  much  imboldned ; 
that  famine  and  their  insolencies  did  force  me  to  breake 
our  Commission"  and  instructions,  cause  Powhatan  fly  his 
Countrey,  and  take  the  King  of  Pamavuke  Prisoner ;  and 
also  to  keepe  the  King  of  Paspahegh  in  shackels,  and  put 
his  men  to  double  taskes  in  chaines,  till  nine  and  thirty  of 
their  Kings  paied  vs  contribution,  and  the  offending  Saluages 
[were]  sent  to  lames  towne  to  punish  at  our  owne  discre 
tions  :  in  the  two  last  yeares  I  staied  there,  I  had  not  a  man 
slaine. 

All  those  conclusions  being  not  able  to  preuent  the  bad 
euents  of  pride  and  idlenesse,  hauing  receiued  another 
supply  of  seuentie,  we  were  about  two  hundred  in  all,  but 
not  twentie  work-men :  In  following  the  strict  directions 
from  England  to  doe  that  was  impossible  at  that  time ;  So 
it  hapned,  that  neither  wee  nor  they  had  any  thing  to  eat, 
but  what  the  Countrey  afforded  naturally;  yet  of  eightie 
who  liued  vpon  Oysters  in  lune  and  luly,  with  a  pint  of 


No.  13] 


Virginia 


35 


come  a  week  for  a  man  lying  vnder  trees,  and  1 20  for  the 
most  part  liuing  vpon  Sturgion,  which  was  dried  til  we 
pounded  it  to  powder  for  meale,  yet  in  ten  weeks  but 
seuen  died. 

It  is  true,  we  had  of  Tooles,  Armes,  &  Munition  sufficient, 
some  Aguavita,  Vineger,  Meale,  Pease,  and  Otemeale,  but 
in  two  yeares  and  a  halfe  not  sufficient  for  six  moneths, 
though  by  the  bils  of  loading  the  proportions  sent  vs,  would 
well  haue  contented  vs,  notwithstanding  we  sent  home  ample 
proofes  of  Pitch,  Tar,  Sope  Ashes,  Wainskot,  Clapboord, 
Silke  grasse,  Iron  Ore,  some  Sturgion  and  Glasse,  Saxefras, 
Cedar,  Cypris,  and  blacke  Walnut,  crowned  Powhaton, 
sought  the  Monacans  Countrey,  according  to  the  instruc 
tions  sent  vs,  but  they  caused  vs  [to]  neglect  more  neces 
sary  workes  :  they  had  better  haue  giuen  for  Pitch  and  Sope 
ashes  one  hundred  pound  a  tun  in  Denmarke :  Wee  also 
maintained  fiue  or  six  seuerall  Plantations. 

lames  towne  being  burnt,  wee  rebuilt  it  and  three  Forts 
more,  besides  the  Church  and  Store-house,  we  had  about 
fortie  or  fiftie  seuerall  houses  to  keepe  vs  warme  and  dry, 
inuironed  [environed]  with  a  palizado  of  foureteene  or  fif- 
teene  foot,  and  each  [stake]  as  much  as  three  or  foure  men 
could  carrie.  We  digged  a  faire  Well  of  fresh  water  in  the 
Fort,  where  wee  had  three  Bulwarks,  foure  and  twentie 
peece  of  Ordnance,  of  Culuering  [culverin],  Demiculuering, 
Sacar  and  Falcon,  and  most  well  mounted  vpon  conuenient 
plat-formes,  [and  we]  planted  one  hundred  acres  of  Come. 
We  had  but  six  ships  to  transport  and  supply  vs,  and  but 
two  hundred  seuenty  seuen  men,  boies  [boys],  and  women, 
by  whose  labours  Virginia  being  brought  to  this  kinde  of 
perfection,  the  most  difficulties  past,  and  the  foundation 
thus  laid  by  this  small  meanes ;  yet  because  we  had  done  no 
more,  they  called  in  our  Commission,  tooke  a  new  [one]  in 
their  owne  names,  and  appointed  vs  neere  as  many  offices 
and  Officers  as  I  had  Souldiers,  that  neither  knew  vs  nor 


Aquavitae 
liquor. 


Wainscot  = 
ceiling. 

Sassafras. 


At  the  head 
of  the  James 
River. 


The  timely 
arrival  of 
Newport 
greatly  aided 
in  this  work. 


These  are  all 
species  of 
cannon. 

Smith  was 
justified  in 
what  he  here 
says.     The 
Company 
was  looking 
out  for  the 
interests  of 
its  share 
holders 
rather  than 
for  the  good 
of  the  com 
munity. 


First   Colonization 


[1607 


wee  them,  without  our  consents  or  knowledge ;  since  there 
haue  gone  more  then  [than]  one  hundred  ships  of  other 
proportions,  and  eight  or  ten  thousand  people.  Now  if  you 
please  to  compare  what  hath  beene  spent,  sent,  discouered 
and  done  this  fifteene  yeares,  by  that  we  did  in  the  three 
first  yeares,  and  euery  Gouernor  that  hath  beene  there  since, 
giue  you  but  such  an  account  as  this,  you  may  easily  finde 
what  hath  beene  the  cause  of  those  disasters  in  Virginia.  .  .  . 
I*.  Virginia.  In  the  yeare  1609  about  Michaelmas,  I  left  the  Countrey, 
as  is  formerly  related,  [it  being  provided]  with  three  ships, 
seuen  Boats,  Commodities  to  trade,  haruest  newly  gathered, 
eight  weeks  prouision  of  Corne  and  Meale,  about  flue  hun 
dred  persons,  three  hundred  Muskets,  shot,  powder,  and 
match,  with  armes  for  more  men  then  [than]  we  had.  The 
Saluages  their  language  and  habitation,  well  knowne  to  two 
hundred  expert  Souldiers ;  Nets  for  fishing,  tooles  of  all 
sorts,  apparell  to  supply  their  wants :  six  Mares  and  a 
Horse,  fiue  or  six  hundred  Swine,  many  more  Powltry, 
which  was  brought  or  bred,  but  victuall  there  remained. 

.  .  .  Thus  these  nineteene  yeares  I  haue  here  and  there 
not  spared  any  thing  according  to  my  abilitie,  nor  the  best 
aduice  I  could,  to  perswade  how  those  strange  miracles  of 
misery  might  haue  beene  preuented,  which  lamentable  ex 
perience  plainly  taught  me  of  necessity  must  insue,  but  few 
would  beleeue  [believe]  me  till  now  too  deerely  [dearly] 
they  haue  paid  for  it.  Wherefore  hitherto  I  haue  rather  left 
all  then  [than]  vndertake  impossibilities,  or  any  more  such 
costly  taskes  at  such  chargeable  rates :  for  in  neither  of 
those  two  Countries  haue  I  one  foot  of  Land,  nor  the  very 
house  I  builded,  nor  the  ground  I  digged  with  my  owne 
hands,  nor  euer  any  content  or  satisfaction  at  all,  and  though 
I  see  ordinarily  those  two  Countries  shared  before  me  by 
them  that  neither  haue  them  nor  knowes  them,  but  by  my 
descriptions  :  Yet  that  doth  not  so  much  trouble  me,  as  to 
heare  and  see  those  contentions  and  diuisions  which  will 


Chargeable 
=  expensive. 


Virginia 
and  New 
England, 


NO.  i4]  English   Puritans 


37 


hazard  if  not  mine  the  prosperitie  of  Virginia,  if  present 
remedy  bee  not  found,  as  they  haue  hindred  many  hun 
dreds,  who  would  haue  beene  there  ere  now,  and  makes 
them  yet  that  are  willing  [to  go]  to  stand  in  a  demurre. 

Captain  John  Smith,  The  Generall  Historic  of  Virginia,  New- 
England,  and  the  Summer  Isles  (London,  1626),  162-164 
passim. 


14.    The  King  and  the  Puritans  (1604) 


T 


VHEN  hee  [Doctor  Reynolds]  desireth,  that 
according  to  certaine  Prouincial  Constitu 
tions,  they  of  the  Clergy  might  haue  meetinges  once  euery 
three  weekes ;  first  in  Rurall  Deanries,  and  therein  to  haue 
Prophecy  ing,  according  as  the  Re  lie  rend  Father,  Archbishoppe 
Grindal,  and  other  Bishops  desired  of  her  late  Maiestie. 

2.  that  such  things,  as  could  not  be  resolued  vpon,  there, 
might  bee  referred  to  the  Archdeacons  Visitation:  and  so 

3.  from  thence  to  the  Episcopall  tynode,  where  the  Bishoppe 
with  his  Presbyteri  [presbytery],  should  determine  all  such 
pointes,  as  before  could  not  be  decided. 

.  At  which  speech,  his  Maiestie  was  somewhat  stirred; 
yet,  which  is  admirable  in  him,  without  passion  or  shewe 
thereof/  thinking,  that  they  aymed  at  a  Scottish  Presbytery, 
which  saith  hee,  as  well  agreeth  with  a  Monarchy,  as  God, 
and  the  Diuell  [devil].  "Then  lack  and  Tom,  and  Will, 
and  Dick,  shall  meete,  and  at  their  pleasures  censure  me, 
and  my  Councell,  and  all  our  proceedings/  Then  Will  shall 
stand  vp,  and  say,  it  must  bee  thus ;  then  Dick  shall  reply, 
arid  say,  nay,  mar[r]y,  but  wee  will  haue  it  thus.  And 
therefore,  here  I  must  once  reiterate  my  former  speech, 
Le  Roy  s'auisera  :  Stay,  I  pray  you,  for  one  seauen  [seven] 
yeares,  before  you  demaunde  that  of  mee  :  and  if  then,  you 


No.  14  is 
by  DOCTOR 
WILLIAM 
BARLOW 

(ti6i3) 
bishop  of 
Rochester 
and  Lincoln 
successively. 
He  was  a 
leading 
Church  of 
England  par 
tisan  in  the 
conference  of 
prelates  and 
Puritan 
divines  called 
by  King 
James  I,  at 
Hampton 
Court,  Jan 
uary,  1604. 
His  report, 
from  which 
this  extract 
is  taken,  is 
the  chief 
authority  on 
the  subject. 
—  For  Puri 
tan  doctrine, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  I, 
ch.  xiv. 

Reynoldswas 
one  of  the 
four  Puritan 
leaders  who 
took  part 
in  the  con 
ference. 

"  The  king 
will  think 
about  it."; 
this  was  the 


• 


First   Colonization 


[1604 


regular  form 
of  veto. 

Prophecy- 
ings  were 
exercises  for 
interpreting 
and  discuss 
ing  passages 
of  Scripture. 

Visitations 
were  annual 
tours  of 
inspection. 

The  presby 
tery  would  be 
a  council  of 
the  clergy, 
but  really 
controlled  by 
the  bishop : 
this  was  the 
issue  which 
the  Puritans 
had  raised,  in 
order  to  get 
rid  of  the 
power  of 
the  bishops. 
King  James 
was  quick 
to  see  the 
point. 

The  king, 
ever  since 
the  time  of 
Henry  the 
Eighth,  had 
been  titular 
head  of  the 
English 
Church. 

The  con 
cluding 
words  made 
it  evidpnt 
that  no 
toleration 
might  be 
expected 
from  James, 
but  that  after 
this  it  was 
only  a  ques- 


finde  mee  purseye  [pursy]  and  fat,  and  my  winde  pipes 
stuffed,  I  will  perhaps  hearken  to  you  :  for  let  that  gouern- 
ment  bee  once  vp,  I  am  sure,  I  shall  bee  kept  in  breath ; 
then  shall  wee  all  of  vs,  haue  worke  enough,  both  our  hands 
full.  But  Doctor  Reyn.  til  you  finde  that  I  grow  lazy,  let 
that  alone.M 

And  here,  because  D.  R<?yn.  had  twise  before  obtruded 
the  Kings  Supremacie,  i.  In  the  Article,  concerning  the 
Pope ;  2.  in  the  point  of  Subscription,  his  Maiestie  at  those 
times  saide  nothing;  but  now  growing  to  an  end,  he  saide, 
"  I  shall  speake  of  one  matter  more ;  yet,  somewhat  out  of 
order,  but  it  skilleth  not.  Doctor  Rein."  quoth  the  K. 
"  you  haue  often  spoken  for  my  Supremacie,  and  it  is  well : 
but  knowe  you  any  here,  or  any  else  where,  who  like  of  the 
present  Gouernement  Ecclesiastical!,  that  finde  fault,  or  dis 
like  my  Suprtmadf?"  D.  Rein,  saide  no  ...  And  then 
putting  his  hand  to  his  hat,  his  J/aiestie  saide ;  "  my  Lordes 
the  Bishops,  I  may  thanke  you,  that  these  men  doe  thus 
pleade  for  my  Supremacie ;  They  thinke  they  cannot  make 
their  party  good  against  you,  but  by  appealing  vnto  it,  as  if 
you,  or  some  that  adhere  vnto  you,  were  not  well  affected 
towardes  it.  But  if  once  you  were  out,  and  they  in  place,  I 
knowe  what  would  become  of  my  Supremacie.  No  Bishop, 
no  King,  as  before  I  sayd.  Neither  doe  I  thus  speake,  at 
random,  without  ground,  for  I  haue  obserued  since  my  com- 
ming  into  England,  that  some  Preachers  before  me,  can 
be  content  to  pray  for  lames,  King  of  England,  Scotland, 
Fraunce  and  Ireland,  defender  of  the  faith,  but  as  for 
Supreme  Gouernour  in  all  causes,  and  ouer  all  persons,  (as 
well  Ecclesiasticall  as  Ciuil)  they  passe  that  ouer  with 
silence  ;  &  what  cut  they  haue  beene  of,  I  after  learned." 
After  this  asking  them,  if  they  had  any  more  to  obiect 
[object],  and  D.  Reyn  aunswering,  Noe,  his  Maiestie  ap 
pointed  the  next  Wednesday  for  both  parties  to  meete 
before  him,  and  rising  from  his  Chaire,  as  hee  was  going  to 


No.  15] 


Plymouth 


39 


his  inner  Chamber,  "  If  this  bee  all,"  quoth  he,  "  that  they 
haue  to  say,  I  shall  make  the  [them]  conforme  themselues, 
or  I  will  harrie  them  out  of  the  land,  or  else  do  worse." 

William  Barlow,  The  Svmme  and  Svbstance  of  the  Conference 
.  .  .  at  Hampton  Court.  lanuary  14.  1603  (London,  1604), 
78-83  passim. 


15.    Settlement  of  Plymouth   (1620) 

AFTER  some  houres  sailling,  it  begane  to  snow, 
&  raine,  &  about  ye  midle  of  ye  afternoone 
[Dec.  8,  1620],  ye  wind  Increased,  &  ye  sea  became  very 
rough  ;  and  they  broake  their  rudder,  &  it  was  as  much  as 
.2.  men  could  doe  to  steere  her  with  a  cupple  of  oares. 
But  their  pillott  bad[e]  them  be  of  good  cheere  for  he  saw  ye 
harbor,  but  ye  storme  Increasing,  &  night  drawing  on,  they 
bore  what  saile  they  could  to  gett  in,  while  they  could  see  ; 
but  herwith  they  broake  their  mast  in  .3.  peeces  &  their 
saill  fell  ouer  bo[a]rd,  in  a  very  grown  sea,  so  as  they  had 
like  to  haue  been  cast  away;  yet  by  gods  mercie  they 
recouered  them  selues,  &  hauing  ye  floud  [flood-tide]  with 
them  struck  into  ye  harbore.  But  when  it  came  too  [to], 
ye  pillott  was  deceiued  in  ye  place,  and  said  ye  Lord  be 
mercifull  vnto  them,  for  his  eys  neuer  saw  y*  [that]  place 
before ;  &  he,  &  the  mr  [master]  mate  would  haue  rune  her 
a  shore,  in  a  coue  full  of  breakers  before  ye  winde  but  a 
lusty  seaman  which  steered,  bad[e]  those  which  rowed  if 
they  were  men,  about  with  her,  or  ells  [else]  they  were  all 
cast  away ;  the  which  they  did  with  speed,  so  he  bid  them 
be  of  good  cheere,  &  row  lustly  for  ther  was  a  faire  sound 
before  them,  &  he  doubted  not,  but  they  should  find  one 
place  or  other,  wher  they  might  ride  in  saftie.  And  though 
it  was  very  darke,  and  rained  sore ;  yet  in  ye  end  they  gott 
vnder  ye  lee  of  a  srnalle  Hand  and  remained  ther  all  /  night 


tion  of  time 
when  the 
more  irrecon 
cilable  Puri 
tans  would 
be  compelled 
to  leave 
England. 


By 
GOVERNOR 

WILLIAM 
BRADFORD 
(1590-1657), 
member  ot 
the  Scrooby 
congrega 
tion,  silk- 
manufac 
turer  during 
the  sojourn 
at  Leyden, 
and  later 
governor  of 
Plymouth. 
His  "  His 
tory  "  not 
only  is  the 
chief  source 
on  the  early 
history  of 
Plymouth, 
but  deserv 
edly  ranks 
as  a  classic 
in  historical 
literature.  — 
For  other 
extracts  from 
Bradford,  see 
Old  ^outh 
Leaflets,  Nos. 
48,49 ;  Amer 
ican  History 
Leaflets,  No. 
29 ;    Contem 
poraries,  I, 
Nos.  49, 
97-100,  117. 


First   Colonization 


[l62v. 


After  the 
Mayflower 
had  dropped 
anchor  in 
Province- 
town  harbor, 
this  exploring 
party  was 
sent  out ;  it 
coasted 
along  the 
shore,  and 
finally 
selected 
Plymouth  as 
a  site  for  a 
settlement. 
The  island 
of  refuge  was 
Clark's 
Island. 


Observe 
that  Mary 
Chilton  was 
born  on  the 
Mayflower  at 
Province- 
town,  before 
the  first  land 
ing  at  Ply 
mouth. 


I.e.  Plym 
outh. 


in  saftie.  But  they  knew  not  this  to  be  an  Hand  till  morn 
ing,  but  were  deuided  [divided]  in  their  minds,  some  would 
keepe  ye  boate  for  fear  they  might  be  amongst  ye  Indians ; 
others  were  so  weake  and  could  [cold],  they  could  not  en 
dure,  but  got  a  shore,  &  with  much  adoe  got  fire  (all  things 
being  so  wett)  and  ye  rest  were  glad  to  come  to  them,  for 
after  midnight  ye  wind  shifted  to  the  north-west,  &  it  frose 
hard.  But  thoqgh  this  had  been  a  day,  &  night  of  much 
trouble,  &  danger  vnto  them  ;  yet  god  gaue  them  a  morning 
of  comforte  &  refreshinge  (as  vsually  he  doth  to  his  chil 
dren)  for  ye  next  day  was  a  faire  sunshinlge  day,  and  they 
found  them  sellues  [selves]  to  be  on  an  Hand  secure  from 
ye  Indeans;  wher  they  might  drie  their  stufe  [stuff],  fixe 
their  peeces,  &  rest  them  selues,  and  gaue  god  thanks  for 
his  mercies,  in  their  manifould  deliuerances.  And  this  being 
the  last  day  of  ye  weeke,  they  prepared  ther  to  keepe  ye 
Sabath  ;  on  munday  they  sounded  ye  harbor,  and  founde  it 
fitt  for  shipping ;  and  marched  into  ye  land,  &  found  diuerse 
cornfeilds,  &  litle  runing  brooks,  a  place  [(]as  they  sup 
posed)  fitt  for  situation,  at  least  it  was  ye  best  they  could 
find,  and  ye  season,  &  their  presente  necessitie  made  them 
glad  to  accepte  of  it.  So  they  returned  to  their  shipp  againe 
with  this  news  to  ye  rest  of  their  people,  which  did  much 
comforte  their  h[e]arts. 

On  ye  .75*.  of  Desemr.  they  wayed  [weighed]  anchor  to 
goe  to  ye  place  they  had  discouered,  &  came  within  .2. 
leagues  of  it,  but  were  faine  to  bear  vp  againe,  but  ye  .16. 
day  ye  winde  came  faire,  and  they  arriued  safe  in  this  har 
bor.  And  after  wards  tooke  better  veiw  of  ye  place,  and 
resolued  wher  to  pitch  their  dwelling ;  and  ye  .25.  day  be- 
gane  to  erecte  ye  first  house,  for  comone  vse  to  receiue  them, 
and  their  goods.  .  .  . 

In  these  hard  &  difficulte  beginings  they  found  some  dis 
contents  &  murmurings  arise  amongst  some,  and  mutinous 
speeches  &  carriag[e]s  in  other;  but  they  were  soone 


No.  15] 


Plymouth 


quelled,  &  ouercorne,  by  ye  wisdome,  patience,  and  lust  &  John  Carver, 
equall  carr[i]age   of  things,   by  ye   Gou*   [Governor]    and 


who  died 
the  following 


better  part  wch  claue  [clave]  faithfully  togeather  in  ye  maine.  APril:  he 
But  that  which  was  most  sadd,  &  lamentable,  was,  that  in  ceeded  by 
.2.  or  .3.  moneths  time  halfe  of  their  company  dyed,  espe-  Bradford- 
tialy  in  Ian:  &  February,  being  ye  depth  of  winter,  and  want 
ing  houses  &  other  comforts  ;  being  Infected  with  ye  Scuruie 
[scurvy]  &  and  other  diseases,  which  this  long  vioage  [voyage] 
&  their  Inacomodate  condition  had  brought  vpon  them ;  so 
as  ther  dyed  some  times  .2.  or  .3.  of  a  day,  in  ye  foresaid 
time;  that  of  .100.  &  odd  persons  scarce  .50.  remained: 
and  of  these  in  ye  time  of  most  distres  ther  was  but  .6.  or 
.7.  sound  persons ;  who  to  their  great  comendations,  be  it 
spoken,  spared  no  pains,  night  nor  day,  but  with  abundance 
of  toyle  and  hazard  of  their  owne  health,  fetched  them  wood 
made  them  fires,  drest  them  meat,  made  their  beads,  washed 
ther  lothsome  cloaths,  cloathed  &  vncloathed  them  In  a 
word  did  all  ye  homly,  &  necessarie  offices  for  them,  wch 
dainty  &  quesie  stomacks  cannot  endure  to  hear  named 
and  all  this  willingly  &  cherfully,  without  any  grudging  In 
ye  least,  shewing  herein  their  true  loue  vnto  their  freinds 
&  bretheren ;  A  rare  example  &  worthy  to  be  remembred. 
tow  [two]  of  these  .7.  were  Mr  William  Brewster  ther  reuer- 
end  Elder,  &  Myles  Standish  their  Captein  &  military  com- 
ander,  (vnto  whom  my  selfe,  &  many  others  were  much 
beholden  in  our  low,  &  sicke  condition)  .  .  .  And  what  I 
haue  said  of  these,  I  may  say  of  many  others  who  dyed  in 
this  generall  vissitation  &  others  yet  liuing ;  that  whilst  they 
had  health,  yea  or  any  strength  continuing  they  were  not 
wanting  to  any  that  had  need  of  them  ;  And  I  doute  [doubt] 
not  but  their  recompence  is  with  ye  Lord. 

William  Bradford,  History  of  the  Plimoth  Plantation  (facsimile 
from  the  original  manuscript,  with  an  introduction  by  John  A. 
Doyle,  London  and  Boston,  1896),  52-55  passim. 


First   Colonization     [16x5-1644 


Written  in 
1646  by 
FATHER 
ISAAC 
JOGUES 
(1607-1646), 
a  French 
Jesuit,  and 
"one  of  that 
band  of 
earnest  mis 
sionary 
explorers  to 
whose  work 
the  highest 

Saise  is  due. 
e  was  the 
first  Roman 
Catholic 
priest  in  what 
is  now  the 
State  of 
New  York.— 
For  Jogues, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  I, 
No.  40.  —  On 
Dutch  New 
York,  see  be 
low,  No.  32  ; 
Old  South 
Leaflets,  No. 
69 ;  Contem 
poraries  I, 
ch.  xxiii. — 
On  Dutch  re 
lations  with 
New  Eng 
land,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  I   Nos 
95, 117,  170. 

North  River 
=  the  Hud 
son. 

Fort  Amster 
dam,  later 
New  York. 

The  East 
River. 


1 6.    Settlement  of  New  Amsterdam 
(1615-1644) 

NEW  HOLLAND,  which  the  Dutch  call  in  Latin  Novum 
Belgium  —  in  their  own  language,  Nieuw  Netherland, 
that  is  to  say,  New  Low  Countries  —  is  situated  between 
Virginia  and  New  England.  The  mouth  of  the  river,  which 
some  people  call  Nassau,  or  the  Great  North  River,  to  dis 
tinguish  it  from  another  which  they  call  the  South  River,  and 
from  some  maps  that  I  have  recently  seen  I  think  Maurice 
River,  is  at  40  deg.  30  min.  The  channel  is  deep,  fit  for 
the  largest  ships,  which  ascend  to  Manhatte's  Island,  which 
is  seven  leagues  in  circuit,  and  on  which  there  is  a  fort  to 
serve  as  the  commencement  of  a  town  to  be  built  here,  and 
to  be  called  New  Amsterdam. 

The  fort,  which  is  at  the  point  of  the  island,  about  five  or^ 
six  leagues  from  the  mouth,  is  called  Fort  Amsterdam ;  it 
has  four  regular  bastions  mounted,  with  several  pieces  of 
artillery.  .  .  .  Within  the  fort  there  was  a  pretty  large  stone 
church,  the  house  of  the  Governor,  whom  they  call  Director 
General,  quite  neatly  built  of  brick,  the  storehouses  and 
barracks. 

On  the  Island  of  Manhatte,  and  in  its  environs,  there  may 
well  be  four  or  five  hundred  men  of  different  sects  and 
nations  :  the  Director  General  told  me  that  there  were  men 
of  eighteen  different  languages  ;  they  are  scattered  here  and 
there  on  the  river,  above  and  below,  as  the  beauty  and  con 
venience  of  the  spot  invited  each  to  settle  .  .  . 

The  river,  which  is  very  straight,  and  runs  due  north  and 
south,  is  at  least  a  league  broad  before  the  fort.  Ships  lie 
at  anchor  in  a  bay  which  forms  the  other  side  of  the  island, 
and  can  be  defended  from  the  fort.  .  .  . 

No  religion  is  publicly  exercised  but  the  Calvinist,  and 
orders  are  to  admit  none  but  Calvinists,  but  this  is  not 


NO.  i6]          New   Amsterdam  43 

observed  ;  for  there  are  in  the  Colony  besides  the  Calvin- 
i.sts,  Catholics,  English  Puritans,  Lutherans,  Anabaptists,  here 
called  Mnistes,  &c.,  &c.  When  any  one  comes  to  settle  in  /•«•  Mention- 

,        ,  ,  .       ,  0  ,  ...         ites.  from 

the  country,  they  lend  him  horses,  cows,  &c.  ;  they  give  him   their  chief 


provisions,  all  which  he  returns  as  soon  as  he  is  at  ease  ; 

and  as  to  the  land,  after  ten  years  he  pays  to  the  West  India  Menno 

Company  the  tenth  of  the  produce  which  he  reaps. 

This  country  is  bounded  on  the  New  England  side  by 
a  river  which  they  call  the  Fresche  river,  which  serves  as  a  The  Con- 
boundary  between   them  and   the  English.     The   English, 
however,  come  very  near  to  them,  choosing  to  hold  lands 
under  the  Hollanders,  who  ask  nothing,  rather  than  depend 
on  English  Lords,  who  exact  rents,  and  would  fain  be  abso 
lute.     On  the  other  side,  southward,  towards  Virginia,  its 
limits   are   the   river  which   they  call  the  South  river,  on  The  Deia- 
which   there  is  also  a  Dutch  settlement,  but  the  Swedes  v 
have  one  at  its  mouth  extremely  well  supplied  with  cannons   Fort  Chris- 
and  men.  .  .  .  mington). 

It  is  about  forty  years  since  the  Hollanders  came  to  these 
parts.  The  fort  was  begun  in  the  year  1615  ;  they  began 
to  settle  about  twenty  years  ago,  and  there  is  already  some 
little  commerce  with  Virginia  and  New  England. 

The  first  comers  found  lands  fit  for  use,  formerly  cleared  • 
by  the  savages,  who  had  fields  here.  Those  who  came  later 
have  cleared  the  woods,  which  are  mostly  oak.  The  soil  is 
good.  Deer  hunting  is  abundant  in  the  fall.  There  are 
some  houses  built  of  stone  :  —  lime  they  make  of  oyster 
shells,  great  heaps  of  which  are  found  here,  made  formerly 
by  the  savages,  who  subsist  in  part  by  that  fishery. 

The  climate  is  very  mild.     Lying  at  4o|°  there  are  many  40°  42"  43' 
European  fruits,  as  apples,  pears,  cherries.     I  reached  there 
in  October,  and  found  even  then  a  considerable  quantity  of 
peaches. 

Ascending  the  river  to  the  43d  degree,  you  meet  the 
second  Dutch  settlement,  which  the  tide  reaches  but  does 


44 


First   Colonization 


Present  site 
of  Albany. 


The  govern 
ment  of  this 
colony  was 
a  relic  of  the 
mediaeval 
manorial 
system. 


not  pass.  Ships  of  a  hundred  and  a  hundred  and  twenty 
tons  can  come  up  to  it. 

There  are  two  things  in  this  settlement  (which  is  called 
Renselaerswick,  as  if  to  say,  settlement  of  Renselaers,  who 
is  a  rich  Amsterdam  merchant)  —  ist,  a  miserable  little  fort 
called  Fort  Orange,  built  of  logs,  with  four  or  five  pieces 
of  Breteuil  cannon,  and  as  many  swivels.  This  has  been 
reserved,  and  ,is  maintained  by  the  West  India  Company. 
This  fort  was  formerly  on  an  island  in  the  river ;  it  is  now 
on  the  mainland,  towards  the  Hiroquois  [Iroquois],  a  little 
above  the  said  island.  2d,  a  colony  sent  here  by  this  Ren 
selaers,  who  is  the  patron.  —  This  colony  is  composed  of 
about  a  hundred  persons,  who  reside  in  some  twenty-five  or 
thirty  houses  built  along  the  river,  as  each  found  most  con 
venient.  In  the  principal  house  lives  the  patron's  agent ; 
the  Minister  has  his  apart,  in  which  service  is  performed. 
There  is  also  a  kind  of  Bailiff  here,  whom  they  call  the 
Seneschal,  who  administers  justice.  Their  houses  are 
merely  of  boards  and  thatched,  with  no  mason  work  ex 
cept  the  chimneys.  The  forest  furnishing  many  large 
pines,  they  make  boards  by  means  of  their  mills,  which 
they  have  here  for  the  purpose. 

They  found  some  pieces  of  ground  all  ready,  which  the 
savages  had  formerly  cleared,  and  in  which  they  sow  wheat 
and  oats  for  beer,  and  for  their  horses,  of  which  they  have 
great  numbers.  There  is  little  land  fit  for  tillage,  being 
hemmed  in  by  hills,  which  are  poor  soil.  This  obliges  them 
to  separate,  and  they  already  occupy  two  or  three  leagues 
of  country. 

Trade  is  free  to  all;  this  gives  the  Indians  all  things 
cheap,  each  of  the  Hollanders  outbidding  his  neighbor,  and 
being  satisfied  provided  he  can  gain  some  little  profit. 

The  Jogues  Papers ,  translated  by  John  Gilmary  Shea,  in  New 
York  Historical  Society,  Collections,  Second  Series  (New 
York,  1857),  III,  Part  I,  215-218  passim. 


No.  17] 


Massachusetts 


17.   Planting  of  Massachusetts  (1627-1631) 

TOUCHING  the  plantacon  which  wee  here  haue  begun, 
it  fell  out  thus  about  the  yeare  1627  some  freinds 
beeing  togeather  in  Lincolnesheire,  fell  into  some  discourse 
about  New  England  and  the  plantinge  of  the  gospell  there ; 
and  after  some  deliberation,  we  imparted  our  reasons  by 
1'res  [letters]  &  messages  to  some  in  London  &  the  west 
country  where  it  was  likewise  deliberately  thought  vppon 
[upon],  and  at  length  with  often  negociation  soe  ripened 
that  in  the  year  1628.  wee  procured  a  patent  from  his  Ma'tie 
for  our  planting  between  the  Matachusetts  Bay,  and  Charles 
river  on  the  South ;  and  the  River  of  Merimack  on  the 
North  and  3  miles  on  ether  side  of  those  Rivers  &  Bay,  as 
allso  for  the  government  of  those  who  did  or  should  inhabit 
within  that  compass  and  the  same  year  we  sent  Mr.  John 
Endecott  &  some  with  him  to  beginne  a  plantacon  &  to 
strengthen  such  as  he  should  find  there  which  wee  sent 
thether  from  Dorchester  &  some  places  adioyning  [adjoin 
ing]  ;  ffrom  whom  the  same  year  receivinge  hopefull  news. 
The  next  year  1629  wee  sent  diverse  shipps  over  w'th  about 
300  people,  and  some  Cowes,  Goates  &  horses  many  of 
which  arrived  safely.  Theis  [these]  by  their  too  large 
comendacons  [commendations]  of  the  country,  and  the 
comodities  thereof,  invited  us  soe  strongly  to  goe  on  that 
Mr.  Wenthropp  of  Soffolke  (who  was  well  knowne  in  his 
owne  country  &  well  approved  heere  for  his  pyety,  liberality, 
wisedome  &  gravity)  comeinge  in  to  us,  wee  came  to  such 
resolution  that  in  April  1630,  wee  sett  saiie  from  Old  Eng 
land  with  4  good  shipps.  And  in  May  following  8  more 
followed,  2  haveing  gone  before  in  Ffebruary  and  March,  and 
2  more  following  in  June  and  August,  besides  another  set 
out  by  a  private  merchant.  Theis  1 7  Shipps  arrived  all  safe 
in  New  England,  for  the  increase  of  the  plantacon  here  theis 


By 

GOVERNOR 
THOMAS 
DUDLEY 
(1576-1652), 
soldier,  stew 
ard  of  the 
Earl  of  Lei 
cester,  and 
governor  of 
Massachu 
setts  :  a  good 
type  of  the 
extreme 
Puritan.     He 
came  over  in 
Winthrop's 
company. 
The  settle 
ment  of 
Massachu 
setts  is  the 
best  example 
in  the  period 
of  intelligent 
colonization 
by  a  wealthy 
company.  — 
See  Contem 
poraries,  I, 
ch.  xvi. 

Practically 
the  present 
boundaries 
of  Massa 
chusetts. 

Endicott 
settled  at 
Salem. 

John  Win- 
throp.  —  See 
below,  Nos. 
21,  28. 


First   Colonization     [1627-1631 


I.e.  to  release 
them  from  re 
paying  their 
passage 
money  by 
service. 


/.<?.  to  Bos 
ton  Harbor. 


Medford,  on 
the  Mystic 
River. 


Named  after 
the  reigning 
king. 


yeare  1630  .  .  .  Our  4  shipps  which  sett  out  in  Aprill 
arrived  here  in  June  and  July,  where  wee  found  the  colony  in 
a  sadd  and  unexpected  condicon  aboue  80  of  them  beeing 
dead  the  winter  before  and  many  of  those  aliue  weake  and 
sicke  :  all  the  corne  &  bread  amongst  them  all  hardly  suffi 
cient  to  feed  them  a  fortnight,  insoemuch  that  the  remainder 
of  1 80  servents  wee  had  the  2  years  before  sent  over,  come- 
inge  to  vs  for  victualls  to  sustaine  them  wee  found  ourselves 
wholly  unable  to  feed  them  by  reason  that  the  p'visions 
[provisions]  shipped  for  them  were  taken  out  of  the  shipp 
they  were  put  in,  and  they  who  were  trusted  to  shipp  them 
in  another  failed  us,  and  left  them  behind;  whereupon 
necessity  enforced  us  to  our  extreme  loss  to  giue  them  all 
libertie;  who  had  cost  us  about :  1 6  or  20  £s  [sterling]  a 
person  furnishing  and  sending  over.  But  bearing  theis 
things  as  wee  might,  wee  beganne  to  consult  of  the  place  of 
our  sitting  downe  :  ffor  Salem  where  wee  landed,  pleased  us 
not.  And  to  that  purpose  some  were  sent  to  the  Bay  to 
search  vpp  the  rivers  for  a  convenient  place ;  who  vppon 
their  returne  reported  to  haue  found  a  good  place  vppon 
Mistick ;  but  some  other  of  us  seconding  theis  to  approoue 
[approve]  or  dislike  of  their  judgement ;  we  found  a  place 
[that]  liked  vs  better  3  leagues  vp  Charles  river  —  And 
there  vppon  vnshipped  our  goods  into  other  vessels  and 
with  much  cost  and  labour  brought  them  in  July  to  Charles 
Towne  ;  but  there  receiveing  advertisements  by  some  of  the 
late  arived  shipps  from  London  and  Amsterdam  of  some 
Ffrench  preparations  against  vs  (many  of  our  people  brought 
with  vs  beeing  sick  of  ffeavers  [fevers]  &  the  scurvy  and 
wee  thereby  vnable  to  car[r]y  vp  our  ordinance  and  baggage 
soe  farr)  wee  were  forced  to  change  counsaile  and  for  our 
present  shelter  to  plant  dispersedly,  some  at  Charles  Towne 
which  standeth  on  the  North  Side  of  the  mouth  of  Charles 
River ;  some  on  the  South  Side  thereof,  which  place  we 
named  Boston  (as  wee  intended  to  haue  done  the  place  wee 


NO.  x7]  Massachusetts  47    • 

first  resolved  on)   some  of  vs  vppon  Mistick,  which  wee  After  a  town 
named  Meadford  ;  some  of  vs  westwards  on  Charles  river,  4  fro 


miles  from  Charles  Tovvne,  which  place  wee  named  Water-   many  of 

toune  ;  others  of  vs   2  miles  from  Boston  in  a  place  wee   come. 

named  Rocksbury,  others  vppon  the  river  of  Sawgus  be-   Roxbury. 

tweene  Salem  and  Charles  Toune.     And  the  westerne  men 

4  miles  South    from    Boston   at   a  place  wee  named  Dor-   Most  of  them 

Chester.     This  dispersion  troubled  some  of  vs,  but  helpe  it  ?romCDor- 

wee  could  not,  wanting  abillity  to  remove  to  any  place  fit  *o  Chester, 

build  a  Toune  vppon,  and  the  time  too  short  to  deliberate 

any  longer  least  [lest]  the  winter  should  surprize  vs  before 

wee  had  builded  our  houses.  ...  of  the  people  who  came 

over  with  vs  from  the  time  of  their  setting  saile  from  Eng 

land  in  Aprill  1630.  vntill  Dece,mber  followinge  there  dyed 

by  estimacon  about  200  at  the  least  —  Soe  lowe  hath  the 

Lord  brought  vs  !     Well,  yet  they  who  survived  were  not 

discouraged  but  bearing  God's  corrections  with  humilitye 

and  trusting  in   his  mercies,  and  considering  how  after  a 

greater  ebb  hee  had  raised  vpp  our  neighbours  at  Plymouth 

we  beganne  againe  in  December  to  consult  about  a  fitt  place 

to  build  a  Toune  [town]  vppon,  leaveinge  all  thoughts  of  a 

fort,    because    vppon    any   invasion   wee   were    necessarily 

to  loose  our  howses  when  we  should  retire  thereinto  ;  soe 

after  diverse  meetings  at  Boston,  Rocksbury  and  Waterton 

on  the   28th  of  December  wee  grew  to  this  resolucon  to 

bind   all  the  Assistants    (Mr.   Endicott  &  Mr.  Sharpe   ex- 

cepted,  which  last  purposeth  to  returne  by  the  next  shipps 

into  England)  to  build  howses  at  a  place,  a  mile  east  from 

Waterton   neere  Charles   river,   the  next  Springe,   and   to  This  place 

winter  there  the  next  yeare,  that  soe  by  our  examples  and  by  ^w 

removeinge  the  ordinance  and  munition    thether,    all  who   called 

were  able,  might  be  drawne  thether,  and  such  as  shall  come  C 

to  vs  hereafter  to  their  advantage  bee  compelled  soe  to  doe  ; 

and  soe  if  God  would,  a  fortifyed  Toune  might  there  grow 

vpp,  the  place  fitting  reasonably  well  thereto.  .  .  . 


First   Colonization 


[1632 


According  to 
Winthrop 
and  Brad 
ford,  the 
Puritans  and 
Pilgrims 
came  over 
to  better  their 
condition ; 
they  might 
have  had 
toleration  in 
Holland. 


Other  ac 
counts  of 
New  Eng 
land  in  Old 
South  Leaf 
lets,  Nos.  7, 
8,  21,  22,  50- 
54,67,68; 
Am.  Hist. 
Studies, 
No.  2. 


Written  in 
1679  by 
JASPAR 
BANKERS 
and  PETER 
SLUYTER, 
who  came 
over  to  find 


.  .  .  But  now  haueing  some  leasure  to  discourse  of  the 
motiues  for  other  mens  comeinge  to  this  place  or  their 
abstaining  from  it,  after  my  breif  manner  I  say  this  —  That 
if  any  come  hether  [hither]  to  plant  for  worldly  ends  that 
canne  live  well  at  home  hee  co[m]mits  an  errour  of  which 
hee  will  soon  repent  him.  But  if  for  spirittuall  [ends]  and 
that  noe  particular  obstacle  hinder  his  removeall,  he  may 
finde  here  what  ,may  well  content  him  :  vizt :  materialls  to 
build,  fewell  [fuel]  to  burn,  ground  to  plant,  seas  and  rivers 
to  ffish  in,  a  pure  ayer  [air]  to  breath[e]  in,  good  water  to 
drinke  till  wine  or  beare  canne  be  made,  which  togeather 
with  the  cowes,  hoggs  and  goates  brought  hether  allready 
may  suffice  for  food,  for  as  for  foule  [fowl]  and  venison, 
they  are  dainties  here  as  well  as  in  England.  Ffor  cloaths 
and  beddinge  they  must  bring  them  w'th  them  till  time  and 
industry  produce  them  here.  In  a  word,  wee  yett  enioy 
[enjoy]  little  to  bee  envyed  but  endure  much  to  be  pittyed 
in  the  sicknes  &  mortalitye  of  our  people.  .  .  . 

The  shipp  now  waites  but  for  wind,  which  when  it  blowes 
there  are  ready  to  goe  aboard  therein  for  England  .  .  .  Mr. 
Coddington  and  many  others,  the  most  whereof  purpose  to 
returne  to  vs  againe,  if  God  will.  In  the  meane  time  wee 
are  left  a  people  poore  and  contemptible  yet  such  as  trust 
in  God,  and  are  contented  with  our  condition,  beeinge  well 
assured  that  hee  will  not  faile  vs  nor  forsake  vs. 

Thomas  Dudley,  Letter  to  the  Countess  of  Lincoln,  March,  1631  ; 
edited  by  J.  Farmer,  in  Force,  Tracts,  etc.  (Washington,  1838), 
II,  No.  iv,  7-18  passim. 


1 8.    Conditions  of  Maryland   (1632) 

AS  regards  its   [Maryland's]  first  discoverer  and  pos 
sessor,    that  was  one   Lord   Baltimore,   an    English 
nobleman,  in  the  time  of  Queen  Maria.     Having  come  from 


NO.  is]  Maryland  49 

Newfoundland  along  the  coast  of  North  America,  he  arrived  a  site  for  a 

in  the  great  bay  of  Virginia,  up  which  he  sailed  to  its  upper-  Labadisf  *h 

most  parts,  and  found  this  fine   country  which  he  named  sect-    Dan- 

Maryland  after  his  queen.     Returning  to  England  he  ob-  Dutchman, 

tained  a  charter  of  the  northerly  parts  of  America,  inexclu-  wme-racker 

!  *  *  by  trade  ; 

sivefy,  although  the  Hollanders  had  discovered  and  began  Siuyter  later 
to  settle  New  Netherland.     With   this  he   came  back   to 


America  and  took    possession   of  his   Maryland,   where  at  director  of 

.  .  J  a  Labadist 

present  his  son,  as  governor,  resides.  settlement  in 

Since  the  time  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  settlers  have  preferred  F0erwthe°rk'~ 

the  lowest  parts  of  the  great  bay  and  the  large  rivers  which  authors,  see 
empty  into  it,  either  on  account  of  proximity  to  the  sea,  and 


the  convenience  of  the  streams,  or  because  the  uppermost  sj,  146,  172.— 

Maryland 

country  smacked  somewhat  of  the  one  from  whom  it  derived  was  the  first 


its  name  and  of  its  government.  .  .  . 

As  to  the  present  government  of  Maryland,  it  remains  nies.  £iven  to 

~  ,         IT/--  i-  «.«•«•«•<•  an  individual 

firm  upon  the  old  footing,  and  is  confined  within  the  limits   as  a  kind  of 

before  mentioned.     All  of  Maryland  that  we  have  seen,  is  £!^ee^e' 

high  land,  with  few  or  no  meadows,  but  possessing  such  a  temporaries, 

rich  and  fertile  soil,  as  persons  living  there  assured  me,  that 

they  had  raised   tobacco  off  the  same   piece   of  land   for 

thirty  consecutive  years.     The  inhabitants  who  are  generally   first  dis~ 

English,  are  mostly  engaged  in  this  production.     It  is  their 


chief  staple,  and  the  means  with  which  they  must  purchase  was  consort 

every  thing  they  require,  which  is  brought  to   them   from  c       arles 

other  English  possessions  in  Europe,  Africa  and  America.  ^•"JT68 

There  is,  nevertheless,  sometimes  a  great  want  of  these  Chesapeake. 

necessaries,  owing  to  the  tobacco  market  being  low,  or  the  This  practice 

.  .  :     .  .  °._  .      .  was  what 

shipments  being  prevented  by  some  change  of  affairs  in  some  ultimately 

quarter,  particularly  in  Europe,  or  to  both  causes,  as  was  the  fhe  soHol 

case  at  this  time,  when  a  great  scarcity  of  such  articles  ex-  Maryland 

isted  there,  as  we  saw.     So  large  a  quantity  of  tobacco  is  an      irgl 

raised  in  Maryland  and  Virginia,  that  it  is  one  of  the  greatest  NO.  43,  and 
sources  of  revenue  to  the  crown  by  reason  of  the  taxes  which 

it  yields.     Servants  and  negroes  are  employed  in  the  culture  83,  88.' 


First   Colonization 


[1632 


Indented 
servants : 
the  name 
comes  from 
the  practice 
of  tearing  the 
contract 
into  two 
halves,  with 
jagged 
edges ;  the 
master  kept 
one  and  the 
servant  the 
•  other. 


For  slavery, 
see  below, 
Nos.  35,  124, 
and  chs.  xv, 
xvii. 


Indian  corn. 
See  above, 
No.  12. 


Later  the 
Church  of 
England  was 
established, 
the  province 
divided  into 
parishes,  and 
each  voter 
assessed  for 
the  support  of 
a  minister. 


An  act 
tolerating  all 
Christians 
was  passed 


of  tobacco,  who  are  brought  from  other  places  to  be  sold  to 
the  highest  bidders,  the  servants  for  a  term  of  years  only,  but 
the  negroes  forever,  and  may  be  sold  by  their  masters  to 
other  planters  as  many  times  as  their  masters  choose,  that 
is,  the  servants  until  their  term  is  fulfilled,  and  the  negroes 
for  life.  These  men,  one  with  another,  each  make,  when 
they  are  able  to  work,  from  2,500  pounds  to  3,000  pounds, 
and  even  3,500  pounds  of  tobacco  a  year,  and  some  of  the 
masters  and  their  wives  who  pass  their  lives  here  in  wretched 
ness,  do  the  same.  The  servants  and  negroes  after  they 
have  worn  themselves  down  the  whole  day,  and  gone  home 
to  rest,  have  yet  to  grind  and  pound  the  grain,  which  is 
generally  maize,  for  their  masters  and  all  their  families  as 
well  as  themselves,  and  all  the  negroes,  to  eat.  Tobacco  is 
the  only  production  in  which  the  planters  employ  themselves, 
as  if  there  were  nothing  else  in  the  world  to  plant  but  that, 
and  while  the  land  is  capable  of  yielding  all  the  productions 
that  can  be  raised  anywhere,  so  far  as  the  climate  of  the 
place  allows.  As  to  articles  of  food,  the  only  bread  they 
have  is  that  made  of  Turkish  wheat  or  maize,  and  that  is 
miserable.  .  .  . 

The  lives  of  the  planters  in  Maryland  and  Virginia  are 
very  godless  and  profane.  They  listen  neither  to  God  nor 
his  commandments,  and  have  neither  church  nor  cloister. 
Sometimes  there  is  some  one  who  is  called  a  minister,  who 
does  not  as  elsewhere,  serve  in  one  place,  for  in  all  Virginia 
and  Maryland  there  is  not  a  city  or  a  village  —  but  travels 
for  profit,  and  for  that  purpose  visits  the  plantations  through 
the  country,  and  there  addresses  the  people ;  but  I  know 
of  no  public  assemblages  being  held  in  these  places ;  you 
hear  often  that  these  ministers  are  worse  than  anybody  else, 
yea,  are  an  abomination.  .  .  . 

It  remains  to  be  mentioned  that  those  persons  who  pro 
fess  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  have  great,  indeed,  all 
freedom  in  Maryland,  because  the  governor  makes  profession 


No.  19] 


Connecticut 


of  that  faith,  and  consequently  there  are  priests  and  other 
ecclesiastics  who  travel  and  disperse  themselves  everywhere, 
and  neglect  nothing  which  serves  for  their  profit  and  pur 
pose.  .  .  .  The  Lord  grant  a  happy  issue  there  and  here, 
as  well  as  in  other  parts  of  the  world,  for  the  help  of  his 
own  elect,  and  the  glory  of  his  name. 

Jaspar  Bankers  and  Peter  Sluyter,  Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  New 
York  .  .  .  in  1679-80;  translated  by  Henry  C.  Murphy,  in 
Long  Island  Historical  Society,  Memoirs  (Brooklyn,  1867),  I, 
2 1 4-2 2 1  passim. 


in  1649.    The 
cause  of  its 
passage  is 
still  a  moot 
point.    For 
the  text,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  I, 
No.  84. 


Foundation  of  Government  in  Con 
necticut   (1638) 

'EXT:  Deut.  i.  :  13.  "Take  you  wise  men,  and 
understanding,  and  known  among  your  tribes,  and 
will  make  them  rulers  over  you."  Captains  over 
thousands,  and  captains  over  hundreds  —  over  fifties  —  over 
tens,  &c. 

Doctrine.  I.  That  the  choice  of  public  magistrates  be 
longs  unto  the  people,  by  God's  own  allowance. 

II.  The  privilege  of  election,  which  belongs  to  the  peo 
ple,   therefore   must   not  be   exercised  according  to  their 
humours,  but  according  to  the  blessed  will  and  law  of  God. 

III.  They  who  have  power  to  appoint  officers  and  mag 
istrates,  it  is  in  their  power,  also,  to  set  the  bounds  and 
limitations  of  the  power  and  place  unto  which  they  call 
them. 

Reasons,  i .  Because  the  foundation  of  authority  is  laid, 
firstly,  in  the  free  consent  of  the  people. 

2.  Because,  by  a  free  choice,  the  hearts  of  the  people 
will  be  more  inclined  to  the  love  of  the  persons  [chosen] 
and  more  ready  to  yield  [obedience]. 


This  is  an 
abstract  of  a 
sermon  by 
REVEREND 
THOMAS 
HOOKER 
(1586-1647), 
made  by 
HENRY 
WOLCOTT, 
JR.,  one  of 
the  original 
settlers  of 
Windsor. 
Hooker  was 
leader  of  the 
party  which 
came  from 
Cambridge, 
Massachu 
setts,  in  1636, 
to  found 
Connecticut. 
The  sermon 
probably  in 
spired  the 
adoption  of 
the  Funda 
mental  Con 
stitutions, 
described  in 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  415. 
It  is  an 
excellent 
example  of 


First   Colonization 


the  Puritan 
sermon.  — 
See  also 
Old  South 
Leaflets,  No. 
55- -For 
Connecticut, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  I, 
ch.  xviii. 

Hooker's 
doctrine 
probably 
came  from 
John  Calvin. 
—  See  Con 
temporaries, 
I,  Nos.93,94. 

§  III  is  a 
statement 
of  the  power 
to  make  a 
constitution. 


By 

SECRETARY 
NATHANIEL 
MORTON 
(1613-1685), 
who  was 
brought  up 
in  the  family 
of  Bradford, 
becoming 
later  secre 
tary  of  the 
court  of 
Plymouth. 
His  New 
England's 
Memorial, 
published  at 
the  request  of 
the  commis 
sioners  of  the 
four  united 
colonies 
of  New 
England, 
is  an  impor 
tant  author 
ity  for  the 
early  history 


3.    Because,  of  that  duty  and  engagement  of  the  people. 

Uses.     The  lesson  taught  is  threefold  :  - 

i st.  There  is  matter  of  thankful  acknowledgment,  in  the 
[appreciation]  of  God's  faithfulness  toward  us,  and  the  per 
mission  of  these  measures  that  God  doth  command  and 
vouchsafe. 

2dly.  Of  reproof —  to  dash  the  conceits  of  all  those  that 
shall  oppose  it.- 

3dly.  Of  exhortation  —  to  persuade  us,  as  God  hath  given 
us  liberty,  to  take  it. 

And  lastly  —  as  God  hath  spared  our  lives,  and  given  us 
them  in  liberty,  so  to  seek  the  guidance  of  God,  and  to 
choose  in  God  and  for  God. 


Connecticut  Historical  Society,  Collections  (Hartford, 

2O-2I. 


:86o),  I, 


20.    Foundation  of  Rhode  Island   (1636) 

IN  the  year  1634.  Mr.  Roger  Williams  removed  from 
Plimouth  to  Salem :  he  had  lived  about  three  years  at 
Plimouth,  where  he  was  well  accepted  as  an  assistant  in  the 
Ministry  to  Mr.  Ralph  Smith,  then  Pastor  of  the  Church 
there,  but  by  degrees  venting  of  divers  of  his  own  singular 
opinions,  and  seeking  to  impose  them  upon  others,  he  not 
finding  such  a  concurrence  as  he  expected,  he  desired  his  dis 
mission  to  the  Church  of  Salem,  which  though  some  were  un 
willing  to,  yet  through  the  prudent  counsel  of  Mr.  Brewster 
(the  ruling  Elder  there)  fearing  that  his  continuance  amongst 
them  might  cause  divisions,  and  [thinking  that]  there  being 
then  many  able  men  in  the  Bay,  they  would  better  deal 
with  him  then  [than]  themselves  could  ...  the  Church 
of  Plimouth  consented  to  his  dismission,  and  such  as  did 
adhere  to  him  were  also  dismissed,  and  removed  with  him, 
or  not  long  after  him  to  Salem.  .  .  .  but  he  having  in  one 


NO.  20]  Rhode   Island  53 

years  time,  filled  that  place  with  principles  of  rigid  separa-  of  Plymouth, 

tion,  and  tending  to  Anabaptistry,  the  prudent  Magistrates  Settlement 

of   the  Massachusets  Jurisdiction,  sent   to   the  Church  of  of  Rhode 

Salem,  desiring  them  to  forbear  calling  him  to  office,  which  old  South 

they  not  hearkening  to,  was  a  cause  of  much  disturbance ;  ^^contem 

for  Mr.  Williams  had  begun,  and  then  being  in  office,  he  porarus,  I, 

proceeded  more  vigorously  to  vent  many  dangerous  opin-  ForX\vii~ 

ions,  as  amongst  many  others  these  were  some  :   That  it  is   liams. see 

'  °  '  Contempora* 

not  lawful  for  an  unregenerate  man  to  pray,  nor  to  take  an  ries,  I, 

Oath,  and  in  special,  not  the  Oath  of  Fidelity  to  the  Civil  No<  II5< 
Government ;   nor  was  it  lawful  for  a  godly  man  to  have 
communion  either  in  Family  Prayer,  or  in  an   Oath  with 
such  as  they  judged  unregenerate :  and  therefore  he  himself 
refused  the  Oath  of  Fidelity,  and  taught  others  so  to  do : 
also,  That  it  was  not  lawful  so  imich  as  to  hear  the  godly 
Ministers  of  England,  when  any  occasionally  went  thither; 
&  therefore  he  admonished  any  Church-members  that  had 
done  so,  as  for  hainous  sin :  also  he  spake  dangerous  words 
against  the  Patent,  which  was  the  foundation  of  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  Massachusets  Colony :  also  he  affirmed,  That 
the  Magistrates  had  nothing  to  do  in  matters  of  the  first 
Table  [of  the  commandments],  but  only  the  second;  and 
that  there  should  be  a  general  and  unlimited  Toleration  of 
all  Religions,   and  for  any  man    to  be  punished  for  any 
matters   of  his    Conscience,   was  persecution.  ...  he   not   Williams 
only  persisted,  but  grew  more  violent  in  his  way,  insomuch  Banished 
as  he  staying  at  home  in  his  own  house,  sent  a  Letter,  which  so  much  for 
was  delivered  and  read  in  the  publick  Church  assembly,   oplnfons^8 
the  scope  of  which  was  to  give  them  notice,   That  if  the  fpr  t!?e  fact 

J  that  he  was 

Church  of  Salem  would  not  separate   not  only  from  the  a  disturber 
Churches  of  Old-England,  but  the  Churches  of  New-Eng-   °nhe  peace< 
land  too,  he  would  separate  from  them :  the  more  prudent 
and  sober  part  of  the  Church  being  amazed  at  his  way, 
could  not  yield  unto  him  :  whereupon  he  never  came  to  the 
Church  Assembly  more,  professing  separation  from  them  as 


54 


First   Colonization 


[1636 


See  note, 
p.  53  above. 


This  princi 
ple  of  com 
plete  tolera 
tion  was  not 
adhered  to 
by  the  colony 
in  the  later 
years  of  its 
history. 


Antichristian,  and  not  only  so,  but  he  withdrew  all  private 
religious  Communion  from  any  that  would  hold  Communion 
with  the  Church  there,  insomuch  as  he  would  not  pray  nor 
give  thanks  at  meals  with  his  own  wife  nor  any  of  his  family, 
because  they  went  to  the  Church  Assemblies  .  .  .  which 
the  prudent  Magistrates  understanding,  and  seeing  things 
grow  more  and  more  towards  a  general  division  and  dis 
turbance,  after  all  other  means  used  in  vain,  they  passed 
a  sentence  of  Banishment  against  him  out  of  the  Massachu- 
sets  Colony,  as  against  a  disturber  of  the  peace,  both  of  the 
Church  and  Common-wealth. 

After  which  Mr.  Williams  sat  down  in  a  place  called 
Providence,  out  of  the  Massachusets  Jurisdiction,  and  was 
followed  by  many  of  the  members  of  the  Church  of  Salem, 
who  did  zealously  adhere  to  him,  and  who  cried  out  of  the 
Persecution  that  was  against  him  :  some  others  also  resorted 
to  him  from  other  parts.  They  had  not  been  long  there 
together,  but  from  rigid  separation  they  fell  to  Anabaptistry, 
renouncing  the  Baptism  which  they  had  received  in  their 
Infancy,  and  taking  up  another  Baptism,  and  so  began  a 
Church  in  that  way;  but  Mr.  Williams  stopped  not  there 
long,  for  after  some  time  he  told  the  people  that  had  fol 
lowed  him,  and  joyned  with  him  in  a  new  Baptism,  that  he 
was  out  of  the  way  himself,  and  had  mis-led  them,  for  he  did 
notfinde  that  there  was  any  upon  earth  that  could  administer 
Baptism,  and  therefore  their  last  Baptism  was  a  nullity,  as 
well  as  their  first;  and  therefore  they  must  lay  down  all,  and 
wait  for  the  coming  of  new  Apostles  :  and  so  they  dissolved 
themselves,  and  turned  See&ers,  keeping  that  one  Principle, 
That  every  one  should  have  liberty  to  Worship  God  accord 
ing  to  the  Light  of  their  own  Consciences ;  but  otherwise  not 
owning  any  Churches  or  Ordinances  of  God  any  where 
upon  Earth. 


Nathaniel  Morton,  New-Englands  Memoriall  (Cambridge,  1669), 
78-81  passim. 


NO.  21]  New   Hampshire  55 

By  Gov- 

21.    Foundation  of  New  Hampshire 


,  xx  (1588-1649), 

1677-16^0)  lawyer.mag- 

3  /  3  7  /  istrate, 

landed  pro- 


[March  9>  I637.]    A/fR-  WHEELWRIGHT,  one  of 

1VJL   the  members  of  Boston,  preach-  to  exercise 
ing  at  the  last  fast,  inveighed  against  all  that  walked  in  a  foSMassa?M 

covenant  of  works,  as  he  described  it  to  be,  viz.,  such  as   chusetts  Bay- 

His  journal 
maintain  sanctification  as  an  evidence  of  justification,  etc.   is  a  most 

and    called    them   antichrists,    and    stirred   up    the   people  record*^  the 

against   them  with    much  bitterness  and  vehemency.     For  early  history 

this  he  was  called   into  the  court,  and  his  sermon  being  ^ince!—  For 

produced,  he  justified  it,  and  confessed  he  did  mean  all  that  ^^WiiT*8 

walk  in  such  a  way.     Whereupon  the  elders  of  the  rest  of  throp,  see 

the  churches  were  called,  and  asked  whether  they,  in  their  f^^J** 

ministry,  did  walk  in  such  a  way.     They  all  acknowledged  Nos.  50,66; 
they  did.     So,  after  much  debate,  the  court  adjudged  him 
guilty  of  sedition,  and  also  of  contempt,  for  that  the  court 

had  appointed  the  fast  as  a  means  of  reconciliation  of  the  Hampshire, 
differences,  etc.,  and  he  purposely  set  himself  to  kindle  and 

increase  them.     The  governour  and  some  few  more  (who  ch-  xix- 
dissented)  tendered  a  protestation,  which,  because  it  wholly 


justified  Mr.  Wheelwright,  and  condemned  the  proceedings   1679),  pastor 
of  the  court,  was  rejected.     The  church  of  Boston  also  ten-   at  Mount""0 


dered  a  petition  in  his  behalf,  justifying  Mr.  Wheelwright's 

sermon.     The  court  deferred  sentence  till  the  next  court,  tree),  adopted 

and  advised  with  the   ministers,  etc.,  whether  they  might 


enjoin  his  silence,  etc.     They  answered,  that  they  were  not  of  his  sister- 

,  .  ,  1-1          i  i         i     '       •    i       i  m-law,  Anne 

clear  in  that   point,  but  desired  rather,  that  he  might  be  Hutchinson, 

commended  to  the  church  of  Boston  to  take  care  of  him,  fJJ^!!  5*"' 

etc.,  which  accordingly  was  done,  and  he  enjoined  to  appear  Contempora- 

at  the  next  court.     Much  heat  of  contention  was  [in]  this  r^\  If  No' 

court  between  the  opposite  parties  .  .  .  The  sermon 

[Nov.  i,  1637.]    There  was  great  hope  that  the  late  gen-  ^^"j^. 

eral  assembly  would  have  had  some  good  effect  in  pacifying  uary,  1637. 


First   Colonization     [1637-1639 


"  gth  month,' 
Old  Style, 
was  Novem 
ber. 


I.e.  a  formal 
record. 


An  island  in 
Narragansett 
Bay. 


Piscataqua, 
uow  Exeter. 


the  troubles  and  dissensions  about  matters  of  religion ;  but 
it  fell  out  otherwise.  For  though  Mr.  Wheelwright  and  those 
of  his  party  had  been  clearly  confuted  and  confounded  in 
the  assembly,  yet  they  persisted  in  their  opinions,  and  were 
as  busy  in  nourishing  contentions  (the  principal  of  them)  as 
before.  Whereupon  the  general  court,  being  assembled  in 
the  2  [second]  of  the  pth  month,  and  finding,  upon  consulta 
tion,  that  two,  so  opposite  parties  could  not  contain  [con 
tinue]  in  the  same  body,  without  apparent  hazard  of  ruin  to 
the  whole,  agreed  to  send  away  some  of  the  principal  .  .  . 
Then  the  court  sent  for  Mr.  Wheelwright,  and,  he  per 
sisting  to  justify  his  sermon,  and  his  whole  practice  and 
opinions,  and  refusing  to  leave  either  the  place  or  his  pub 
lic  exercisings,  he  was  disfranchised  and  banished.  Upon 
which  he  appealed  to  the  king,  but  neither  called  witnesses, 
nor  desired  any  act  to  be  made  of  it.  The  co'urt  told  him, 
that  an  appeal  did  not  lie ;  for  by  the  king's  grant  we  had 
power  to  hear  and  determine  without  any  reservation,  etc. 
So  he  relinquished  his  appeal,  and  the  court  gave  him  leave 
to  go  to  his  house,  upon  his  promise,  that,  if  he  were  not 
gone  out  of  our  jurisdiction  within  fourteen  days,  he  would 
render  himself  to  one  of  the  magistrates.  .  .  . 

[Dec.  13,  1638.]  Those  who  were  gone  with  Mrs.  Hutch- 
inson  to  Aquiday  fell  into  new  errors  daily.  One  Nicholas 
Easton,  a  tanner,  taught,  that  gifts  and  graces  were  that 
antichrist  mentioned  [in]  Thess[alonians],  and  that  which 
withheld,  etc.,  was  the  preaching  of  the  law ;  and  that  every 
[one]  of  the  elect  had  the  Holy  Ghost  and  also  the  devil 
indwelling.  Another,  one  Herne,  taught,  that  women  had 
no  souls,  and  that  Adam  was  not  created  in  true  holiness, 
etc.,  for  then  he  could  not  have  lost  it. 

Those  who  went  to  the  falls  at  Pascataquack,  gathered  a 
church,  and  wrote  to  our  church  to  desire  us  to  dismiss  Mr. 
Wheelwright  to  them  for  an  officer ;  but,  because  he  desired 
it  not  himself,  the  elders  did  not  propound  it.  Soon  after 


wo.  ax]  New   Hampshire  57 

came  his  own  letter,  with  theirs,  for  his  dismission,  which 
thereupon  was  granted.  Others  likewise  (upon  their  re 
quest)  were  also  dismissed  thither.  .  .  . 

[March,  1639.]  Another  plantation  was  begun  upon  the 
north  side  of  Merrimack,  called  Sarisbury,  now  Colchester ; 
another  at  Winicowett,  called  Hampton,  which  gave  occa 
sion  of  some  difference  between  us  and  some  of  Pascata- 
quack,  which  grew  thus :  Mr.  Wheelwright,  being  banished 
from  us,  gathered  a  company  and  sat  down  by  the  falls  of 
Pascataquack,  and  called  their  town  Exeter ;  and  for  their 
enlargement  they  dealt  with  an  Indian  there,  and  bought 
of  him  Winicowett,  etc.,  and  then  wrote  to  us  what  they 
had  done,  and  that  they  intended  to  lot  out  all  these  lands 
in  farms,  except  we  could  show  a  better  title.  They  wrote 
also  to  those  whom  we  had  sent  to  plant  Winicowett  to  have 
them  desist,  etc.  These  letters  coming  to  the  general  court, 
they  returned  answer,  that  they  looked  at  this  their  deal 
ing  as  against  good  neighborhood,  religion,  and  common 
honesty;  that,  knowing  we  claimed  Winicowett  as  within 
our  patent,  or  as  vacuum  domicilium,  and  had  taken  posses-  "  No  man's 
sion  thereof  by  building  an  house  there  above  two  years  land* 
since,  they  should  now  go  and  purchase  an  unknown  title, 
and  then  come  to  inquire  of  our  right.  It  was  in  the  same 
letter  also  manifestly  proved,  that  the  Indians  having  only  Having,  i.e. 
a  natural  right  to  so  much  land  as  they  had  or  could  had' 
improve,  so  as  the  rest  of  the  country  lay  open  to  any  that 
could  and  would  improve  it,  as  by  the  said  letter  more  at 
large  doth  appear. 

John  Winthrop,  The  History  of  New  England  from  1630  to  1649 
(edited  by  James  Savage,  Boston,  1853),  I,  256-349 /OKI**. 


CHAPTER    IV  — SECOND    ERA   OF 
COLONIZATION 


By  GOV 
ERNOR  SIR 
EDMUND 
ANDROS 
(1637-1714), 
soldier,  and 
governor  of 
New  York, 
New  Eng 
land,  and 
Virginia 
successively  ; 
arbitrary  in 
method,  but 
an  able  ad 
ministrator. 
This  account 
is  from  an 
official  report 
in  answer  to 
inquiries 
from  the 
English  gov 
ernment.  — 
For  Andros 
in  New  Eng 
land,  see 
Contempo 
raries,  I, 
No.  136.— 
New  York  is 
an  example 
of  the  prov 
ince,  or  un- 
chartered 
colony.    The 
first  House 
of  Represent 
atives  was 
held  under 
Governor 
Dongan  in 
1683.  —  For 
New  York, 
see  Contem- 


22.    An  Account  of  New  York  (1678) 

ANSWERS   to   the   Inquiries   of  Plantacons   for   New 
Yorke. 

1.  The  Governor  is  to  have  a  Councell  not  exceeding 
tenn,  wth  whose  advice  to  act  for  the  saf[e]ty  &  good  of  the 
country,  &  in  every  towne,  Village  or  parish  a  Petty  Court, 
&  Courts  of  Sessions  in  the  severall  precincts  being  three, 
on  Long  Island,  &  Townes  of  New  Yorke,  Albany  &  Esopus, 
&  some  smale  or  poore  Islands  &  out  places ;  And  the  Gen- 
erall  Court  of  Assizes  composed  of  the  Governor  &  Councell 
&  all  the  Justices  &  Magistrates  att  New  Yorke  once  a  yeare, 
the  Petty  Courts  Judge  of  flue  pounds,  &  then  may  appeale 
to  Sessions,  they  to  twenty  pounds  &  then  may  appeale  to 
Assizes  to  ye  King,  all  sd  [said]  courts  as  by  Law. 

2.  The  Court  of  Admiralty  hath  been  by  speciall  Comis- 
sion  or  by  the  Court  of  Mayor  &  Aldermen  att  New  Yorke. 

3.  The  cheife  Legislatiue  power  there  is  in  the  Governo1 
with  advice  of  the  Councell  the  executive  power  of  Judgemts 
giuen  by  ye  Courts  is  in  the  sheriffs  &  other  civill  officers. 

4.  The  law  booke  in  force  was  made  by  the  Governor  & 
Assembly  att  Hempsted  in  1665  anc^  smce  confirmed  by  his 
Royall  Highnesse. 

5.  The  Militia  is  about  2000  of  wch  about  140  horse  in 
three  troopes  the  foote  formed  into  companyes  most  under 
100  men  each  all  indifferently  armed  with  fire  armes  of  all 
sizes,  ordered  &  exercised  according  to  Law,  and  are  good 
fire  men ;  one  standing  company  of  Souldiers  with  gunners 

58 


No.  22] 


New  York 


59 


&  other  officers  for  the  fforts  of  New  Yorke  &  Albany  alwayes 
victualled  in  October  &  November  for  a  yeare. 

6.  Forteresses  are  James  fforte  seated  upon  a  point  of 
New  Yorke  towne  between  Hudson's  River  &  ye  Sound,  its 
a  square  with  stone  walls,  foure  bastions  almost  regular,  and 
in  it  46  gunns  mounted  &  stores  for  seruice  accordingly. 
Albany  is  a  smale  long  stockadoed  forte  with  foure  bastions 
in  it,  12  gunns  sufficient  ag*  [against]  Indians,  &  lately  a 
wooden   redou[b]t   &  out  worke  att   Pemaquid  wth  seven 
gunns,  sd  Garrisons  victualled  for  a  yeare,  wth  sufp  [suffi 
cient]  stores. 

7.  There  are  noe  privateers  about  or  [our]  Coasts. 

8.  Our  Neighbours  westward  are  Maryland  populous  & 
strong  but  doe  not  live  in  townes,  their  produce  tobacco, 
Northwest  the  Maques  [Mohawks]  &c  Indians  ye  most  warr 
like  in  all  the  Northern  Parts  of  America,  their  trade  beavers 
&  furrs.     Northward  the  ffrench  of  Canada  trade  as  wee  with 
our  Indians ;  Eastward  Connecticutt  in  a  good  condicon  & 
populous,  their  produce  provisioun  of  wheate,  beefe  &  porke, 
some  pease,  or  South  bounds  the  Sea. 

9.  Wee  keepe  good  Correspondence  with  all  or  neigh 
bours  as  to  Civill,  legall  or  Judiciall  proceedings,  but  differ 
with  Connecticutt  for  our  bounds  and  mutuall  assistance  wch 
they  nor  Massachusetts  will  not  admitt 

10.  Our  boundarys  are  South,  the  Sea,  west[,]  Delaware  ; 
North  to  ye  Lakes  or  ffrench ;  East[,]  Connecticutt  River,  but 
most  usurped  &  yett  possed  [possessed]  by  sd  Connecticutt, 
some  Islands  Eastward  &  a  tract  beyond  Kennebeck  River 
called  Pemaquid  &c     New  Yorke  is  in  4Od  35™  Albany  ab* 
[about]  43d  the  Collony  is  in  severall  long  narrow  stripes  of 
wch  a  greate  parte  of  the  Settlem*  [was]  made  by  adventurers 
before  any  Regulacon[,]  by  [reason  of]  wch[,]  Incroachmts 
[have  been  made]  without  pattents  wch  {i.e.  the  patents] 
townes  haue  lately  taken[;]    but  by  reason  of  Continuall 
warrs  noe  Survey  [has  been]  made  &  [it  is  still]  wilder- 


poraries,  I, 
ch.  xxiii ; 
II,  ch.  iv. 

"  Law- 
booke"  = 
so-called 
"  Duke's 
Laws." 

Fort  James = 
the  Battery. 


Pemaquid 
Maine. 


I.e.  there 
were  boun 
dary  con 
troversies. 


New  York, 
40°  42'  43" 

Albany, 
42°  39'  3"- 


60         Second   Colonization         [i67s 


nesse,[;]  noe  certaine  Computacon  can  be  made  of  the 
planted  &  unplanted,  these  last  2  yeares  about  20000  acres 
[have  been]  taken  up  &  pattented  for  particular  persons 
besides  Delaware,  most  of  the  land  taken  up  except  upon 
Long  Island  is  improued  &  unlesse  the  bounds  of  the  Duke's 
pattent  be  asserted  noe  great  quantityes  att  hand  undisposed. 

11.  Our  principall  places   of  Trade  are  New  Yorke  & 
I.e.  South-       Southton  except  'Albany  for  the  Indyans,  our  buildings  most 
impton,    .  I.  W00(^  some  lately  stone  &  brick,  good  country  houses  & 

strong  of  their  severall  kindes. 

12.  Wee  haue  about  24  tbwnes,  villiages  or  parishes  in 
Six  Precincts,  Divisions,  Rydeings  [districts],  or  Courts  of 
Sessions. 

13.  Wee   haue   severall    Riuers,    Harbours    &    Roades. 
Hudson's  River  the  cheifest  &  is  ab*  4  fathoms  water  att 
comeing  in[,]  butt  six,  tenn  or  more  within[,]  &  very  good 
soundings  and  anchorage  either  in  Hudson's  River  or  in  the 
Sound,  the  usuall  roade  before  the  towne  &  moulde  [mole]. 

14.  Our  producers  land  provisions  of  all   sorts  as  of 
wheate  [of  which  is]  exported  yearly  about  60000  bushells, 
pease,  beefe,  porke,  &  some  Refuse  fish,  Tobacco,  beavers, 
peltry   or   furrs   from   the   Indians,  Deale  &  oake  timber, 

'Duffelis"=  plankes,  pipestaues  [pipe-staves],  lumber  horses,  &  pitch  & 
tarr  lately  begunn  to  be  made ;  comodityes  imported  are  all 
Sorts  of  English  mannufacture  for  Christians  &  blancketts 
Duffells  &c  for  Indians  about  5o,ooou  yearly [.]  Pemaquid 
affords  merchantable  ffish  &  masts. 

15.  Wee  haue  noe  Experience  or  skill  of  Salt  Peter  to  be 
had  in  Quantityes. 

1 6.  Our  Merchts   [merchants]    are   not   many  but  with 
inhabitants  &  planters  about  2000  able  to  beare  annes  old 
inhabitants  of  the  place  or  of  England,  Except  in  &  neere 
New  Yorke  of  Dutch  extraction  &  some  fe\v  of  all  nations, 
but  few  servts  [who  are]  much  wanted  &  but  very  few  slaves. 

17.  Noe  persons  whateuer  are  to  come  from  anyplace 


coarse 
woolen 
cloths. 

£50,000.  — 
See  above, 
p.  27,  note. 


NO.   22] 


New  York  61 


but  according  to  Act  off  Parl'  [Parliament]  wch  the  Magis 
trates  &  Officers  of  ye  severall  townes  or  places  are  to  take 
care  of,  accordingly  the  Plantacon  is  these  late  yeares  in 
creased,  butt  noe  Generall  ace1  hath  been  taken  soe  [it]  is 
not  knowne  how  much  nor  what  persons.  Some  few  slaues 
are  sometimes  brought  from  Barbados,  most  for  provisions 
&  Sould  [sold]  att  ab4  30*  or  35U  Country  pay.  £30  or  £35 

1 8.  Ministers  haue  been  so  scarce  &  Religions  many  that  mProduce- 
noe  ace4  cann  be  giuen  of  Childrens  births  or  Christenings. 

19.  Scarcity  of  Ministers  &  Law  admitting  marriages  by 
Justices  no  ace*  cann  be  giuen  of  the  number  marryed. 

20.  Noe  ace*  cann  be  giuen  of  burialls  formes  of  burialls 
not  being  generally  obserued  &  few  ministers  'till  very  lately. 

21.  A  merch*  worth  looo11  or  500"  is  accompted  a  good 
substantiall  merchant  &  a  planter  worthe  halfe  that  in  move- 
ables  accompted  with   [iich?]      All  the    Estates  may  bee 
valued  att  about  ^150000. 

22.  There  may  lately  haue  traded  to  ye  Collony  in  a  yeare 
from  tenn  to  fifteen  shipps  or  vessells  of  about  togeather  100 
tunns  each,  English,  new  England  &  our  owne  built  of  wth 
[which]  5  smale  shipps  and  a  Ketch  now  belonging  to  New  A  small  two- 
Yorke  foure  of  them  built  there.  0  vessel. 

23.  Obstruccons  to  Improuem*  [improvement]  of  plant 
ers,  trade,  Navigacon,  &  mutual  assistance  are  ye  distinction 
of  Collonies  for  our  owne  produce,  as  if  [they  were]  differ 
ent  nations  &  people,  though  next  neighbours  on  the  same 
tract  of  land,  &  His  Maties  subjects,  wee  obseruing  [observ 
ing]  acts  of  trade  &  navigacon  &c 

24.  Advantages,  Incouragem*  &  Improuem*  of  Planters 
trade  &  Navigacon  would  be  more  if  next  neighbours  of 
or  owne  nation  the  King's  subjects  upon  the  same  tract 
of  land  might  without  distinction,  supply  each  other  with 
our  owne  produce,  punctually  obserueing  all  acts  of  Parliam* 
for  Exportacon  &  would  dispose  all  persons  the  better  for 
mutuall  assistance. 


62          Second   Colonization         [1675 

25.  Rates  or  Dutyes  upon  Goods   exported   are   2"  for 
each  hhd  of  Tobacco  &  i8  3d  on  a  beauer  skin  &  other  pel 
try  proportionably,  Provisions  &  all  else  paye  nothing,  Goods 
imported  payes  2  per  cent  except  Liquors  particularly  rated 
something  more,  &  Indian  trade  goeing  up  the  river  payes 
3  per  cent,  there  are  some  few  quitt  rents,  as  also  Excise 
or  license  mon[e]ys  for  retaileing  strong  drinke  &  a  way 
[weigh]  house'  or  publique  scale  ;  all  applyed  to  ye  Garrison 
&  publique  charge,  to  which  it  hath  not  heitherto  sufficed 
by  a  greate  deale. 

26.  There  are  Religions  of  all  sorts,  one  Church  of  Eng 
land,  severall  Presbiterians  &  Independants,  Quakers  &  Ana 
baptists,  of  severall  sects,  some  Jews,  but  presbiterians  & 
Indipend18  most  numerous  &  substantial!. 

in  1693  the  27.  The  Duke  maintaines  a  chapline  [chaplain]  wch  is  all 
Engirand°was  the  certaine  allowance  or  [of  the]  Chirch  of  England,  but 
established  peoples  free  gifts  to  ye  ministry,  And  all  places  oblidged  to 

in  three  1-1111  •  •>       /•  ••  •  >, 

counties.  build  churches  &  provide  for  a  minister,  in  wcft  most  very 
wanting,  but  presbiterians  &  Independents  desierous  to 
haue  &  maintaine  them  if  to  be  had,  There  are  ab*  20 
churches  or  Meeting  places  of  wch  aboue  [above]  halfe  [are] 
vacant  .  .  . 

E.  B.  O'Callaghan,  Documents  relative  to  the  Colonial  History 
of  the  State  of  New-York  (Albany,  1853),  In>  260-262. 


FENW?CNK  23'   ^ew  Jerse7  "a  Healthy  Pleasant,  and 

lSf3)'  Plentiful   Country"  (1675) 

proprietor  of 

West  Jersey,  FRIENDS, 

named  from 

the  island  of  g  j   ^HESE  are  to  Satisfie  you,  or  any  other  who  are  Sober, 

He  founded  I     and  are  any  wise  minded  to  go  along  with  me,  and 

co?onykinr  Plant  within  my  COLONY ;  That  we  shall  no  doubt 

Salem  in  find,  but  that  New  CESEREA  or  New  JERSEY,  which  is 


NO.  23]  New  Jersey  63 

the  Place  which  I  did  Purchase  :  Together  with  the  Govern-    1675.    Gov- 
ment  thereof,  is  a  Healthy  Pleasant,  and  Plentiful  Country: 


According  to  the  Report  of  many  Honest  Men,  Friends,  and  title  and  im- 
others  who  has  been  there,  and  the  Character  given  thereof,   him  for  two 


by  JOHN  OGILBY  in  his  AMERICA,  which  I  herewith  send. 

The  Method  I  intend  for  the  Planting  of  all,  or  so  much   made  over 

thereof,  as  I  shall  reserve  to  myself,  my  Heirs  and  Assigns   \vimam1  *' 

for  ever.     Is  thus  :  Penn-    The 

following 
extract  is 

WHoever  is  minded  to  Purchase  to  them  and  fr°m  tje  first 
printed  paper 
their  Heirs  for  ever,  may  for   Five   Pound  relative  to 

have  a  Thousand  Acres,  and  so  Ten  Thousand  Acres  ;  and  ^ftefthe^67' 

thereby  be  made  Propriators  or  Free-Holders.  country  came 

2.   Who  is  minded  to  Carry  themselves,  (and  not  Pur-  session  of 


chase)  with  their  Families  at  their  own  Charges,  are  to  have         h      art- 

the  Freedom  of  the  Country  when  they  Arrive,  and  one  ner  Biiiynge. 

hundred  Acres  for  every  Head  they  carry  above  the  Age  of  westajersey, 

Fourteen,  to  them  and  their  Heirs  for  ever.     At  the  yearly  were  united 

in  1702.  — 

Rent  of  a  Pen[n]y  for  every  Acre,  to  Me,  my  Heirs  and  See  Content- 

Assigns  for  ever.  <&;'li. 

3.    [Those]  Who  are  minded  to  go  as  Servants,  who  must  ch-iv- 

be  Carried  at  my  Charges,  or  [at  the  charges  of]  any  other  Ogiiby's 

J  J-  f  ;  T    -,  ^  America,  a 

Propnator,  or  Purchasers,  or  [of  other  persons  who]  Carries   huge  folio, 

themselves  with  Servants  at  their  own  Charges  as  aforesaid  ;  P^llshed  ln 
they  [the  servants]  are  to  Serve  4  years,  and  then  to  be   Freedom  = 
made  Free  of  the  Country  :  Their  Masters  are  to  give  them   citizenship. 
a  Suit  of  Cloaths,  and  other  things  sup]  table;  a  Cow,  a 
Hog,  and  so  much  Wheat  as  the  Law  there  in  that  Case 
allows  ;  with  Working  Tools  to  begin  with  :  And  then  he  is 
to  have  of  me,  or    [of]    his  Master  out  of  his  Propriety 
[property],  a  hundred  Acres,  Paying  the  yearly  Rent  of  a 
Peny  for  every  Acre  :  To  me  and  my  Heirs  for  ever,  or  to 
his  Master  and  his  Heirs. 

And  as  for  the  Planting  of  the  Whole,  with  Ease,  Satis 
faction  and  Profit,  as  well  to  the  Poor  as  the  Rich  :   this 


64         Second   Colonization         [i675 

Method  is  intended,  and  approved  of  by  many  that  are 
preparing  to  go  with  me,  which  I  intend  will  be  about  the 
middle  .of  the  next  Month  calPd  April,  or  the  end  thereof 
without  fail,  if  the  Lord  please. 

First,    10000.  Acres  being   pitch'd   Upon,   and   divided 

/^.individual  according'  to  every  mans  Propriety ;  then  Lots  shall  be 
cast,  and  when  every  one  knows  where  his  Lot  lies,  there 
being  also  a  'place  Chosen  and  set  out  for  a  Town  or  City 
to  be  Built,  in  which  every  Purchaser  must  have  a  Part,  by 
reason  of  Delaware  River  for  Trade.  Then  every  one  must 
joyn  their  Hands,  first  in  Building  the  Houses,  and  next  in 
Improving  the  Land,  casting  Lots  whose  Houses  shall  be 
first  built,  and  whose  Land  first  Improved  :  And  as  the 
Land  is  Improved  so  it  shall  be  for  the  Use  of  all  the 
Hands  and  their  Families  which  are  joyned  in  this  Com 
munity,  until  the  whole  10000.  Acres  be  Improved;  Then 
every  one  to  have  his  own  Lot  to  his  own  Use  :  And  so  this 
Method  to  be  used  till  the  Country  be  Planted. 

If  any  like  not  this  Method,  they  may  be  left  to  Improve 
their  Propriety  alone.  If  any  happen  to  go  who  is  not  Able 
to  get  a  Live [li] hood  here,  nor  to  Pay  their  Debts  out  of 
their  Stocks,  the  Governor  and  his  Council  shall  take  care, 
upon  notice  given  thereof  by  the  Creditors,  that  such  shall 
make  Satisfaction  out  of  their  Estates,  as  the  Lord  shall 
give  a  Blessing  to  their  Labours,  and  an  Increase  of  their 
Substance.  Provided  the  Creditors  hinder  not  their  Pas 
sage,  but  give  the  Governor  and  his  Council  a  Particular  of 
their  Debts. 

The  Government  is  to  be,  by  a  Governor  and  12  Council 

I.e.  a  term  of  to  be  Chosen  every  year,  6  of  the  Council  to  go  out,  and  6 
to  come  in ;  whereby  every  Proprietor  may  be  made  capa 
ble  of  Government,  and  know  the  Affairs  of  the  Country, 
and  Privileges  of  the  People. 

The  Government  to  stand  upon  these  two  Basis,  or 
Leges  [laws],  viz.  i.  The  Defence  of  the  Royal  Law  of 


NO.  24]  Carolina  65 

God,  his  Name  and  true  Worship,  which  is  in  Spirit  and 
in  Truth. 

2.   The  Good,  Peace  and  Welfare,  of  every  Individual 
Person. 

This  Wi.  of  the  i  st.  Month.  I  am  a  Real  Friend  March  8, 

1675.  and  Well-wisher  l675-  °-s- 

to  all  Men. 

J.  Fenwick. 

Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History  and  Biography  (Philadel 
phia,  1882),  VI,' 86-88.  - 


24.    Description   of  Carolina    (1665-1695)  AR 

a  Quaker, 

I   SHALL  next  proceed  to  treat  of  the  Government,  as  theCaroiinas 

granted  by  King  Charles  II.  to  the  Eight  Lords  Pro-  J^.1^. 

prietors  aforesaid,  who  again,  by  common  consent,  center'd  ful  adminis- 

that  Power  in  Four  of  them,  viz.  in  a  Palatine  of  their  own  dW°mucnfbr 


election,  and  Three  more  who  were  impower'd  to  execute  the 

the  whole  Powers  of  the  Charter,  and  is  call'd  a  Palatines  of  the  colony. 

Court;  their  Deputies  in   Carolina  executing  the  same,  as  ^^^ 

from  their  Principals  they  are  directed  :  For  each  Proprietor  Southern 

hath  his  Deputy  there.     The  Charter  generally,  as  in  other  atone*tkhe*e 


Charters,  agrees  in  Royal  Privileges  and  Powers  ;  but  espec- 

ially  at  that  time  it  had  an  Over-plus  Power  to  grant  Liberty  under  royal 

of  Conscience,  altho'  at  Home  was  a  hot  Persecuting  Time  ;  <^^>f 

as  also,  a  Power  to  Create  a  Nobility,  yet  not  to  have  the  1665;  they 

,  T-.       7        i          1     i          /-  i  i  are  an  exam- 

Same  Titles  as  here  in  England.,  and  therefore  they  are  there  p]e  of  an 

by   Patent,   under  the   Great  Seal  of  the  Provinces,  call'd  ™^Cpte*0ful 

Landgraves  and  Cassocks,  in  lieu  of  Earls  and  Lords  ;  and  found  an 
are  by  their  Titles  to  sit  with  the  Lords  Proprietors,  Depu- 


ties,  and  together  make  the  Upper-House,  the  Lower-  House   wealth,  with 

feudal  pnvi- 

bemg  elected  by  the  People;  and  these  Landgraves  are  to   leges.—  See 


have  four  Baronies  annex'd  to  their  Dignities,  of  6000  Acres 

each  Barony  ;  and  the  Cassocks  two  Baronies,  of  3000  each  ;   xii;'  li,  ch.v. 


66         Second   Colonization   [i665-i695 


Liberty  of 
conscience 
was  remarka 
ble,  consider 
ing  that  all 
the  proprie 
tors  were 
Church  of 
England 
men. 


The  war 
against  the 
Kussoes,  in 
1671. 


and  not  to  be  separated  away  by  Sale  of  any  part ;  only  they 
have  power  to  let  out  a  third  Part  for  three  Lives,  for  to 
raise  Portions  for  younger  Children.  And  many  Dissenters 
went  over,  Men  of  Estates,  as  also  many  whom  the  variety 
of  Fortune  had  engaged  to  seek  their  Fortunes,  in  hopes 
of  better -Success  in  this  New  World:  And  truly  such  as 
better  improved  their  new  Stock  of  Wit,  generally  had  no 
cause  to  repent  of  their  Transplantation  into  this  Fertile  and 
Pleasant  Land :  Yet  had  they  at  the  first  many  Difficulties 
and  Dangers  to  cope  withal,  and  therefore  the  most  desper 
ate  Fortunes  [fortune-hunters]  first  ventured  over  to  break 
the  Ice,  which  being  [were]  generally  the  Ill-livers  of  the 
pretended  Church-men,  altho'  the  Proprietors  commission- 
ated  one  Collonel  West  their  Governour,  a  moderate,  just, 
pious  and  valiant  Person ;  yet  having  a  Council  of  the  loose 
Principled  Men,  they  grew  very  unruly,  that  they  had  like 
to  have  Ruin'd  the  Colony,  by  Abusing  the  Indians,  whom 
in  Prudence  they  ought  to  have  obliged  in  the  highest  de 
gree,  and  so  brought  an  Indian  War  on  the  Country,  like 
that  in  the  first  Planting  of  Virginia,  in  which  several  were 
cut  off;  but  the  Governour  by  his  Manly  Prudence,  at  last, 
extinguish'd  the  same  in  a  great  measure,  and  so  left  Matters 
a  little  better  settled  to  Governour  Jos.  Morton,  in  whose 
time  General  Blake's  Brother,  with  many  Dissenters  came 
to  Carolina ;  which  Blake  being  a  wise  and  prudent  Per 
son,  of  an  heroick  temper  of  Spirit,  strengthen'd  the  Hands 
of  sober  inclined  People,  and  kept  under  the  the  First  Loose 
and  Extravagant  Spirit ;  but  not  being  able  to  extinguish  it, 
it  broke  out  and  got  head  in  the  Government  of  James 
Coletin  of  Barbadoes,  and  Sir  Peter  Colleton's  Brother  :  And 
this  Party  grew  so  strong  among  the  Common  People,  that 
they  chose  Members  to  oppose  whatsoever  the  Governour 
requested ;  insomuch  that  they  would  not  Settle  the  Militia 
Act,  tho'  their  own  Security  (in  a  Natural  way)  depended  on 
it.  And  the  grounds  of  their  farther  Strength,  was  by  reason 


NO.  25]        .       Pennsylvania  67 

of  the  Discontent  the  People  lay  under  about  the  Tenure 

of  their  Lands,  and  payment  of  their  Quiterance  [quit-rents]  /.<?.  perpetual 

which  was  afterwards  rectified  by  me.     After  Colleton  sue-  servedTn 

ceeded  one [Thomas] 'Smyth,  a  wise  and  sober,  moder-  grants  of 

land  *  8.  svs- 

ate  and  well-living  Man,  who  grew  so  uneasy  in  the  Govern-  tem  much 
ment,  by  reason  that  he  could  not  satisfy  the  People  in  their  fhecoionists 
Demands,  that  he  writ  over  An.  1694,  "That  it  was  impos-          „  _ 
sible  to  Settle  the  Country,  except  a  Proprietor  himself,  was   Anno,  year, 
sent  over  with  full  power  to  Heal  their  Grievances,  <5rv  ".  .  . 
the  Proprietors  took  Governour  Smyth's  Letter  under  Con 
sideration  ;  and  the  Lord  Ashly  was  pitch'd  upon  by  all  the 
Lords,  who  was  then  in  the  Country  .  .  .  who  desired  to  be 
excused  .  .  .  upon  which  Account  I  was  then  pitch'd  upon, 
and  intrusted  with  Large  and  Ample  Powers ;  and  when  I 
arriv'd,  I  found  all  Matters  in  great  Confusion,  and  every 
Faction  apply 'd  themselves  to  me  in  hopes  of  Relief;  I  ap 
peased  them  with  kind  and  gentle  Words,  and  so  soon  as 
possible  call'd  an  Assembly  .  .  .  No  25  js 

John  Archdale,  A  New  Description  of  that  Fertile  and  Pleasant  TOWNSEND 

Province  of  Carolina  (London,  1707),  12-15  passim.  (born  about 

1644), a 
Quaker,  who 

+  came  from 

England  in 
the  ship 


A 


25.    Settlement  of  Pennsylvania  (i682> 

Penn.  —  For 

T  our  arrival  [in  Pennsylvania],  we  found  it  a  wilder- 


ness  ;  the  chief  inhabitants  were  Indians,  and  some  Ashmead, 
Swedes  ;  who  received  us  in  a  friendly  manner  :  and  though   sketch  of 


there  was  a  great  number  of  us,  the  good  hand  of  Provi- 

dence  was  seen  in  a  particular  manner  ;  in  that  provisions   Quakers,  see 

were  found  for  us,  by  the  Swedes,  and  Indians,  at  very  rea- 


sonable  rates,  as  well  as  brought  from  divers  other  parts,  poraries,  I, 

Nos.  141,  142. 
that  were  inhabited  before.  —The  early 


Our  first  concern  was  to  keep  up  and  maintain  our  reli- 
gious  worship  ;  and,  in  order  thereunto,  we  had  several  meet-   reached  old 


68 


Second   Colonization         [1682 


age,  are  said 
to  have  fre 
quently  re 
called  the 
goodness  of 
Providence 
in  preserving 
them  through 
the  difficul 
ties  and  hard 
ships  which 
they  at  first 
encountered. 
Townsend's 
"testimony," 
written  about 
1727,  is  an 
example  of  a 
favorite  kind 
of  Quaker 
reminis 
cence.  — 
Pennsylvania 
is  a  type  of 
a  colony 
founded  on 
a  large  scale 
by  a  man  of 
great  wealth 
and  vigorous 
character.  — 
See  Contem 
poraries,  I, 
ch.  xxiv ;  II, 
ch.  iv. 

The  Swedes 
were  the 
original  set 
tlers  of  Dela 
ware,  which 
for  a  long 
time  formed 
a  part  of 
Pennsyl 
vania, 

For  William 
Penn   see 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  No. 
162. 

Le.  the 
Welsh. 


ings,  in  the  houses  of  the  inhabitants ;  and  one  boarded 
meeting-house  was  set  up,  where  the  city  was  to  be,  near 
Delaware ;  and,  as  we  had  nothing  but  love  and  good- will, 
in  our  hearts,  one  to  another,  we  had  very  comfortable 
meetings,  from  time  to  time ;  and  after  our  meeting  was 
over,  we1  assisted  each  other,  in  building  little  houses,  for 
our  shelter. 

After  some  time  I  set  up  a  mill,  on  Chester  creek ;  which 
I  brought  ready  framed  from  London;  which  served  for 
grinding  of  corn,  and  sawing  of  boards ;  and  was  of  great 
use  to  us.  Besides,  I,  with  Joshua  Tittery,  made  a  net,  and 
caught  great  quantities  of  fish ;  which  supplied  ourselves 
and  many  others ;  so  that,  notwithstanding  it  was  thought 
near  three  thousand  persons  came  in  the  first  year,  we  were 
so  providentially  provided  for,  that  we  could  buy  a  deer  for 
about  two  shillings,  and  a  large  turkey,  for  about  one  shil 
ling,  and  Indian  corn  for  about  two  shillings  and  six  pence 
per  bushel. 

And,  as  our  worthy  Proprietor  treated  the  Indians  with  ex 
traordinary  humanity,  they  became  very  civil  and  loving  to 
us,  and  brought  in  abundance  of  venison.  As,  in  other  coun 
tries,  the  Indians  were  exasperated  by  hard  treatment,  which 
hath  been  the  foundation  of  much  bloodshed,  so  the  con 
trary  treatment  here  hath  produced  their  love  and  affection. 

About  a  year  after  our  arrival,  there  came  in  about  twenty 
families  from  high  and  low  Germany,  of  religious,  good 
people ;  who  settled  about  six  miles  from  Philadelphia,  and 
called  the  place  German  town. — The  country  continually 
increasing,  people  began  to  spread  themselves  further 
back.— 

Also  a  place  called  North  Wales,  was  settled  by  many  of 
the  ancient  Britons,  an  honest  inclined  people,  although 
they  had  not  then  made  a  profession  of  the  truth,  as  held 
by  us,  yet,  in  a  little  time,  a  large  convincement  was  among 
them ;  and  divers  meeting-houses  were  built. 


No.  26] 


Delaware 


69 


About  the  time,  in  which  Germantown  was  laid  out,  I 
settled  upon  my  tract  of  land,  which  I  had  purchased  of  the 
Proprietor,  in  England,  about  a  mile  from  thence ;  where  I 
set  up  a  house  and  a  corn  mill ;  —  which  was  very  useful  to 
the  country,  for  several  miles  round  :  —  But  there  not  being 
plenty  of  horses,  people  generally  brought  their  corn  on 
their  backs  many  miles  .  .  . 

As  people  began  to  spread,  and  improve  their  lands,  the 
country  became  more  fruitful;  so  that  those,  who  came 
after  us,  were  plentifully  supplied ;  and  with  what  we 
abounded  we  began  a  small  trade  abroad.  And  as  Phila 
delphia  increased,  vessels  were  built,  and  many  employed. 
Both  country  and  trade  have  been  wonderfully  increasing  to 
this  day ;  so  that,  from  a  wilderness,  the  Lord,  by  his  good 
hand  of  providence,  hath  made  it  a  fruitful  field :  —  On 
which  to  look  back,  and  observe  all  the  steps,  would  exceed 
my  present  purpose;  yet,  being  now  in  the  eighty-fourth 
year  of  my  age,  and  having  been  in  this  country  near  forty- 
six  years,  and  my  memory  pretty  clear,  concerning  the  rise 
and  progress  of  the  province,  I  can  do  no  less  than  return 
praises  to  the  Almighty,  when  I  look  back  and  consider  his 
bountiful  hand  .  .  . 

Robert  Proud,    The   History    of  Pennsylvania   (Philadelphia, 
1797),  I,  229-231  passim. 


26.    A   Journey  through   Delaware  (1676) 

WE  travelled  that  Day,  and  saw  no  tame  Creature,  at 
Night  we  kindled  a  Fire  in  the  Wilderness,  and  lay 
by  it,  as  we  used  to  do  in  such  Journies ;  next  Day  about 
nine  in  the  Morning,  by  the  good  Hand  of  God,  we  came 
well  to  the  Falls,  and  by  his  Providence  found  there  an 
Indian  Man,  a  Woman  and  Boy  with  a  Canoe  :  So  we  hired 


On  Phila 
delphia,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  Nos. 
161,  163;  II, 
No.  28. 


No.  26  is  by 
REVEREND 
WILLIAM 
EDMUNDSON 
(1627-1716), 
English  yeo 
man,  soldier 
in  the  parlia 
mentary 
army,  and 
afterward 
Quaker 
preacher. 
He  made 
two  journeys 
to  America, 
the  first  in 
company 
with  George 
Fox.     Inter 
spersed  in 
the  faithful 
journal 
which  he 
kept  of  his 


70          Second   Colonization         [1676 


travels  and 
work  are  to 
be  found 
many  valu 
able  observa 
tions  upon 
the  colonies. 
—  Delaware 
was  a  very 
small  and 
weak  colony, 
but  it  had  the 
same  gov 
ernor  as 
Pennsylva 
nia,  and  at 
times  the 
same  legis 
lature. —  See 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  ch. 
xxiv;  II,  No. 
27. 

The  falls  of 
the  Delaware 
are  near 
Trenton. 

Wampum  = 
strings  of 
small  white 
she41s  used  as 
ornaments 
and  as 
money. 

There  were 
many  Finns 
among  the 
Swedish 
settlements. 

He  passes 
the  site  of  the 
later  Phila 
delphia  with 
out  notice. 

Uplands, 
now  Chester. 

For  John 
Fenwick,  see 
above,  No.  23. 

The  deputy- 
governor  was 


him  for  some  Wampampeg,  to  help  us  over  in  the  Canoe ; 
We  swam  our  Horses,  and  though  the  River  was  broad,  yet 
got  well  over;  and,  by  the  Directions  we  received  from 
Friends,  travelled  towards  Delaware  Town  along  the  West 
Side  of  the  River  :  When  we  had  rode  some  Miles,  we  baited 
our  Horse's,  and  refreshed  ourselves  with  such  Provisions  as 
we  had,  for  as  yet  we  were  not  come  to  any  Inhabitants. 
Here  came  u^>  to  us  a  Finland  Man  well  horsed,  who  could 
speak  English,  he  soon  perceived  what  we  were,  and  gave 
us  an  Account  of  several  Friends,  his  House  was  as  far  as 
we  could  ride  that  Day ;  he  took  us  there,  and  lodged  us 
kindly. 

Next  Morning,  being  first  Day  of  the  Week,  we  went  to 
Uplands,  where  were  a  few  Friends  met  at  Robert  Wade's 
House,  and  we  were  glad  one  of  another,  and  comforted  in 
the  Lord.  After  Meeting  we  took  Boat  and  went  to  Salem 
about  thirty  Miles,  there  lived  John  Fennick,  and  several 
Families  of  Friends  from  England,  we  ordered  our  Horses 
to  meet  us  at  Delaware  Town  by  Land ;  so  we  got  Friends 
together  at  Salem,  and  had  a  Meeting :  After  which  we  had 
the  Hearing  of  several  Differences,  and  endeavoured  to  make 
Peace  among  them. 

Next  Day  we  went  by  Boat,  accompanied  by  several 
Friends,  to  Delaware  Town,  and  there  met  with  our  Horses 
according  to  Appointment,  but  for  a  long  Time  could  get 
no  Lodging  /or  ourselves,  or  them ;  the  Inhabitants  being 
most  of  them  Dutch  and  Finns,  and  addicted  to  Drunken 
ness.  That  Place  was  then  under  the  Government  of  New- 
York,  and  is  now  called  Pennsylvania,  there  was  a  Deputy- 
Governor  in  it ;  so  when  we  could  not  get  a  Lodging,  I  went 
to  the  Governor,  and  told  him,  We  were  Travellers,  and  had 
Money  to  pay  for  what  we  called  for,  but  could  not  get  Lodg 
ing  for  our  Money.  He  was  very  courteous,  and  went  with 
us  to  an  Ordinary,  and  commanded  the  Man  to  provide  us 
Lodging  (which  was  both  mean  and  dear)  but  the  Governor 


No.  27] 


Georgia 


71 


sent  his  Man  to  tell  me,  That  what  I  wanted,  send  to  him   Captain  John 
for  and  I  should  have  it. 

The  next  Morning  we  took  our  Journey  towards  Mary-   inn.lnary  = 
land,  accompanied  with  Robert  Wade  and  another  Friend : 
We  travelled  hard  and  late  at  Night,  so  came  to  William 
Southerby\  at  Saxifrax  River.    From  thence  we  went  among  Sassafras 
Friends  on  the  Eastern  Shore  in  Maryland  ....  r-  Mary- 

William  Edmundson,  Journal  (London,  1774),  107-109. 


27.    Progress  of  Georgia  (1733) 

WE  set  sail  from  Gravesend,  on  the  lyth  of  Novr. 
1732,  in  the  ship  Anne,  of  200  tons,y<?/£#  Thomas, 
Master,  being  about  130  persons,  and  arrived  off  the 
bar  of  Charlestown  on  the  i3th  day  of  January  following. 
Mr.  Oglethorpe  went  on  shore  to  wait  on  the  Governour ; 
was  received  with  great  marks  of  civility  and  satisfaction ; 
obtained  an  order  for  Mr.  Middleton,  the  King's  pilot,  to 
carry  the  ship  into  Port  Royal ;  and  for  small  craft  to  carry 
the  Colony  from  thence  to  the  river  Savannah,  with  a  prom 
ise  of  further  assistance  from  the  Province.  He  returned 
on  board  the  i4th  day;  and  came  to  an  anchor  within  the 
bar  of  Port  Royal,  at  about  16  miles'  distance  from  Beau 
fort.  On  the  1 8th,  he  went  on  shore  upon  Trench's  island, 
and  left  a  guard  of  8  men  upon  John's ;  being  a  point  of 
that  island. which  commands  the  channel,  and  is  about  half 
way  between  Beaufort  and  the  river  Savannah  :  —  they  had 
orders  to  prepare  Huts,  for  the  reception  of  the  Colony, 
against  they  should  lie  there  in  their  passage.  From  thence, 
he  went  to  Beaufort  town,  where  he  arrived  about  one 
o'clock  in  the  morning ;  and  was  saluted  with  a  discharge 
of  all  the  Artillery,  and  had  the  new  Barracks  fitted  up  ; 
where,  the  Colony  landed  on  the  2Oth  day ;  and  were,  in 


This  account 
was  written 
either  by  or 
with  the 
sanction  of 
GENERAL 
JAMES 
EDWARD 
OGLE- 
THORPE 
(1696-1785), 
lounder  of 
Georgia.  — 
See  Contem 
poraries,  II, 
No.  39.— 
Georgia 
was  founded: 
as  a  philan 
thropic  enter 
prise,  to  give 
homes  to 
poor  people; 
slavery  was 
for  nearly 
twenty  years 
forbidden. 
Till  after  the 
Revolution 
Georgia  had 
very  few  in 
habitants.  — 
See  Contem 
poraries,  II, 
ch.  vi. 


72          Second   Colonization         [1733 

every  respect,  cheerfully  assisted  by  Lieut.  Watts,  Ensign 
Farrington,  and  the  other  officers  of  his  Majesty's  independ 
ent  company,  as  also  by  Mr.  Delabarr,  and  other  gentlemen 
of  the  neighborhood. 

While  the  Colony  refreshed  themselves  there,  Mr.  Ogle- 
Thorpe  went  up  the  River,  and  chose  a  situation  for  a  Town ; 
and  entered  into  a  treaty  with  Tomochichi,  the  Micco,  or 
Chief  of  the  only  .nation  of  Indians  living  near  it.  He 
returned  on  the  24th  day ;  and  they  celebrated  the  Sunday 
following,  as  a  day  of  Thanksgiving  for  their  safe  arrival ; 
and  a  sermon  was  preached  by  the  Revd.  Mr.  Jones,  (the 
Revd.  Dr.  Herbert,  who  came  with  the  Colony,  preaching 
that  day  at  Beaufort  town.)  There  was  a  great  resort  of 
the  Gentlemen  of  that  neighborhood,  and  their  families ; 
and  a  plentiful  Dinner  provided  for  the  Colony,  and  all  that 
came,  by  Mr.  Oglethorpe ;  being  4  fat  hogs,  8  turkies, 
besides  fowls,  English  Beef,  and  other  provisions,  a  hogs 
head  of  punch,  a  hogshead  of  beer,  and  a  large  quantity 
of  wine ;  and,  all  was  disposed  in  so  regular  a  manner,  that 
no  person  was  drunk,  nor  any  disorder  happened. 

On  the  3Oth,  the  Colony  embarked  on  board  a  sloop  of 
70  tons,  and  5  Periaugers  [dugouts],  and  made  sail;  but 
were  forced  by  a  storm,  to  put  in  at  a  place  called  the  Look 
out,  and  to  lie  there  all  night :  —  the  next  day,  they  arrived 
at  John's ;  where  they  found  huts  capable  to  contain  them 
all,  and  a  plentiful  supper  of  venison.  They  re-embarked 
the  next  day ;  and  in  the  afternoon  arrived  at  the  place 
intended  for  the  Town. 

Being  arrived,  on  the  ist  of  February,  at  the  intended 
Town/  before  night  they  erected  4  large  tents,  sufficient 
to  hold  all  the  people,  being  one  for  each  tything;  they 
landed  their  bedding,  and  other  little  necessaries ;  and  all 
the  people  lay  on  shore.  The  ground  they  encamped  upon 
is  the  edge  of  the  river  where  the  key  [wharf]  is  intended 
to  be. 


NO.  27]  Georgia  7  3 

Until  the  yth  was  spent  in  making  a  Crane,  and  unlad 
ing  the  goods: — which  done,  Mr.  Oglethorpe  divided  the 
people  ;  employing  part,  in  clearing  the  land  for  seed ;  part, 
in  beginning  the  palisade ;  and  the  remainder,  in  felling  of 
trees  where  the  Town  is  to  stand.  Savannah 

Col.  Bull  arrived  here,  with  a  message  from  the  General 
Assembly  to  Mr.  Oglethorpe,  and  a  letter  from  his  Excel 
lency  Governor  Johnson  and  the  Council ;  acquainting 
him,  that  the  two  Houses,  upon  a  conference,  had  agreed 
to  give  20  barrels  of  Rice  and  TOO  head  of  Cattle,  besides 
Hogs,  to  the  Trustees  ;  and,  that  they  had  commanded  a 
detachment  of  the  Rangers  (which  are  Horse,  kept  in  the 
pay  of  the  Province,  for  the  scouring  of  the  frontiers)  and 
the  Scout-boat  (which  is  an  armed  Bark,  employed  for  the 
same  purpose  by  water)  to  attend  him,  and  take  his  orders. 

Col.  Bull  brought  with  him  4  of  his  Negroes,  who  were 
Sawyers,  to  assist  the  Colony ;  and  also,  brought  provision 
for  them,  being  resolved  to  put  the  Trust  to  no  expense ; 
and  by  this  means,  to  bestow  his  benefaction  in  the  most 
noble  and  useful  manner. 

On  the  Qth  day,  Mr.  Oglethorpe  and  Col.  Bull  marked 
out  the  Square,  the  Streets,  and  40  Lots  for  houses  for  the 
town  ;  and  the  first  House  (which  was  ordered  to  be  made 
of  clapboards)  was  begun  that  day. 

The  Town  lies  on  the  south  side  of  the  river  Savannah, 
upon  a  Flat  on  the  top  of  a  hill ;  and  60  yards  of  it  is 
reserved  between  it  and  the  Key.  The  river  washes  the 
foot  of  the  hill ;  which  stretches  along  the  side  of  it  about 
a  mile,  and  forms  a  terrace  40  feet  perpendicular  above 
high-water. 

A  Brief  Accormt  of  the  Establishment  of  the  Colony  of  Georgia, 
under  Gen.  James  Oglethorpe,  February  /,  1733,  in  Force, 
Tracts,  etc.  (Washington,  1836),  I,  No.  ii,  8-10. 


By 

GOVERNOR 
JOHN  WIN- 

THROP,  for 
whom  see 
above,  No. 
21.     His 
journal 
throws  light 
upon  almost 
every  phase 
of  New  Eng 
land  life  in 
the  first  half 
of  the  seven 
teenth  cen 
tury.  —  See 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  No. 
107.  —  On 
early  colo 
nial  life,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  chs. 
xiii,  xxi,  xxvi. 

Morton's  set 
tlement  at 
Merrymount 
had  been 
broken  up 
by  John 
Endicott  in 
the  summer 
ofi628.— See 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  No. 
103. 

Oct.  25.  — 
A  very  early 
example  of 
temperance 
sentiment. 

"This  ship," 
i.e.  the 
"  Lion." 


CHAPTER   V  — COLONIAL    LIFE    IN 
THE   SEVENTEENTH    CENTURY 

28.    New  England  Life  (1630-1635) 

THURSDAY,  17  [June,  1630.]  We  went  to  Mattachu- 
setts,  to  find  out  a  place  for  our  sitting  down.  We 
went  up  Mistick  River  about  six  miles.  .  .  . 

Thursday,  8  [July.]  We  kept  a  day  of  thanksgiving  in 
all  the  plantations.  .  .  . 

[Sept.  30.]  The  wolves  killed  six  calves  at  Salem,  and 
they  killed  one  wolf. 

Thomas  Morton  [was]  adjudged  to  be  imprisoned,  till  he 
were  sent  into  England,  and  his  house  burnt  down,  for  his 
many  injuries  offered  to  the  Indians,  and  other  misdemean 
ours.  Capt.  Brook,  master  of  the  [ship]  Gift,  refused  to 
carry  him.  .  .  . 

[Oct.  25.]  The  governour,  upon  consideration  of  the 
inconveniences  which  had  grown  in  England  by  drinking 
one  to  another,  restrained  it  at  his  own  table,  and  wished 
others  to  do  the  like,  so  as  it  grew,  by  little  and  little,  to 
disuse.  .  .  . 

[Feb.  10,  1631.]  The  poorer  sort  of  people  (who  lay 
long  in  tents,  etc.)  were  much  afflicted  with  the  scurvy,  and 
many  died,  especially  at  Boston  and  Charlestown  ;  but  when 
this  ship  came  and  brought  store  of  juice  of  lemons,  many 
recovered  speedily.  It  hath  been  always  observed  here, 
that  such  as  fell  into  discontent,  and  lingered  [longed]  after 
their  former  conditions  in  England,  fell  into  the  scurvy  and 
died.  .  .  . 

[Nov.  4.]     The  governour,  his  wife  and  children-  went 

74 


NO.  28]  New  England  75 

on  shore,  with   Mr.  Peirce,  in   his   ship's  boat.     The  ship 

gave  them  six  or  seven  pieces.     At  their  landing,  the  cap-   Le.  fired  a 

tains,  with  their  companies  in  arms,  entertained  them  with 

a  guard,  and  divers  vollies  of  shot,  and  three  drakes  ;  and   Small  pieces 

divers  of  the  assistants  and  most  of  the  people,  of  the  near  of  artlllery- 

plantations,  came  to  welcome  them,  and  brought  and  sent, 

for  divers  days,  great  store  of  provisions,  as  fat  hogs,  kids, 

venison,  poultry,  geese,  partridges,  etc.,  so  as  the  like  joy 

and  manifestation  of  love  had  never  been  seen  in  New  Eng 

land.     It  was  a  great  marvel,  that  so  much  people  and  such 

store  of  provisions  could  be  gathered  together  at  so  few 

hours'  warning.  .  .  . 

[April  1  6,  1632.]  A  wear  [dam]  was  erected  by  Water- 
town  men  upon  Charles  River,  three  miles  above  the  town, 
where  they  took  great  store  of  shads. 

A  Dutch  ship  brought  from  Virginia  two  thousand  bushels 
of  corn,  which  was  sold  at  four  shillings  sixpence  the 
bushel.  .  .  . 

[July  5.]     At  Watertown  there  was  (in  the  view  of  divers 
witnesses)  a  great  combat  between  a  mouse  and  a  snake  ;   This  is  a 
and,  after  a  long  fight,  the  mouse  prevailed  and  killed  the  ampieof  the 
snake.     The  pastor  of  Boston,  Mr.  Wilson,  a  very  sincere,   tendency  of 
holy  man,  hearing  of  it,  gave  this  interpretation  :  That  the   to  see  spirit- 


snake  was  the  devil;  the  mouse  was  a  poor  contemptible 

people,  which  God  had  brought  hither,  which  should  over-   monest  hap- 

come  Satan  here,  and  dispossess  him  of  his  kingdom.    Upon  F 

the  same  occasion,  he  told  the  governour,  that,  before  he 

was  resolved  to  come  into  this  country,  he   dreamed   he 

was  here,  and  that  he  saw  a  church  arise  out  of  the  earth, 

which  grew  up  and  became  a  marvellous  goodly  church.  .  .  . 

December  5  [1633.]     John  Sagamore  died  of  the  small   Samuel 

*r  "*•       w  j       j  IVIcivcrick 

pox,  and   almost  all  his  people;   (above   thirty  buried  by  wastheorigi- 

" 


Mr.  Maverick  of  Winesemett  in  one  day).     The  towns  in 

the  bay  took  away  many  of  the  children  ;  but  most  of  them   East  Boston 

died  SOOn  after.    ...  and  Chelsea. 


Early   Colonial   Life    [1630-1635 


A  common 

colonial 

punishment. 


In  the  early 
days  of  the 
colony,  coin 
was  very  lit 
tle  used  as  a 
medium  of 
exchange. 


[March  4,  1634.]  At  this  court  all  swamps,  above  one 
hundred  acres,  were  made  common,  etc.  Also  Robert  Cole, 
having  been  oft  punished  for  drunkenness,  was  now  ordered 
to  wear  a  red  D  about  his  neck  for  a  year.  .  .  . 

[Oct.  14.]  It  was  informed  the  governour,  that  some 
of  our  people,  being  aboard  the  bark  of  Maryland,  the 
sailors  did  revile  them,  calling  them  holy  brethren,  the 
members,  etc.,  and  withal  did  curse  and  swear  most  horri 
bly,  and  use  threatening  speeches  against  us.  The  gov 
ernour  wrote  to  some  of  the  assistants  about  it,  and,  upon 
advice  with  the  ministers,  it  was  agreed  to  call  them  in 
question ;  and  to  this  end  (because  we  knew  not  how  to 
get  them  out  of  their  bark)  we  apprehended  the  merchant 
of  the  ship,  being  on  shore,  and  committed  him  to  the  mar 
shal,  till  Mr.  Maverick  came  and  undertook  that  the  offenders 
should  be  forthcoming.  The  next  day  (the  governour  not 
being  well)  we  examined  the  witnesses,  and  found  them  fall 
short  of  the  matter  of  threatening,  and  not  to  agree  about 
the  reviling  speeches,  and,  beside,  not  able  to  design  cer 
tainly  the  men  that  had  so  offended.  Whereupon  (the  bark 
staying  only  upon  [for]  this)  the  bail  was  discharged,  and 
a  letter  written  to  the  master,  that,  in  regard  such  disorders 
were  committed  aboard  his  ship,  it  was  his  duty  to  inquire 
out  the  offenders  and  punish  them ;  and  withal  to  desire 
him  to  bring  no  more  such  disordered  persons  among 
us.  ... 

[March  4,  1635.]  At  this  COUI>t  brass  farthings  were  for 
bidden,  and  musket  bullets  made  to  pass  for  farthings.  .  .  . 

[April.]  Some  of  our  people  went  to  Cape  Cod,  and 
made  some  oil  of  a  whale,  which  was  cast  on  shore.  There 
were  three  or  four  cast  up,  as  it  seems  there  is  almost  every 
year. 


John  Winthrop,  The  History  of  New  England  from    1630   to 
1649  (edited  by  James  Savage,  Boston,  1853),  1, 32-1 88  passt 'm. 


No.  29] 


Church   Services 


77 


29.    Church  Services  (1642) 

A  CHURCH  is  gathered  there  after  this  maner:  A  con- 
jf~\.  venient,  or  competent  number  of  Christians,  allowed 
by  the  generall  Court  to  plant  together,  at  a  day  prefixed, 
come  together,  in  publique  manner,  in  some  fit  place,  and 
there  confesse  their  sins  and  professe  their  faith,  one  unto 
another,  and  being  satisfied  of  one  anothers  faith  &  repent 
ance,  they  solemlny  [solemnly]  enter  into  a  Covenant  with 
God,  and  one  an  other  (which  is  called  their  Church 
Covenant,  and  held  by  them  to  constitute  a  Church)  to 
this  effect :  viz. 

To  forsake  the  Devill,  andall  his  workes,  and  the  vanities 
of  the  sinfull  world,  and  all  their  former  lusts,  and  corrup 
tions,  they  have  lived  and  walked  in,  and  to  cleave  unto, 
and  obey  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  as  their  onely  King  and 
Law-giver,  their  onely  Priest  and  Prophet,  and  to  walke 
together  with  that  Church,  in  the  unity  of  the  faith,  and 
brotherly  love,  and  to  submit  themselves  one  unto  an  other, 
in  all  the  ordinances  of  Christ,  to  mutuall  edification,  and 
comfort,  to  watch  over,  and  support  one  another. 

Whereby  they  are  called  the  Church  of  such  a  place, 
which  before  they  say  were  no  Church,  nor  of  any  Church 
except  the  invisible  :  After  this,  they  doe  at  the  same  time, 
or  some  other,  all  being  together,  elect  their  own  Officers, 
as  Pastor,  Teacher,  Elders,  Deacons,  if  they  have  fit  men 
enough  to  supply  those  places ;  else,  as  many  of  them  as 
they  can  be  provided  of.  ... 

When  a  man  or  woman  commeth  to  joyne  unto  the 
Church  so  gathered,  he  or  shee  commeth  to  the  Elders 
in  private,  at  one  of  their  houses,  or  some  other  place 
appointed,  upon  the  weeke  dayes,  and  make  knowne  their 
desire,  to  enter  into  Church-fellowship  with  that  Church, 
and  then  the  ruling  Elders,  or  one  of  them,  require,  or  aske 


By  THOMAS 
LECHFORD 

(1590-1644?), 
who  was  in 
Massachu 
setts  from 
1638  till  1641, 
when  he  re 
turned  to 
England  in 
disgust.     He 
was  the  first 
to  practise 
law  in  the 
province. 
His  com 
ments, 
though  hos 
tile,  are  valu 
able.  —  For 
Lechfc^rd, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  I, 
Nos.  91,  no. 
—  For  church 
services,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  Nos. 
143,  169;  II, 
ch.  xv.     An 
excellent  sec 
ondary  study 
of  Puritan 
religious  feel 
ing  is  Barrett 
Wendell's 
Cotton 
Mather. 

This  was  the 
fundamental 
piinciple  of 
the  Puritan 
church 
polity. 

The  Puritans 
were  much 
averse  to 
having 
women  take 
part  in  public 
religious 
worship;  not 
so  the 


7 8          Early   Colonial   Life          [1642 

Quakers  and  him  or  her,  if  he  bee  willing  to  make  known  unto  them  the 
Methodists.     worke  Of  grace  Up0n  their  soules,  or  how  God  hath  beene 

dealing  with  them  about  their  conversion  :  which  (at  Boston} 
the  man  declareth  usually  standing,  the  woman  sitting.  And 
if  they  satisfie  the  Elders,  and  the  private  assembly,  (for 
divers  of  the  Church,  both  men  and  women,  meet  there 
usually)  that  they  are  true  beleevers,  that  they  have  beene 
wounded  in  their  hearts  for  their  originall  sinne,  and  actuall 
transgressions,  and  can  pitch  upon  some  promise  of  free 
grace  in  the  Scripture,  for  the  ground  of  their  faith,  and 
that  they  finde  their  hearts  drawne  to  beleeve  in  Christ 
Jesus,  for  their  justification  and  salvation,  and  these  in  the 
Le.  have  ministerie  of  the  Word,  [in]  reading  or  [in]  conference  : 

by  preachhfg!  and  that  they  know  comPetently  tne  summe   of  Christian 
private  read-'   faith  ...     Then  afterwards  .  .  .  they  shall  be  called  forth 

ing,  or  con-       .     -          ,          11/^1         i 

versation.        before  the  whole  Church.  .  .  . 

Which  done,  the  Elder  turneth  his  speech  to  the  party  to 
be  admitted,  and  requireth  him,  or  sometimes  asketh  him, 
if  he  be  willing  to  make  knowne  to  the  congregation  the 
work  of  grace  upon  his  soule ;  and  biddeth  him,  as  briefly, 
and  audibly,  to  as  good  hearing  as  he  can,  to  doe  the  same. 

Thereupon  the  party,  if  it  be  a  man,  speaketh  himselfe ; 
but  if  it  be  a  woman,  her  confession  made  before  the  Elders, 
in  private,  is  most  usually  (in  Boston  Church)  read  by  the 
Pastor,  who  registred  the  same.  .  .  . 

The  party  having  finished  his  Discourses  of  his  confession, 
and  profession  of  his  faith,  the  Elder  againe  speaketh  to  the 
congregation  :  Brethren  of  the  congregation,  if  what  you 
have  heard  of,  from  this  party,  doe  not  satisfie  you,  as  to 
move  you  to  give  him  the  right  hand  of  fellowship,  use  your 
liberty,  and  declare  your  rrindes  therein  .  .  . 

This  done,  sometimes  they  proceede  to  admit  more  mem 
bers,  all  after  the  same  manner,  for  the  most  part,  two,  three, 
foure,  or  five,  or  more  together,  as  they  have  time,  spending 
sometimes  almost  a  whole  afternoone  therein.  And  then 


NO.  29]  Church   Services  79 

the  Elder  calleth  all  them,  that  are  to  be  admitted,  by 
name,  and  rehearseth  the  covenant,  on  their  parts,  to  them, 
which  they  publiquely  say,  they  doe  promise,  by  the  helpe 
of  God,  to  performe  :  And  then  the  Elder,  in  the  name  of 
the  Church,  promiseth  the  Churches  part  of  the  covenant, 
to  the  new  admitted  members.  So  they  are  received,  or 
admitted. 

Then  they  may  receive  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lords  supper 
with  them,  and  their  children  bee  baptized,  but  not  before  : 
also  till  then  they  may  not  be  free  men  of  the  Common 
wealth,  but  being  received  in  the  Church  they  may.  .  .  . 

THE    publique  worship  is  in  as  faire  a  meeting  house  Commonly 
as  they  can  provide,  wherein,  in  most  places,  they  ^ensVof 
have  beene  at  great  charges.     Every  Sabbath  or  Lords  day,   the  town, 
they  come  together  at  Boston,  by  wringing  of  a  bell,  about 
nine  of  the  clock  or  before.    The  Pastor  begins  with  solemn 
prayer  continuing  [-ing]  about  a  quarter  of  an  houre.     The 
Teacher  then  readeth  and  expoundeth  a  Chapter ;  Then  a 
Psalme  is  sung,  which  ever  one  of  the  ruling  Elders  dictates. 
After  that  the  Pastor  preacheth  a  Sermon,  and  sometimes 
ex   tempore   exhorts.     Then   the   Teacher   concludes   with 
prayer,  and  a  blessing. 

Once  a  moneth  is  a  Sacrament  of  the  Lords  Supper, 
whereof  notice  is  given  usually  a  fortnight  before,  and  then 
all  others  departing  save  the  Church,  which  is  a  great  deale 
lesse  in  number  then  [than]  those  that  goe  away,  they  re 
ceive  the  Sacrament,  the  Ministers  and  ruling  Elders  sitting 
at  the  Table,  the  rest  in  their  seats,  or  upon  forms :  All 
cannot  see  the  Minister  consecrating,  unlesse  they  stand  up, 
and  make  a  narrow  shift.  .  .  .  Then  a  Psalme  is  sung,  and 
with  a  short  blessing  the  congregation  is  dismissed.  .  .  . 

Thomas    Lechford,    Plain    Dealing:    or,   Nevves  from  New- 
England  (London,   1642),  2-17  pas..iin. 


By  WILLIAM 
ROBINSON 
and  MAR- 

MADUKE 

STEVENSON 
(fi659).  Rob 
inson  was  a 
merchant  of 
London, 
Stevenson  a 
farmer  from 
Yorkshire. 
Both  emi 
grated  to 
Rhode  Island 
and  came 
thence  to 
Massachu 
setts  Bay, 
where,  upon 
refusal  to 
submit  to  a 
sentence  of 
banishment 
on  pain  of 
death,  they 
were  thrown 
into  prison 
and  hanged, 
October  27, 
1659.    The 
following  let 
ter,  written  in 
prison  just 
before  their 
execution,  is 
typical  of 
those  pro 
duced  by 
New  Eng 
land  Quakers 
in  that 

period. — See 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  Nos. 
140-142. 

The  Quakers 
believe  that 
Christ  con 
tinues  to  re 
veal  Himself 
to  individuals 
and  to  ex 
press  Him 
self  through 
them. 


80          Early   Colonial   Life         [i659 
30.   A  Quaker  Warning   (1659) 

HEARKEN  and  give  Ear,  thou  Town  of  Boston,  lend 
an  Ear,  O  ye  Rulers,  Chief- Priests,  and  Inhabitants 
thereof !  'Listen  all  you  that  dwell  therein,  Rich  and  Poor, 
Small  and  Great,  High  and  Low,  Bond  and  Free,  of  what 
Sort  soever, -give  Ear;  be  attentive  to  the  Words  of  my 
Mouth,  which  proceed  from  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord,  and  from 
the  Power  of  the  Almighty  within  me. 

I  have  often  considered  your  Conditions,  and  your  Actings 
have  often  come  into  my  Remembrance,  which  hath  caused 
me  often  to  lament,  because  of  the  Hardness  of  your  Hearts, 
who  do  thus  slight  the  Almighty,  and  requite  the  Most  High  : 
Oh  foolish  and  unwise  !  Ye  who  do  not  regard  the  Lord  that 
made  you,  who  hath  often  sent  to  you  his  Servants  to  give 
you  Warning  of  the  mighty  Day  of  the  Lord  of  Hosts,  of  the 
terrible  Day  of  the  Lord  God  Almighty,  which  draweth  near, 
it  hastens  apace  ...  O  ye  Rulers  and  Chief- Priests,  are  ye 
combining  together?  Are  ye  joined  together?  Are  ye  in 
League  together  as  the  Rulers  and  Chief-Priests  were  in 
former  Ages  ?  Consider  their  Ends,  and  consider  what  you 
are  doing :  Are  you  so  blind  that  you  cannot  see  you  are 
persecuting  the  Saints  of  the  Most  High?  You  who  are 
seeking  the  Life  of  the  Righteous,  and  that  nothing  but 
Blood  will  satisfy,  The  Lord  will  give  you  Blood  to  drink,  you 
that  thirst  for  it,  you  shall  have  enough  of  it ;  you  who  spill 
and  drink  the  Blood  of  the  Saints  and  Martyrs  of  Jesus,  are 
not  your  Brethren  gone  before  you,  in  whose  Steps  you  are 
treading?  And  the  Fruits  of  the  Devil  you  are  bringing 
forth  .  .  .  And  do  you  thus  requite  the  Lord  for  his  Loving- 
kindness,  to  whip,  to  imprison,  and  cut  off  the  Ears  of  his 
Servants,  that  are  sent  unto  you?'  Is  this  your  preaching 
forth  of  Christ?  Are  these  your  good  Examples  to  others? 
Come,  let  us  reason  together :  Have  you  not  lost  natural 


NO.  3o]       A   Quaker  Warning          81 

Affection?  Have  you  not  lost  Tenderness  and  Compassion? 
Woe  is  me  for  thee  !  Oh  !  thou  New-England,  who  hast 
made  such  a  Noise  among  the  Nations :  Is  thy  Religion 
come  to  no  more  than  whipping,  imprisoning,  burning  in 
the  Hand,  and  cutting  off  Ears,  and  banishing  upon  Death  ? 
What  will  be  the  next  Law  that  thou  wilt  make,  O  New- 
England,  against  those  whom  thou  scornfully  callest  Quakers  ? 
Terming  them,  The  cursed  Sect  of  the  Quakers.  If  they 
were  a  cursed  Sect,  as  thou  hast  termed  them,  it  seems  they 
should  be  so  for  thee,  and  so  die  for  thee  :  For  thou  hast 
made  a  Law  to  put  them  to  Death,  if  they  come  a  second 
Time  within  thy  Borders.  But  I  say,  the  Lord  hath  blessed 
the  People  called  Quakers,  and  they  are  blessed,  and  shall 
be  blessed  for  evermore.  .  .  . 

Oh  ye  Hypocrites  !  How  can  you  sing,  and  keep  such  a 
Noise  concerning  Religion,  when  your  Hands  are  full  of 
Blood,  and  your  Hearts  full  of  Iniquity?  Wash  you,  make 
you  clean,  put  away  the  Evil  of  your  Doings :  Cease  to  do 
Evil:  Learn  to  do  Good:  Cleanse  your  Hands,  you  Sinners, 
and  your  Hearts,  you  Hypocrites;  for  your  Prayers  are 
Abomination  to  me,  saith  the  Lord  of  Hosts :  Your  Singing 
is  as  the  Howling  of  a  Dog  in  the  Streets,  such  are  the  Songs 
you  sing  in  your  Temple  unto  me,  saith  the  Lord;  my  Spirit 
is  weary  with  hearing,  and  my  Soul  is  vexed  Day  after  Day 
with  your  Abominations.  Wo  !  Wo  !  to  thee,  thou  BLOODY 
TOWN  OF  BOSTON,  and  the  rest  that  are  CONFEDERATE  WITH 
THEE,  and  it  thou  canst  not  escape.  Thou  who  hast  shed 
the  Blood  of  the  innocent  People  called  Quakers,  and 
imprisoned  and  fined  them,  and  taken  away  their  Goods, 
and  they  have  become  a  Prey  unto  thee,  for  thee  to  exercise 
thy  Cruelty  upon  them,  and  thou  boastest  in  thy  Wickedness, 
and  thinkest,  thou  dost  God  good  Service  to  hang  and  put  to 
Death  the  People  called  Quakers  .  .  . 

.  .  .  But  take  heed,  we  warn  you  in  the  Name  of  the  Lord 
God,  consider  what  you  are  going  to  do.  In  the  Name  of 


A  splendid 
plea  for 
religious 
toleration. 


August, 
1659,  O.S. 


8  2          Early   Colonial   Life          [1692 

the  Lord  God  we  demand  that  we  may  have  Liberty  for  the 
Exercise  of  our  pure  Consciences,  within  your  Jurisdiction, 
as  well  as  other  English-men,  seeing  that  you  cannot  lay  to 
our  Charge  the  Transgression  of  any  Law  of  God,  we  being 
Men  that  fear  the  Lord  God  of  Heaven  and  Earth  ;  and  we 
come  not  for  any  Thing  of  yours,  God  is  our  Witness ;  it  is 
not  for  any  Thing  that  you  have  that  we  come  for,  for  \ve 
do  not  lack  any  outward  Thing ;  for  many  of  us  have  both 
Houses  and  Land  of  our  own,  and  Silver  also  in  Old-Eng 
land,  so  that  we  seek  not  any  Thing  that  you  have  .  .  . 


In  the  Common  Goal  in  the  BLOODY  TOWN  of  BOSTON. 

WILLIAM  ROBINSON, 
MARMADUKE  STEVENSON. 


From  us  who  are  in  Scorn 
called  Quakers,  who  are 
Sufferers  under  Zion'j 
Oppressors,  the  Sixth 
Month  1659. 


Joseph  Besse,  A  Collection  of  the  Sufferings  of  the  People  callea 
Quakers  (London,  1753),  II,  238-247  passim. 


By  REV 
EREND 
COTTON 
MATHER 
(1663-1728), 
a  prominent 
Boston  min 
ister,  perhaps 
the  most 
learned  colo 
nist  of  his 
time,  and  the 
author  of  382 
volumes.     In 
spite  of  his 
learning,  he 
was  vain  and 
ill-balanced 
and  shared 
in  the  super 
stitions  of  his 
day.    He  was 


31.    A  Witch  Trial   (1692) 

Q  VSANNA  MARTIN,  pleading  Not  Guilty  to  the 
'  O  Indictment  of  Witchcraft,  brought  in  against  her, 
there  were  produced  the  Evidences  of  many  Persons  very 
sensibly  and  grievously  Bewitched  ;  who  all  complained  of 
the  Prisoner  at  the  Bar,  as  the  Person  whom  they  believed 
the  cause  of  their  Miseries.  And  now,  as  well  as  in  the 
other  Trials,  there  was  an  extraordinary  Endeavour  by 
Witchcrafts,  with  Cruel  and  frequent  Fits,  to  hinder  the 
poor  Sufferers  from  giving  in  their  Complaints,  which  the 
Court  was  forced  with  much  Patience  to  obtain,  by  much 
waiting  and  watching  for  it. 


No.  31] 


A  Witch   Trial 


II.  There  was  now  also  an  account  given  of  what  passed 
at  her  first  Examination  before  the  Magistrates.  The  Cast 
of  her  Eye,  then  striking  the  afflicted  People  to  the  Ground, 
whether  they  saw  that  Cast  or  no ;  there  were  these  among 
other  Passages  between  the  Magistrates  and  the  Examinate. 

Magistrate.   Pray,  what  ails  these  People  ? 

Martin.    I  don't  know. 

Magistrate.    But  what  do  you  think  ails  them? 

Martin.    I  don't  desire  to  spend  my  Judgment  upon  it. 

Magistrate.    Don't  you  think  they  are  bewitch'd? 

Martini.    No,  I  do  not  think  they  are. 

Magistrate.   Tell  us  your  Thoughts  about  them  then. 

Martin.  No,  my  thoughts  are  my  own,  when  they  are  in, 
but  when  they  are  out  they  are  anothers.  Their  Master.  — 

Magistrate.  Their  Master?  who  do  you  think  is  their 
Master  ? 

Martin.  If  they  be  dealing  in  the  Black  Art,  you  may 
know  as  well  as  I. 

Magistrate.   Well,  what  have  you  done  towards  this? 

Martin.    Nothing  at  all. 

Magistrate.   Why,  'tis  you  or  your  Appearance. 

Martin.    I  cannot  help  it. 

Magist.  Is  it  not  your  Master  ?  How  comes  your  Appear 
ance  to  hurt  these  ? 

Martin.  How  do  I  know?  He  that  appeared  in  the 
Shape  of  Samuel,  a  glorified  Saint,  may  appear  in  any  ones 
Shape. 

It  was  then  also  noted  in  her,  as  in  others  like  her,  that 
if  the  Afflicted  went  to  approach  her,  they  were  flung  down 
to  the  Ground.  And,  when  she  was  asked  the  Reason  of 
it,  she  said,  /  cannot  tell;  it  may  be,  the  Devil  bears  me 
more  Malice  than  another.  .  .  . 

VIII.  William  Brown  testifi'd,  That  Heaven  having 
blessed  him  with  a  most  Pious  and  Prudent  Wife,  this  Wife 
of  his,  one  day  met  with  Susanna  Martin;  but  when  she 


one  of  the 
most  active 
leaders  in  the 
witchcraft 
persecutions. 

—  For  Ma 
ther,  see  Old 
South  Leaf 
lets,  No.  67; 
Contempora 
ries,  I, 

No.  148; 

II,  NO.  92.— 

The  witch 
craft  delusion 
swept  over 
all  the  civil 
ized  world, 
and  caused 
unmeasured 
cruelty  and 
woe ;  it  ap 
peared  in 
some  of  the 
other  colo 
nies,  and  in 
New  Eng 
land  ran  a 
brief  course, 
and  was  far 
less  barbar 
ous  than  in 
England  at 
the  same 
period.    Su 
sanna  Martin 
was  finally 
executed. 

—  For  witch 
craft,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  II, 
Nos.  16-18. 

The  convul 
sions  of 
people  who 
were  frantic 
with  fear  are  * 
here  ac 
cepted  as 
legal  evi 
dence. 

Examinate  = 
the  person 
examined. 


84          Early   Colonial   Life         [i69a 


should  be 
admitted  as 
testimony. 


it  seems  in-  approach'd  just  unto  her,  Martin  vanished  out  of  sight, 
and  left  her  extreamly  affrighted.  After  which  time,  the 
said  Martin,  often  appear'd  unto  her,  giving  her  no  little 
trouble ;  and  when  she  did  come,  she  was  visited  with 
Birds,  that  sorely  peck'd  and  prick'd  her;  and  sometimes, 
a  Bunch,  like  a  Pullet's  Egg,  would  rise  in  her  Throat,  ready 
to  choak  her,  till  she  cry'd  out,  Witch,  you  shan't  choak  me  ! 
While  this  good  Woman  was  in  this  extremity,  the  Church 
appointed  a  Day  of  Prayer,  on  her  behalf;  whereupon  her 
Trouble  ceas'd ;  she  saw  not  Martin  as  formerly ;  and  the 
Church,  instead  of  their  Fast,  gave  Thanks  for  her  Deliver 
ance.  But  a  considerable  while  after,  she  being  Summoned 
to  give  in  some  Evidence  at  the  Court,  against  this  Martin, 
quickly  thereupon,  this  Martin  came  behind  her,  while  she 
was  milking  her  Cow,  and  said  unto  her,  For  thy  defaming 
her  [me]  at  Court,  I'll  make  thee  the  miserablest  Creature 
in  the  World.  Soon  after  which,  she  fell  into  a  strange  kind 
of  distemper,  and  became  horribly  frantick,  and  uncapable 
of  any  reasonable  Action ;  the  Physicians  declaring,  that 
her  Distemper  was  preternatural,  and  that  some  Devil  had 
certainly  bewitched  her;  and  in  that  condition  she  now 
remained.  .  .  . 

XII.  But  besides  all  of  these  Evidences,  there  was  a 
most  wonderful  Account  of  one  Joseph  Ring,  produced  on 
this  occasion. 

This  Man  has  been  strangely  carried  about  by  Damons, 
from  one  Witch-meeting  to  another,  for  near  two  years 
together ;  and  for  one  quarter  of  this  time,  they  have  made 
him,  and  keep  him  Dumb,  tho'  he  is  now  again  able  to 
speak.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  When  he  was  brought  unto  these  hellish  Meetings, 
one  of  the  first  Things  they  still  did  unto  him,  was  to  give 
him  a  knock  on  the  Back,  whereupon  he  was  ever  as  if 
bound  with  Chains,  uncapable  of  stirring  out  of  the  place, 
till  they  should  release  him.  He  related,  that  there  often 


No.  32] 


A   Dutch   Town 


came  to  him  a  Man,  who  presented  him  a  Book,  whereto  he   One  of  the 
would  have  him  set  his  Hand ;  promising  to  him,  that  he   ^nt^oT the 
should  then  have  even  what  he  would  ;  and  presenting  him   fancied  cere- 
with  all  the  delectable  Things,  Persons  and  Places,  that  he 
could  imagin[e].     But  he  refusing  to  subscribe,  the  busi 
ness  would  end  with  dreadful  Shapes,  Noises  and  Screeches, 
which  almost  scared  him  out  of  his  Wits.     Once  with  the 
Book,  there  was  a  Pen  offered  him,  and  an  Ink-horn  with 
Liquor   in   it,   that   seemed    like    Blood :    But    he    never 
toucht  it. 

This  Man  did  now  affirm,  That  he  saw  the  Prisoner  at 
several  of  those  hellish  Randezvouzes. 

Cotton  Mather,  The  Wonders  of  the  invisible  World :  being  an 
Account  of  the  Try  ah  of  Several  Witches,  lately  Ex\e\cuted 
in  New-England  (first  London  edition,  1693),  70-7 '6  passim. 


32.    Life  in  New  York   (1647-1658) 

WHEREAS  we  have  experienced  the  insolence  of 
some  of  our  inhabitants,  when  drunk,  their  quar 
relling,  fighting  and  hitting  each  other  even  on  the  Lords 
day  of  rest,  of  which  we  have  ourselves  witnessed  the  pain 
ful  example  last  Sunday  in  contravention  of  law,  to  the 
contempt  and  disgrace  of  our  person  and  office,  to  the 
annoyance  of  our  neighbors  and  to  the  disregard,  nay  con 
tempt  of  Gods  holy  laws  and  ordinances,  which  command 
us,  to  keep  holy  in  His  honor  His  day  of  rest,  the  Sabbath, 
and  forbid  all  bodily  injury  and  murder,  as  well  as  the  means 
and  inducements,  leading  thereto,  — 

Therefore,  by  the  advice  of  the  late  Director  General  and 
of  our  Council  and  to  the  end,  that  instead  of  Gods  curse 
falling  upon  us  we  may  receive  his  blessing,  we  charge, 


From  the 
ORDI 
NANCES  OF 
NEW  AM 
STERDAM. 
These  enact 
ments,  ex 
tending  over 
the  fourteen 
years  1647- 
1661,  present 
a  most 
graphic  pic 
ture  of  im 
portant  as 
pects  of  early 
New  York 
life.  —  See 
above,  No. 
16;  Old  South 
Leaflets, 
No.  69;  Con 
temporaries, 
I,  chs.  xxii, 
xxiii. 


86 


Early    Colonial   Life    [1647-1658 


The  govern 
ing  body  of 
the  colony  till 
the  English 
occupation  in 
1664. 

Fort  Amster 
dam  was 
situated  at 
the  foot  of 
Bowling 
Green. 


About  a 
pound  ster 
ling —  a 
heavy  fine. 


enjoin  and  order  herewith  principally  all  brewers,  tapsters 
and  innkeepers,  that  none  of  them  shall  upon  the  Lords 
day  of  rest,  by  us  called  Sunday,  entertain  people,  tap  or 
draw  any  wine,  beer  or  strong  waters  of  any  kind  and  under 
any  pretext  before  2  of  the  clock,  in  case  there  is  no  preach 
ing  or  else  before  4,  except  only  to  a  traveller  and  those 
who  are  daily  customers,  fetching  the  drinks  to  their  own 
homes,  —  this  under  the  penalty  of  being  deprived  of  their 
occupation  ... 

WHEREAS  the  Honble  [Honorable]  Director  General  and 
Council  of  New  Netherland  daily  see,  that  the  goats  and 
hogs  here  are  doing  great  damage  in  orchards,  gardens 
and  other  places  around  Fort  Amsterdam,  which  not  only 
prevents  the  cultivation  of  fine  orchards  and  the  improve 
ment  of  lots,  but  is  also  an  injury  to  many  private  parties, — 

Therefore  wishing  to  remedy  it,  the  Director  General  and 
Council  order,  that  henceforth  no  hogs  or  goats  shall  be 
pastured  or  kept  between  Fort  New  Amsterdam  and  its 
vicinity  and  the  Fresh  Water,  unless  within  the  fences  of  the 
owners,  so  made,  that  the  goats  cannot  jump  over  and  dam 
age  any  one.  .  .  . 

We  have  learned  by  experience,  that  on  New  Years  Day 
and  Mayday  the  firing  of  guns,  the  planting  of  Maypoles 
and  the  intemperate  drinking  cause,  besides  the  useless 
waste  of  powder,  much  drunkenness  and  other  insolent 
practices  with  sad  accidents  of  bodily  injury[ ;]  and  to 
prevent  this  in  the  future  the  Director  General  and  Council 
strictly  forbid  within  the  Province  of  New  Netherland,  the 
firing  of  guns  on  New  Years  and  Mayday,  the  planting  of 
Maypoles,  the  noisy  beating  of  drums  and  the  treating  with 
wine,  brandy  or  beer[  ;]  and  they  do  so,  to  prevent  further 
mishaps,  under  a  fine  of  12  fl.  [florins]  for  the  first  time, 
double  the  amount  for  the  second  time  and  arbitrary  cor 
rection  for  the  third  offense,  to  be  divided  -^  to  the  officer, 
•J-  to  the  poor  and  1  for  the  informer.  .  ,  . 


No.  32] 


A   Dutch   Town  87 


The  Director  General  and  Council  hereby  not  only  warn 
their  good  subjects,  but  also  order,  that  they  shall  move 
closer  together  in  villages,  neighborhoods  and  hamlet[s] 
during  the  coming  spring,  that  they  may  be  better  protected 
against  attacks  and  surprises  by  the  savages  through  their 
own  efforts  and  through  the  faithful  soldiery  of  the  Director 
General  and  Council.  All  those,  who  contrary  to  this  order 
shall  remain  living  on  their  isolated  plantations,  do  so  at  This  edict 
their  own  peril  without  assistance  in  the  time  of  need  from 


the  Director  General  and  Council;  they  shall  also  yearly 
pay  a  fine  of  25  fl.  for  the  public  benefit.  It  is  also  ordered, 
in  order  to  prevent  sudden  conflagrations,  that  henceforth 
no  house  shall  be  roofed  with  straw  or  reeds  and  no  chim 
ney  be  made  of  shingles  or  wood.  .  .  . 

The  Director  General  and  Council  have  credibly  been 
informed,  that  not  only  conventicles  and  meetings  are  held   Like  the 
here  and  there  in  this  Province,  but  that  also  unqualified   ingrs°-?de-y" 
persons  presume   in  such  meetings  to  act  as  teachers  in  scribed 
interpreting  and  expounding  God's  holy  Word  without  ec-   NO.  14. 
clesiastical  or  temporal  authority.     This  is  contrary  to  the 
general  political  and  ecclesiastical  rules  of  our  Fatherland' 
and  besides  such  gatherings  lead  to  troubles,  heresies  and 
schisms.     Therefore  to  prevent  this  the  Director  General 
and  Council  strictly  forbid  all  such  public  or  private  con 
venticles  an'd   meetings,  except   the  usual  and  authorized 
ones,  where  Gods  reformed  and  ordained  Word  is  preached  A  synod  con- 

.  ....  ,.  ,      ,.    .  .         venedatDort 

and  taught  in  a  meeting  for  the   reformed  divine   service   intheNether- 
conform[able]  to  the  Synod  of  Dort  and  followed  here  as   11^'I^nto 
well  as  in  the  Fatherland  and  other  reformed  churches  of   settle  points 
Europe,  under  a  fine  of  100  pounds  Flemish  to  be  paid  by 


all,  who  in  such  public  or  private  meetings,  except  the  usual  Church  of  the 

,         .       .  .  ,  ,  Netherlands. 

authorized  gatherings  .  .  .  presume  to  exercise  without  due  f 

.  One  pound 

qualification  the  duties  of  a  preacher,  reader  or  precentor  and  Flemish  = 

each  man  or  woman,  married  or  unmarried,  who  are  found  6  fl>  or 
at  such  a  meeting,  shall  pay  a  fine  of  25  pounds.  .  .  . 


88 


Early   Colonial   Life          [i679 


Mayor  and 
assistants,  or 
councilman. 


These  places 
were  all  near 
the  water 
front.     The 
City  Hall 
stood  in  what 
is  now  Pearl 
Street ; 
Litsco,  or 
Litschoe, 
kept  the  old 
tavern  at  the 
east  end  of 
Wall  Street. 


It  has  been  found,  that  within  this  City  of  Amsterdam  in 
N.  N.  [New  Netherland]  many  burghers  and  inhabitants 
throw  their  rubbish,  filth,  ashes,  dead  animals  and  such  like 
things  into  the  public  streets  to  the  great  inconvenience  of 
the  community  and  dangers  arising  from  it.  Therefore  the 
Burgomasters  and  Schepens  ordain  and  direct,  that  hence 
forth  no  one  shall  be  allowed  to  throw  into  the  streets  or 
into  the  graft  [canal]  any  rubbish,  filth,  ashes,  oyster-shells, 
dead  animal  or  anything  like  rt,  but  they  shall  bring  all  such 
things  to  the  to  them  most  convenient  of  the  following  places, 
to  wit  the  Strand,  near  the  City  hall,  near  the  gallows,  near 
Hendrick  the  baker,  near  Daniel  Litsco,  where  tokens  to 
that  effect  shall  be  displayed,  but  not  on  the  public  streets 
under  a  penalty  of  3  fl.  for  the  first  offence,  6  fl.  for  the 
second  and  arbitrary  punishment  for  the  third.  .  .  . 

Berthold  Fernow,  editor  and  translator.  The  Records  of  New 
Amsterdam  (New  York,  1897),  I,  1-31  passim. 


By  ROBERT 
HOLDEN. 
This  is  an 
official  report 
to  the  com 
missioners  of 
customs  from 
one  of  the 
royal  col 
lectors  in  the 
colonies. 
The  trade  of 
the  colonies 
was  by  law 
confined 
pretty  closely 
to  direct  com 
merce  with 
England,  in 
English  or 
colonial  ves 
sels,  but  there 
was  much 


33.    The  Trade  of  the   Colonies  (1679) 


H 


AVEING  met  with  divers  informations  tend 
ing  to  my  place  there  [Albemarle  County, 
Carolina]  &  the  frauds  used  by  the  traders  here  [Boston] 
about  Tobacco  transported  thence  to  this  place  and  else 
where,  It  is  my  duty  (&  ^  [by]  the  greatest  injunctive  tie 
devised)  to  give  information  of  all  affaires  thereunto  relating 
as  also  ^  [by]  severall  articles  in  my  Instructions  [I  am] 
required  in  such  negociations  to  serve  the  King  faithfully  in 
ye  misdemeanours  of  his  subjects  about  the  defrauding  of 
customes  &c.  The  subwritten  accompt  of  such  affaires  in 
[is]  here  inserted. 

About  |-  dozen  traders  of  this  place  with  their  [ac]com- 
plices  receive  the  greatest  part  of  the  production  of  tobacco 


No.  33] 


Trade 


89 


in  the  County  of  Albemarle  in  the  Province  of  Carolina  an 
nually  &  ^  [by  means  of]  a  person  whom  through  their 
interest  wth  the  people  [they]  have  factiously  made  [ — ]  one 
Mr  Culpeper  (a  Gentleman  I  Know  not)  [ — ]  the  Collector 
of  his  Maty'8  Customes,  by  which  meanes  they  &  he  have 
played  such  notorious  pranks  with  the  specious  pretences 
of  doing  justice  and  preserving  the  King's  rights  that  a 
people  and  Customes  .  .  .  were  never  more  infatuated, 
cheated  and  exhausted  ...  in  these  parts  of  New  Eng 
land  .  .  . 

And  as  the  Tobacco  trade  [current  i.e.  now  going  on] 
causeth  their  concourse  thither  [;]  &  their  wayes  to  leniate 
[lessen]  ye  impost  (which  the  other  subjects  of  the  King 
pay)  resteth  [stoppeth]  not  there,  for  from  thence  [such 
ways  are]  brought  hither,  they  have  liberty  without  farther 
examination  here  to  cany  the  same  to  Ireland,  Holland, 
France,  Spain  or  any  other  place[,]  under  the  notion  [name] 
of  fish  and  such  like  goods[,]  by  which  the  trade  is  so 
diverted  from  the  true  rules  of  Commerce  that  trafique  in 
this  Western  world  must  be  monopolized  in  this  Commodity 
only  to  New  England [,]  &  the  rest  of  His  Majesty's  people 
so  trading  must  become  Bostoniz'd  or  relinquish  dealing  if 
speciall  care  is  not  had  thereto  &  a  settlement  of  Customes 
[made]  here  with  the  King's  Officers. 

That  the  Canary  trade  in  like  nature  is  carried  on  :  Ships 
from  hence  go  thither  &  load  wines,  touch  at  Maderas  or 
some  other  of  the  Western  Islands  &  there  take  about  a  tun 
of  their  wines  which  they  put  in  the  hatchway  coming  home  ; 
From  whence  your  ship?  From  Maderas,  with  their  lading 
Wines,  &  so  draw  off  the  upper  Caskes  for  a  taste  &  so  the 
whole  ship  under  this  notion  is  unladed  without  further 
enquiry.  I  was  told  this  by  one  who  sa[i]led  in  a  ship  that 
practised  it. 

That  the  Scotish  Trade  by  the  like  Legerdemain  jugles 
[tricks]  is  driven.  A  ship  at  Newcastle  Berwick  Poole  &c. 


open  smug 
gling.  —  See 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  ch. 
vii,  and  Nos. 
83,  88,  150, 
151 ;  II,  ch. 
xiii. 

During  the 
early  period 
there  was  a 
very  active 
trade 
between 
Massachu 
setts  and  the 
Carolinas. 
Sons  of  the 
planters  were 
educated  in 
the  Northern 
provinces, 
and  there 
was  much 
intermarry 
ing. 


Trade  to 
the  Canary 
Islands 
(Spanish). 

It  was  a  re 
fusal' of  the 
revenue  offi 
cers  to  sanc 
tion  such  a 
proceeding 
which  led  to 
the  seizure  of 
John  Han 
cock's  sloop 
"  Liberty,"  in 
June,  1768. 


At  this  time 
Scotland  was 
still  a  sepa 
rate  kingdom 
from  Eng 
land. 


A  very  early 
example  of 
direct  trade 
with  the 
Indian 
Ocean. 


See  above, 
No.  24. 


go          Early    Colonial    Life          [i679 

toucheth  taketh  in  coals  or  some  slight  goods,  goes  for  Scot 
land  and  there  receives  great  quantities  of  linen  &  other 
Scotish  goods  what  they  think  best  to  bring  &  coming  here 
by  her  English  clearings  at  the  Ports  &c.  abovesaid  passeth 
for  current  without  farther  inquisition. 

The  French,  Spanish  &  what  Country  else  European  trade 
in  like  nature  passeth  home  under  the  pretence  of  French 
or  Spanish  salt-  &c.  by  which  from  France  they  import  all 
that  Country  wares[,]  as  Linen,  Wines,  Rubans  [ribbons], 
Silks  &c.  from  Spaine  wines,  fruits,  oyle  [oil;]  Portugall  the 
like  goods  &c.  from  hence  transport  as  aforesd  [aforesaid] 
under  the  notion  of  fish  to  all  these  places  what  will  turn  to 
account. 

Here  is  just  now  a  ship  returned  from  Madagascar[  ;]  by 
the  way  put  severall  Negroes  on  shore  at  Jamaica,  she 
touched  I  hear  at  severall  parts  of  East  India  &  besides 
hath  brought  Elephant  teeth  where  she  got  them  knows  not 
[is  not  known],  she  hath  been  a  year  &  -^  out.  .  .  . 

For  my  part  I  have  thought  this  my  duty  both  to  my  King 
&  yourselves [,]  in  that  place  [which]  (under  your  favor)  I 
enjoy,  to  advise  that  these  irregular  courses  may  be  pre 
vented  &  care  taken  as  your  wisdomes  herein  may  appoint, 
without  which  not  only  many  of  His  Maty'8  Liege  People  will 
be  oppressed  ;  But  my  Masters  the  Lords  Proprietors  of  the 
County  of  Albemarle  in  the  County  of  Carolina  will  through 
their  interest  of  trade  there  be  kept  in  faction  &  Rebellion 
as  now  it  is  and  for  severall  yeare  hath  been  &  they  [are] 
the  cause  wholy  that  their  Lordships  government  cannot 
take  place. 

I  shall  omitt  no  time  nor  paines  in  the  execution  of  my 
office  according  to  my  capacity  &  wholy  follow  your  Instruc 
tions  and  Orders  &  indeavour  to  regulate  [matters]  within  my 
power  &  by  all  opportunities  give  advice  of  all  occurrences. 

William    L.  Saunders,  editor,  The  Colonial  Records  of  North 
Carolina  (Raleigh,  1886),  I,  244-246  passim. 


NO.  34]       Southern    Plantations         91 


34.    Plantation  Life  in  Virginia   (1648) 

THE  Governor  Sir  William,  caused  half  a  bushel  of 
Rice  (which  he  had  procured)  to  be  sowen  [sown], 
and  it  prospered  gallantly,  and  he  had  fifteen  bushhels  of  it, 
excellent  good  Rice,  so  that  all  these  fifteen  bushels  will  be 
sowen  again  this  yeer ;  and  we  doubt  not  in  a  short  time  to 
have  Rice  so  plentiful  as  to  afford  it  at  2d  a  pound  if  not 
cheaper,  for  we  perceive  the  ground  and  Climate  is  very 
proper  for  it  as  our  Negroes  affirme,  which  in  their  Country 
is  most  of  their  food,  and  very  healthful  for  our  bodies. 

We  have  many  thousand  of  Acres  of  cleer  Land,  I  mean 
where  the  wood  is  all  off  it  (for  you  must  know  all  Virginia 
is  full  of  trees)  and  we  have  now  going  neer  upon  a  hun 
dred  and  fifty  Plowes,  with  many  brave  yoak  of  Oxen,  and 
we  sowe  excellent  Wheat,  Barley,  Rye,  Beans,  Pease,  Oates  ; 
and  our  increase  is  wonderful,  and  better  Grain  not  in  the 
world. 

One  Captain  Brocas,  a  Gentleman  of  the  Counsel,  a  great 
Traveller,  caused  a  Vineyard  to  be  planted,  and  hath  most 
excellent  Wine  made,  and  the  Country,  he  saith,  [is]  as 
proper  for  Vines  as  any  in  Christendome,  Vines  indeed 
naturally  growing  over  all  the  Country  in  abundance  :  only 
skilful  men  [are]  wanting  here.  .  .  . 

Worthy  Captaine  Matthews,  an  old  Planter  of  above 
thirty  yeers  standing,  one  of  the  Counsel!,  and  a  most  de 
serving  Common-wealths-man,  I  may  not  omit  to  let  you 
know  this  Gentlemans  industry. 

He  hath  a  fine  house,  and  all  things  answerable  to  it ;  he 
sowes  yeerly  store  of  Hempe  and  Flax,  and  causes  it  to  be 
spun ;  he  keeps  Weavers,  and  hath  a  7an-house,  causes 
Leather  to  be  dressed,  hath  eight  Shoemakers  employed  in 
their  trade,  hath  forty  Negroe  servants,  brings  them  up  to 
Trades  in  his  house  :  He  yeerly  sowes  abundance  of  Wheat, 


ANONY 
MOUS.  From 
a  letter  writ 
ten  in  1648, 
and  ap 
pended  to  a 
description 
of  Virginia 
sent  to  Eng 
land  "at  the 
request  of  a 
gentleman  of 
worthy  note, 
who  desired 
to  know  the 
true  state  of 
Virginia  as  it 
now  stands." 
—  For  the  life 
of  a  Southern 
planter,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  Nos. 
61,87,88;  It, 
Nos.  82,  83, 
108. 

"Sir  Wil 
liam  "=  Sir 
William 
Berkeley. 

The  Caro- 
linas  later 
came  to  su 
persede  Vir 
ginia  as  a 
rice-produc 
ing  district. 

The  woods 
were  cut  by 
the  settlers. 


A  striking 
example  of 
the  Southern 
planter,  who 
produced  the 
necessaries 
for  his  own 
plantation. 


See  Gov 
ernor  Berke 
ley's  report 
of  1671, in 
which  he 
states  that 
there  are  no 
free  schools 
in  Virginia, 
but  that  the 
system  is  that 
followed  in 
England, 
where  every 
man  in 
structs  his 
children  ac 
cording  to  his 
ability  (Con 
temporaries, 
I,  No.  70). 


92  Early   Colonial    Life    [1667-1680 

Barley,  &c,  The  Wheat  he  selleth  at  four  shillings  the 
bushell;  kills  store  of  Beeves,  and  sells  them  to  victuall 
the  ships  when  they  come  thither  :  hath  abundance  of  Kine, 
a  brave  Dairy,  Swine  great  store,  and  Poltery  [poultry] ; 
he  married  the  Daughter  of  Sir  Tho.  Hinton,  and  in  a  word, 
keeps  a  good  house,  lives  bravely,  and  [is]  a  true  lover  of 
Virginia  ;  he  is  worthy  of  much  hononr[-our]. 

Our  Spring  -begins  the  tenth  of  February,  the  trees  bud, 
the  grasse  springs,  and  our  Autume  and  fall  of  Leafe  is  in 
November,  our  Winter  short,  and  most  yeers  very  gentle, 
Snow  lies  but  little,  yet  Yce  [ice]  some  yeers. 

I  may  not  forget  to  tell  you  we  have  a  Free-Schoole, 
with  two  hundred  Acres  of  Land,  a  fine  house  upon  it,  forty 
milch  Kine,  and  other  accommodations  to  it :  the  Bene 
factor  deserves  perpetuall  memory ;  his  name  Mr.  Benjamin 
Symes,  worthy  to  be  Chronicled ;  other  petty  Schools  also 
we  have. 

We  have  most  rare  coloured  Parraketoes  [parroquets], 
and  one  Bird  we  call  the  Mock-bird •  for  he  will  imitate  all 
other  Birds  notes,  and  cries  [like]  both  day  and  night- 
birds,  yea,  the  Owles  and  Nightingalls. 

A  Perfect  Description  of  Virginia :  being  a  full  and  true  Rela 
tion  of  the  present  State  of  the  Plantation  .  .  .  (London, 
1649),  14-16  passim. 


By  the  VIR 
GINIA  AS 
SEMBLY. 
In  the  other 
Southern 
colonies 
there  was 
very  little 
legislation  on 
the  subject 
of  slavery 
until  the  next 
century.  The 


35.    Slavery  in  Virginia    (1667-1680) 


A 


N  act  declaring  that  baptisme  of  slaves  doth  not  ex 
empt  themfrom  bondage. 


WHEREAS  some  doubts  have  risen  whether  children 
that  are  slaves  by  birth,  and  by  the  charity  and  piety  of  their 
owners  made  pertakers  of  the  blessed  sacrament  of  bap 
tisme,  should  by  vertue  of  their  baptisme  be  made  ffree ; 


NO.  35]         Slavery   in   Virginia  9  3 

//  is  enacted  and  declared  by  this  grand  assembly,  and  the  extracts  here 
authority  thereof,  that  the  conferring  of  baptisme  doth  not  faMy  typical 
alter  the  condition  of  the  person  as  to  his  bondage  or  ffree-  for  a11  the 

1  IT  rr  i      r  i    •  Southern 

dome  ;   that  diverse  masters,  nreed  from  this  doubt,  may   colonies  dur- 


more  carefully  endeavour  the   propagation  of  Christianity 

by  permitting  children,  though  slaves,  or  those  of  greater   except  that 

growth  if  capable  to  be  admitted  to  that  sacrament.  .  .  .          CaroHna, 

where  the 
blacks  out- 

About  Runawayes.  numbered 

the  whites 

WHEREAS   it  hath  been  questioned  whether  servants  ancj  .insur' 

.  H  .  .  rections  were 

running  away  may  be  punished  with  corporall  punishment  by  proportion- 

their  master  or  magistrate  since  the  act  already  made  gives  beared/0 

the   master  satisfaction   by  prolonging  their  time   by   [of]  the  slave 

service,  //  is  declared  and  enacted  by  this  assembly  that  mod-  some  re- 
erate  corporall  punishment  inflicted  by  master  or  magistrate 


upon  a  runaway  servant,  shall  not  deprive  the  master  of  the   These  stat- 
satisfaction  allowed  by  the  law,  the  one  being  as  necessary  typicaieof  tShe 

to  reclayme  them  from  persisting  in  that  idle  course,  as  the   u!ual  form 

of  colonial 

other  is  just  to  repaire  the  damages  susteyned  by  the  mas-  laws.  —  For 

t  _  colonial  slav 

ery,  see  Con- 
,,  .if  temporaries, 

Negro  women  not  exempted  from  tax.  i(  NOS.  86, 

87;  II,  ch. 

WHEREAS   some   doubts,  have   arisen   whether   negro  xvi;  for  the 
women  set  free  were  still  to  be  accompted  tithable  according  Of  slavery, 
to  a  former  act,  It  is  declared  by  this  grand  assembly  that 
negro  women,  though  permitted  to  enjoy  their  ffreedome  yet 
ought  not  in  all  respects  to  be  admitted  to  a  full  fruition  of  aboutnina- 
the  exemptions  and  impunities  [immunities!  of  the  English.   ways  appiies 

'    to  white  m- 

and  are  still  lyable  to  payment  of  taxes.  .  .  .  dentured 

servants;  the 
runaway 

An  act  about  the  casuall  killing  of  slaves.  bofh  flogged 

WHEREAS  the  only  law  in  force  for  the  punishment  of  tained.—  See 
refractory  servants  resisting  their  master,  mistris  or  overseer 
cannot  be  inflicted  upon  negroes,  nor  the  obstinacy  of  many   105.' 


The  act 


is  an  early 

statement  of 

the  inferior 


negroes. 

Experience 

belief  that 

angry  mas- 
ters  would 
not  destroy 
their  own 


in  the  nine- 


94          Early   Colonial    Life    [1667-1680 

of  them  by  other  then  [than]  violent  meanes  supprest,  Be  it 
enacte^  and  declared  by  this  grand  assembly,  if  any  slave  re- 
sist  his  master  (or  other  by  his  masters  order  correcting  him) 

-    ,  -1111  j- 

and  by  the  extremity  of  the  correction  should  chance  to  die, 

that  his  dfiath  Sha11  nOt  be  accomPted   ffelony,  but  the  mas- 

ter  (or  that  other  person  appointed  by  the  master  to  punish 
him)  be  acquit  from  molestation,  since  it  cannot  be  pre- 
sumed  that  prepensed  malice  (which  alone  makes  murther 
ffelony)  should  induce  any  man  to  destroy  his  owne  es 

tatC.  .  .  . 

Noe  Negroes  nor  Indians  to  buy  Christian  servants. 


WHEREAS  it  hath  becne  questioned  whither  [whether] 
Indians  or  negroes  manumited,  or  otherwise  free,  could  be 
were  cases  of  capable  of  purchasing  Christian  servants,  //  is  enacted  that 

negro  slave-  _     .  .  .  .     ,  ,  ,         .  ,      .     . 

holders.  noe  negroe  or  Indian  though  baptised  and  enjoyned  their 
owne  ffreedome  shall  be  capable  of  any  such  purchase  of 
Christians,  but  yet  not  debarred  from  buying  any  of  their 
owne  nation.  .  .  . 


Tythable  = 


here  su- 


should  have 


An  act  assertaining  the  time  when  Negroe  Children  shall 
be  tythable. 

WHEREAS  it  is  deemed  too  hard  and  severe  that  chil- 
dren  (as  we^  cnrist^ans  as  slaves)  imported  into  this  colony 
should  be  lyable  to  taxes  before  they  are  capable  of  working, 
Bee  if  enacted  by  the  kings  most  excellent  majestie  .  .  .  that 
all  negroe  children  imported  or  to  be  imported  into  this  colony 
shall  within  three  months  after  the  publication  of  this  law  or 
after  their  arrivall  be  brought  to  the  county  court,  where  there 
age  shalbe  adjudged  of  by  the  justices  holding  court,  and  put 
upon  record,  which  said  negroe,  or  other  slave  soe  brought 
to  court,  adjudged  and  recorded  shall  not  be  accompted 
tythable  untill  he  attaines  the  age  of  twelve  yeares,  any  former 
law,  usuage,  or  custome  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.  .  .  . 


NO.  35]         Slavery  in   Virginia  95 

An  act  for  preventing  Negroes  Insurrections. 
WHEREAS  the  frequent  meeting  of  considerable  num-   This  statute 


bers  of  negroe  slaves  under  pretence  of  feasts  and  burialls  is      ^16 


judged  of  dangerous  consequence  ;  for  prevention  whereof   ^"|^rs.  of 

for  the  future,  Bee  it  enacted  by  the  kings  most  excellent   there  were 

majestic  by  and  with  the  consent  of  the  generall  assembly,  and 

it  is  hereby  enacted  by  the  atithority  aforesaid,  that  from  and   colonial 

after  the  publication  of  this  law,  it  shall  not  be  lawfull  for 

any  negroe  or  other  slave  to  carry  or  arme  himselfe  with 

any  club,  staffe,  gunn,  sword  or  any  other  weapon  of  defence  plot  "  of  1741. 

or  offence,  nor  to  goe   or  depart  from  of[f]  his  masters 

ground  without  a  certificate  from  his  master,  mistris  or  over 

seer,  and  such  permission  not  to  be  granted  but  upon  pertic- 

uler  and  necessary  occasions  ;  and  every  negroe  or  slave  soe 

offending  not  haveing  a  certificate  as  aforesaid  shalbe  sent 

to  the  next  constable,  who  is  hereby  enjoyned  and  required 

to  give  the  said  negroe  twenty  lashes  on  his  bare  back  well 

layd  on,  and  soe  sent  home  to  his  said  master,  mistris  or 

overseer.     And  it  is  further  enacted  by  the  authority  afore 

said  that  if  any  negroe  or  other  slave  shall  presume  to  lift 

up  his  hand  in  opposition  against  any  Christian,  [he]  shall 

for  every  such  offence,  upon  due  proofe  made  thereof  by  the 

oath  of  the  party  before  a  magistrate,  have   and  receive 

thirty  lashes  on  his  bare  back  well  laid  on.     And  it  is  hereby 

further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid  that  if  any  negroe 

or  other  slave  shall  absent  himself  from  his  masters  service 

and   lye  hid  and  lurking  in  obscure  places,  comitting  in 

juries  to  the  inhabitants,  and   shall   resist  any  person  or 

persons  that  shalby  any  lawfull  authority  be  imployed  to  ap 

prehend  and  take  the  said  negroe,  that  then  in  case  of  such 

resistance,  it  shalbe  lawfull  for  such  person  or  persons  to  kill 

the  said  negroe  or  slave  soe  lying  out  and  resisting  .  .  . 

William  Waller  Hening,  The  Statutes  at  Large  .     .  of  Virginia 
(New  York,  1823),  II,  260-482  passim. 


CHAPTER  VI  — RIVALS  FOR  EMPIRE 


By  HENRY 

SlEUR  DE 

TONTY, 

(1650-1704), 

an  Italian, 
who  accom 
panied  La 
Salle  on 
many  of  his 
journeys. 
His  Memoir, 
published  in 
1693,  is  re 
garded  by 
Parkman  as 
excellent 
authority, 
though  a  spu 
rious  edition 
was  pub 
lished  in  his 
name  in  1697. 
—  For  Mis 
sissippi  dis 
coveries  and 
explorations, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  I, 
ch.  v.;   II, 
ch.  xvii. 

Grenade  -— 
a  bomb 
thrown  by  the 
hand. 

Michili- 
makinac  -— 
Machinaw, 
or  Machinac, 
near  the 
strait  con- 
nectingLakes 
Michigan 
and  Huron. 

Miamis 
River,  near 


36.   La  Salle  on  the  Mississippi  (1681-1682) 

AFTER  having  been  eight  years  in  the  French  service, 
by  land  and  by  sea,  and  having  had  a  hand  shot  off 
in  Sicily  by  a  grenade,  I  resolved  to  return  to  France  to 
solicit  employment.  At  that  time  [1678]  the  late  M. 
CAVELIER  DE  LA  SALLE  came  to  Court,  a  man  of  great  in 
telligence  and  merit,  who  sought  to  obtain  leave  to  discover 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  by  crossing  the  southern  countries  of 
North  America.  .  .  .  the  late  Monseigneur  the  Prince 
Conty  .  .  .  directed  me  to  him  to  be  allowed  to  accom 
pany  him  in  his  long  journeys,  which  he  very  willingly 
assented  to.  ... 

.  .  .  We  arrived  at  Michilimakinac  about  the  fete  Dieu 
in  October  [1681].  .  .  .  At  the  Miamis  River  I  assembled 
some  Frenchmen  and  savages  for  the  voyage  of  discovery, 
and  M.  de  la  Salle  joined  us  in  October.  We  went  in 
canoes  to  the  River  Chicagou,  where  there  is  a  portage 
which  joins  that  of  the  Illinois.  The  rivers  being  frozen, 
we  made  sledges  and  dragged  our  baggage  thirty  leagues 
below  the  village  of  Illinois,  where,  finding  the  navigation 
open,  we  arrived  at  the  end  of  January  at  the  great  River 
Mississippi.  The  distance  from  Chicagou  was  estimated  at 
140 .  leagues.  We  descended  the  river,  and  found,  six 
leagues  below,  on  the  right,  a  great  river,  which  comes 
from  the  west,  on  which  there  are  numerous  nations.  We 
slept  at  its  mouth.  The  next  day  we  went  on  to  the  village 
of  Tamarous,  six  leagues  off  on  the  left.  There  was  no  one 
there,  all  the  people  being  at  their  winter  quarters  in  the 

96 


No.  36] 


La  Salle 


97 


woods.  We  made  marks  to  inform  the  savages-  that  we  had 
passed,  and  continued  our  route  as  far  as  the  River  Oua- 
bache,  which  is  eighty  leagues  from  that  of  Illinois.  It 
comes  from  the  east,  and  is  more  than  500  leagues  in 
length.  It  is  by  this  river  that  the  Iroquois  advance  to 
make  war  against  the  nations  of  the"  south.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  The  savages  having  been  informed  that  we  were 
coming  down  the  river,  came  in  their  canoes  to  look  for 
us.  We  made  them  land,  and  sent  two  Frenchmen  as  host 
ages  to  their  village ;  the  chief  visited  us  with  the  calumet, 
and  we  went  to  the  savages.  They  regaled  us  with  the  best 
they  had,  and  after  having  danced  the  calumet  to  M.  de  la 
Salle,  they  conducted  us  to  their  village  ...  M.  de  la 
Salle  erected  the  arms  of  the  King  there  ;  they  have  cabins 
made  with  the  bark  of  cedar ;  they  have  no  other  worship 
than  the  adoration  of  all  sorts  of  animals.  Their  country  is 
very  beautiful,  having  abundance  of  peach,  plum  and  apple 
trees,  and  vines  nourish  there ;  buffaloes,  deer,  stags,  bears, 
turkeys,  are  very  numerous.  They  have  even  domestic 
fowls.  They  have  very  little  snow  during  the  winter,  and 
the  ice  is  not  thicker  than  a  dollar.  They  gave  us  guides 
to  conduct  us  to  their  allies,  the  Taencas,  six  leagues  distant. 

The  first  day  we  began  to  see  and  to  kill  alligators,  which 
are  numerous  and  from  15  to  20  feet  long.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  We  departed  thence  on  Good  Friday,  and  after  a 
voyage  of  20  leagues,  encamped  at  the  mouth  of  a  large 
river,  which  runs  from  the  west.  We  continued  our  jour 
ney,  and  crossed  a  great  canal,  which  went  towards  the  sea 
on  the  right.  Thirty  leagues  further  on  we  saw  some  fisher 
men  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  sent  to  reconnoitre  them. 
It  was  the  village  of  the  Quinipissas,  who  let  fly  their  arrows 
upon  our  men,  who  retired  in  consequence.  As  M.  de  la 
Salle  would  not  fight  against  any  nation,  he  made  us  em 
bark.  .  .  .  We  proceeded  on  our  course,  and  after  sailing 
40  leagues,  arrived  at  the  sea  on  the  yth  of  April,  1682. 


Toledo, 
Ohio. 

Chicagou  = 
Chicago. 

This  portage 
forms  the 
route  of  the 
Hennepin 
Canal. 

"Great  river" 
from  the  west 
=  the 
Missouri. 

Tamarous, 
one  of  the 
tribes  form 
ing  the  con 
federation  of 
the  Illinois. 

Ouabache  = 
the  Ohio. 

Calumet  = 
peace-pipe. 


On  the  west 
bank,  near 
St.  Joseph. 

March,  1682. 

Red  River. 
A  bayou. 


In  what  is 
now  St. 
Charles 
County,  on 
the  left  bank, 
not  far  above 
New  Orleans. 


Minnesota. 


9 8          French   and   English         [i7o4 

M.  de  la  Salle  sent  canoes  to  inspect  the  channels ;  some 
of  them  went  to  the  channel  on  the  right  hand,  some  to  the 
left,  and  M.  de  la  Salle  chose  the  centre.  In  the  evening 
each  made  his  report,  that  is  to  say,  that  the  channels  were 
very  fine,  wide,  and  deep.  We  encamped  on  the  right 
bank,  we  'erected  the  arms  of  the  King,  and  returned  sev 
eral  times  to  inspect .  the  channels.  The  same  report  was 
made.  This  river  is  800  leagues  long,  without  rapids,  400 
from  the  country  of  the  Scioux,  and  400  from  the  mouth  of 
the  Illinois  river  to  the  sea.  The  banks  are  almost  unin 
habitable,  on  account  of  the  spring  floods.  The  woods  are 
all  those  of  a  boggy  district,  the  country  one  of  canes  and 
briars  and  of  trees  torn  up  by  the  roots ;  but  a  league  or 
two  from  the  river,  the  most  beautiful  country  in  the  world, 
prairies,  woods  of  mulberry  trees,  vines,  and  fruits  that  we 
were  not  acquainted  with.  .  .  . 

[Henry]  Sieur  de  Tonty,  Memoir,  in  B.  F.  French,  Historical 
Collections  of  Louisiana  (New  York,  1846),  Part  I,  52-63 
passim. 


ANONY 
MOUS.  From 
a  contempo 
rary  manu 
script 
account 
found  among 
the  papers 
of  Fitz-John 
Winthrop, 
governor  of 
Connecticut 
from  1698 
to  1707.     It 
is  evidently 
an  official 
report  writ 
ten  on  the 
spot,  and  is 
an  excellent 


37.    Destruction  of  Deerfield  (1704) 

UPON  ye  day  of  ye  date  above  sd  [said]  about  2  hours 
before  day  ye  French  &  Indian  Enemy  made  an 
attaque  upon  Derefield,  entering  ye  Fort  with  Little  discov 
ery  (though  it  is  sd  ye  watch  shot  of  [f]  a  gun  &  cryed  Arm, 
wch  verry  few  heard)  imeadiately  set  upon  breaking  open 
doors  &  windows,  took  ye  watch  &  others  Captive  &  had  yir 
[their]  men  appointed  to  Lead  ym  [them]  away,  others  im 
proved  [the  time]  in  Rifleing  houses  of  provissions,  money, 
cloathing,  drink,  &  packing  up  &  sending  [them]  away ;  the 
greatest  part  standing  to  their  Arms,  fireing  houses,  &  killing 
all  they  could  y'  [that]  made  any  resistance ;  alsoe  killing 


NO.  37]  Destruction   of  Deerfield     99 

cattle,  hogs,  sheep  &  sakeing  [sacking]  &  wasting  all  that 
came  before  ym,  Except  some  persons  that  Escaped  in  ye 
Crowds,  some  by  Leaping  out  at  windows  &  over  ye  fortifi- 
cations.  Some  ran  to  Capt.  Well[s]  his  Garrison,  &  some 
to  Hatfield  with  Litle  or  no  cloathing  on,  &  barefooted,  wch 
with  ye  bitterness  of  ye  season  caused  ym  to  come  of[f]  wth 
frozen  feete,  &  Lye  Lame  [because]  of  ym.  One  house,  viz, 
Benoni  Stebbins,  they  attaqued  Later  than  some  others, 
y*  [so  that]  those  in  it  were  well  awakened,  being  7  men, 
besides  woemen  and  children,  who  stood  stoutly  to  yir  [their] 
Armes,  firing  upon  ye  Enemy  &  ye  Enemy  upon  ym,  causing 
sev11  [several]  of  the  Enemy  to  fall,  of  wch  was  one  frentch- 
man,  a  Gentile  man  to  appearance.  Ye  Enemy  gave  back, 
they  strove  to  fire  ye  house,  our  men  killed  3  or  4  Indians 
in  their  attempt,  ye  Enemy  being  numerous  about  ye  house, 
powered  [poured]  much  shot  upon  the  house  ;  ye  walls  being 
filled  up  with  brick,  ye  force  of  ye  shot  was  repelled,  yet  they 
killed  sayd  [said]  Stebbins,  &  wounded  one  man  &  one 
woeman,  of  wch  ye  survive8  [survivors]  made  no  discovery  to 
ye  Assailants,  but  with  more  than  ordinary  Couridge  [cour- 
age]  kept  fireing,  haveing  powder  &  Ball  sufficient  in  sd 
house;  ye  Enemy  betook  ymselves  to  the  next  house  & 
ye  Meeting  house,  both  of  wch  [were]  but  about  8  rod  dis 
tant,  or  [our]  men  yet  plyed  their  business  &  accepting  of 
no  qr  [quarter],  though  offered  by  ye  Enemy,  nor  [willing 
to]  Capitulate,[;]  but  by  [their]  guns,  giveing  little  or  no 
Respite  from  ye  tyme  they  began  ([they]  say  some  of  ye 
men  in  ye  house  shot  40  tymes,  &  had  fair  shots  at  ye  Enemy 
all  the  while)  about  an  hour  before  day  till  ye  Sun  [was] 
about  one  hour  &  half  high,  at  wch  tyme  they  were  almost 
spent;  yet  at  the  verry  pintch  [pinch],  ready  to  yield[,] 
or  men  from  Hadley  &  Hatfield  about  30  men,  rushed  in 
upon  ye  Enemy  &  made  a  shot  upon  them,  at  wch  they 
Quitted  their  Assaileing  ye  house  &  ye  Fort  alsoe  ;  the  house 
at  Libertie,  woemen  &  children  ran  to  Cap"  Wells  his  fort, 


example  of 

styje  oHhe 
Puritan 


as  to  spelling. 

l^d  massa- 
^re,  F^-  ^ 

most  noted 


forays,  for 
another  of 
which  see 

>ora- 


No.  117.— 


wars,  see 

ries'u, 
ch-xlx- 


had 
between 


1702. 

Quarter 

£™? 
safety. 


Hatfield  was 


Conduct  = 
leadership. 


Those  of  the 
captives  who 
survived  were 
taken  to  Can 
ada.  —  For 
a  narrative  of 
another  cap 
tivity,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  I, 
No.  147. 


100        French   and   English         [1749 

the  men  wth  ours  still  p'rsued  the  Enemy,  all  of  them  vigor 
ously,  causing  many  of  ye  Enemy  to  fall,  yet  being  but  about 
40  men  p'rsued  to[o]  farr,  imprudently,  not  altogether  for 
want  of  conduct,  for  Capt.  Wells,  who  had  led  them,  called 
for  a  retreate,  which  they  Litle  mynded,  ye  Enemy  discov- 
iring  their  nurabe8  [numbers]  haveing  ambushm*  of  men, 
caused  or  men  £o  give  back,  though  to[o]  Late,  being  a  Mile 
from  ye  Fort ;  in  yir  [their]  drawing  of  [f]  &  at  ye  Fort  [we] 
Lost  ii  of  or  men,  viz,  Sergt  Benj  Waite,  Sergt  Sam11  Bolt- 
wood,  &  his  son  Rob1  Boltwood,  Sam11  Foot,  Sam11  Alliss, 
Nath1  Warner,  Jonth  Ingram,  Thomas  Selding,  David  Hoite, 
Jos  Ingersoll,  &  Jos  Catlin,  &  after  or  men  recovered  the 
Fort  againe,  the  Enemy  drew  of  [f],  haveing  at  sd  house  & 
in  ye  ingagmts  (as  is  Judge[d]  by  ye  best  calculation  we  can 
come  at)  Lost  about  50  men,  &  12  or  15  wounded  (as  o'ur 
captive  says)  wch  they  carried  of[f],  &  is  thought  they  will 
not  see  Canada  againe  (&  sd  Captive  escaped  says)  they, 
viz,  the  Enemy,  went  6  mile  that  night  .  .  . 

George  Sheldon,  Pocumtuck  —  A  History  of  Deerfield,  Massa 
chusetts  (Deerfield,  1895),  I,  302-303. 


By  PROFES 
SOR  PETER 
KALM 
(1715-1779), 
a  Swedish 
botanist,  who 
travelled  in 
Pennsylva 
nia,  New 
York,  and 
Canada  from 
1748  to  1751. 
The  piece  is 
a  good  ex 
ample  of  the 
shrewd  and 
careful  ob 
servations  of 
an  educated 


38.    The  French  Trade  with  the  Indians 

(J749) 


r^EPTEMBER  the  22d  [1749].  THE  French  in 
i  \  Canada  carry  on  a  great  trade  with  the  Indians  .  .  . 
The  Indians  in  this  neighbourhood,  who  go  hunting 
in  winter  like  the  other  Indian  nations,  commonly  bring 
their  furs  and  skins  to  sale  in  the  neighbouring  French 
towns ;  however  this  is  not  sufficient.  The  Indians  who 
live  at  a  greater  distance,  never  come  to  Canada  at  all; 
and,  lest  they  should  bring  their  goods  to  the  English,  as 


No.  38] 


The   Fur  Trade  101 


the  English  go  to  them,  the  French  are  obliged  to  under-  traveller.— 

take  journies,  and  purchase  the  Indian  goods  in  the  coun-  ^beiow' 

try  of  the  Indians.     This   trade  is  chiefly  carried  on  at  Nos-  45. 5°; 

Montreal,  and  a  great  number  of  young  and  old  men  every  r£j,17fNos. 

year,    undertake   long   and   troublesome   voyages    for   that  "yheVr22' 

purpose,  carrying  with  them  such  goods  as  they  know  the  trade  was  the 

Indians  like,  and  are  in  want  of.  ...  settteme^of 

I  WILL  now  enumerate  the  chief  goods  which  the  French   Canada.— 
,        ,  .  11-1,  For  Indian 

carry  with  them  for  this  trade,  and  which  have  a  good  run   trade,  see 

among  the  Indians.  SfT&ST 

Muskets,  Powder,  Shot,  and  Balls.     The  Europeans  have   60, 91,' 152; 
taught  the  Indians  in  their  neighbourhood  the  use  of  fire-    no.  °S' III§ 
arms,  and  they  have  laid  aside  their  bows  and  arrows,  which 
were  formerly  their  only  arms,  and  make  use  of  muskets. 
If  the  Europeans  should  now  refuse  to  supply  the  Indians 
with  muskets,  they  would  be  starved  to  death ;  as  almost  all 
their  food  consists  of  the  flesh  of  the  animals,  which  they 
hunt ;  or  they  would  be  irritated  to  such  a  degree  as  to 
attack  the  Europeans.  .  .  . 

Pieces  of  white  cloth,  or  of  a  coarse  uncut  cloth.  The 
Indians  constantly  wear  such  pieces  of  cloth,  wrapping  them 
round  their  bodies.  Sometimes  they  hang  them  over  their 
shoulders ;  in  warm  weather,  they  fasten  them  round  the 
middle ;  and  in  cold  weather,  they  put  them  over  the  head. 
Both  their  men  and  women  wear  these  pieces  of  cloth, 
which  have  commonly  several  blue  or  red  stripes  on  the 
edge. 

Blue  or  red  cloth.  Of  this  the  Indian  women  make  their 
petticoats,  which  reach  only  to  their  knees.  They  generally 
chuse  the  blue  colour. 

Shirts  and  shifts  of  linen.  As  soon  as  an  Indian  fellow, 
or  one  of  their  women,  have  put  on  a  shirt,  they  never  wash 
it,  or  strip  it  off,  till  it  is  entirely  torn  in  pieces. 

Pieces  of  cloth,  which  they  wrap  round  their  legs  instead 
of  stockings,  like  the  Rtissians. 


IO2        French   and   English         [1749 

Hatchets,  knives,  scissars,  needles,  and  a  steel  to  strike 
fire  with.  These  instruments  are  now  common  among  the 
Indians.  They  all  take  these  instruments  from  the  Euro 
peans,  and  reckon  the  hatchets  and  knives  much  better, 
than  those  which  they  formerly  made  of  stones  and  bones. 
The  stone  hatchets  of  the  ancient  Indians  are  very  rare  in 
Canada. 

Kettles  of  copper  or  brass,  sometimes  tinned  in  the  inside. 
In  these  the  Indians'now  boil  all  their  meat,  and  they  have 
a  very  great  run  with  them.  .  .  . 

Ear-rings  of  different  sizes,  commonly  of  brass,  and  some 
times  of  tin.  They  are  worn  by  both  men  and  women, 
though  the  use  of  them  is  not  general. 

Vermillion.  With  this  they  paint  their  face,  shirt,  and 
several  parts  of  the  body.  They  formerly  made  use  of  a 
reddish  earth,  which  is  to  be  found  in  the  country ;  but,  as 
the  Europeans  brought  them  vermillion,  they  thought  noth 
ing  was  comparable  to  it  in  colour.  Many  persons  have 
told  me,  that  they  had  heard  their  fathers  mention,  that  the 
first  Frenchmen  who  came  over  here,  got  a  great  heap  of 
Red  sulphide  furs  from  the  Indians,  for  three  times  as  much  cinnabar  as 
£veeSyon.  would  ly  [lie]  on  the  tip  of  a  knife. 

Verdigrease,  to  paint  their  faces  green.  For  the  black 
colour,  they  make  use  of  the  soot  at  the  bottom  of  their 
kettles,  and  daub  their  whole  face  with  it. 

Looking  glasses.  The  Indians  are  very  much  pleased 
with  them,  and  make  use  of  them  chiefly  when  they  want 
to  paint  themselves.  The  men  constantly  carry  their  look 
ing  glasses  with  them  on  all  their  journies ;  but  the  women 
do  not.  The  men,  upon  the  whole,  are  more  fond  of  dress 
ing  than  the  women. 

Burning  glasses.  These  are  excellent  pieces  of  furniture 
in  the  opinion  of  the  Indians ;  because  they  serve  to  light 
the  pipe  without  any  trouble,  which  an  indolent  Indian  is 
very  fond  of. 


NO. 39]         Braddock's   Defeat          103 

Tobacco  is  bought  by  the  northern  Indians,  in  whose 
country  it  will  not  grow.  The  southern  Indians  always 
plant  as  much /of  it  as  they  want  for  their  own  consumption. 
Tobacco  has  a  great  run  amongst  the  northern  Indians,  and 
it  has  been  observed,  that  the  further  they  live  to  the  north 
ward,  the  more  they  smoke  of  tobacco. 

Wampum,  or,  as  they  are  here  called,  porcelanes.     They  Wampum 
are  made  of  a  particular  kind  of  shells,  and  turned  into 
little  short  cylindrical   beads,  and   serve  the   Indians  for 
money  and  ornament. 

Glass  beads,  of  a  small  size,  and  white  or  other  colours. 
The  Indian  women  know  how  to  fasten  them  in  their  rib 
bands,  pouches,  and  clothes. 

Brass  and  steel  wire,  for  several  kinds  of  work. 

Brandy,  which  the  Indians  value  above  all  other  goods 
that  can  be  brought  them ;  nor  have  they  any  thing,  though 
ever  so  dear  to  them,  which  they  would  not  give  away  for 
this  liquor.  But,  on  account  of  the  many  irregularities  which 
are  caused  by  the  use  of  brandy,  the  sale  of  it  has  been  pro 
hibited  under  severe  penalties ;  however,  they  do  not  always 
pay  an  implicit  obedience  to  this  order. 

THESE  are  the  chief  goods  which  the  French  carry  to  the 
Indians,  and  they  have  a  good  run  among  them. 

Peter  Kalm,  Travels  into  North  America  (translated  by  John 
Reinhold  Forster,  London,  1771),  III,  268-274 passim. 


H 


39.    Braddock's  Defeat  (1755) 

WASHING- 

Fort  Cumberland,  18  July,  1755-       i7°99)!  7n3a" 
ONORED   MADAM,  letter  to  his 

.       .  ...  mother.  Mrs. 

As  I  doubt  not  but  you  have  heard  of  our  defeat,   MaryWash- 


and,  perhaps,  had  it  represented  in  a  worse  light,  if  possible, 

than  it  deserves,  I  have  taken  this  earliest  opportunity  to   accompanied 


Braddock's 
expedition  as 
volunteer 
aid-de-camp. 
The  best 
evidence  of 
what  passes 
before  an 
eye-witness 
is  a  letter 
written  while 
the  matter  is 
fresh.  — For 
other  pieces 
by  Washing 
ton,  see  Old 
South  Leaf 
lets,  Nos.  10, 
15,  16,  41,  47, 
65;   Contem 
poraries,  II, 
Nos.  108, 174, 
195,  206. — 
For  a  French 
account  of 
Braddock's 
defeat,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  II, 
No.  127. 

The  French 
fort  was  Fort 
Duquesne. 
The  engage 
ment  took 
place  on  the 
banks  of  the 
Mononga- 
hela.    The 
French  had 
at  least  800 
men. 

Braddock 
insisted  that 
his  men 
should  fight 
in  open  line. 


104        French   and   English         [1755 

give  you  some  account  of  the  engagement  as  it  happened, 
within  ten  miles  of  the  French  fort,  on  Wednesday  the  pth 
instant. 

We  marched  to  that  place,  without  any  considerable  loss, 
having  only  now  and  then  a  straggler  picked  up  by  the 
French  and  scouting  Indians.  When  we  came  there,  we 
were  attacked  by  a  party  of  French  and  Indians,  whose 
number,  I  am'  persuaded,  did  not  exceed  three  hundred 
men;  while  ours  consisted  of  about  one  thousand  three 
hundred  well-armed  troops,  chiefly  regular  soldiers,  who 
were  struck  with  such  a  panic,  that  they  behaved  with  more 
cowardice  than  it  is  possible  to  conceive.  The  officers  be 
haved  gallantly,  in  order  to  encourage  their  men,  for  which 
they  suffered  greatly,  there  being  near  sixty  killed  and 
wounded;  a  large  proportion  of  the  number  we  had. 

The  Virginia  troops  showed  a  good  deal  of  bravery,  and 
were  nearly  all  killed ;  for  I  believe,  out  of  three  companies 
that  were  there,  scarcely  thirty  men  are  left  alive.  Captain 
Peyrouny,  and  all  his  officers  down  to  a  corporal,  were 
killed.  Captain  Poison  had  nearly  as  hard  a  fate,  for  only 
one  of  his  was  left.  In  short,  the  dastardly  behaviour  of 
those  they  call  regulars  exposed  all  others,  that  were  in 
clined  to  do  their  duty,  to  almost  certain  death ;  and,  at 
last,  in  despite  of  all  the  efforts  of  the  officers  to  the  con 
trary,  they  ran,  as  sheep  pursued  by  dogs,  and  it  was  im 
possible  to  rally  them. 

The  General  was  wounded,  of  which  he  died  three  days 
after.  Sir  Peter  Halket  was  killed  in  the  field,  where  died 
many  other  brave  officers.  I  luckily  escaped  without  a 
wound,  though  I  had  four  bullets  through  my  coat,  and 
two  horses  shot  under  me.  Captains  Orme  and  Morris, 
two  of  the  aids-de-camp,  were  wounded  early  in  the  en 
gagement,  which  rendered  the  duty  harder  upon  me,  as  I 
was  the  only  person  then  left  to  distribute  the  General's 
orders,  which  I  was  scarcely  able  to  do,  as  I  was  not  half 


NO.  4o]        Capture   of  Quebec        105 

recovered  from  a  violent  illness,  that  had  confined  me  to 
my  bed  and  a  wagon  for  above  ten  days.     I  am  still  in  a 
weak  and  feeble  condition,  which  induces  me  to  halt  here 
two  or  three  days  in  the  hope  of  recovering  a  little  strength,   Braddock's 
to  enable  me  to  proceed  homewards ;  from  whence,  I  fear,   opened  up 
I  shall  not  be  able  to  stir  till  towards  September ;  so  that  I   theIfr?int^er 
shall  not  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  till  then,  unless  it  inroads, 
be  in  Fairfax.    ...     I  am,  honored   Madam,  your  most 
dutiful  son. 

George  Washington,  Writings  (edited  by  Jared  Sparks,  Boston, 
1834),  II,  86-88. 


40.   Capture  of  Quebec   (1759) 

IN  the  beginning  of  September  [1759],  the  enemy  again 
sent  above  Quebec,  12  vessels  to  join  those  already 
there ;  this  made  20,  and  defiled  along  the  South  shore 
3  thousand  men  who  embarked  above.  M.  de  Bougain 
ville's  detachment  was  then  reinforced,  and  he  was  ordered 
to  follow  the  movements  of  those  ships.  They  were  usually 
anchored  at  Cap  Rouge,  3  leagues  above  Quebec.  M.  de 
Bourgainville  was  encamped  there,  with  a  very  strong  portion 
of  his  men.  That  officer  followed  the  ships,  according  as 
they  moved  up  or  down. 

At  length,  during  the  night  of  the  12th  and  13th,  the  enemy 
embarked  in  barges  alongside  their  ships  and  passed  in  front 
of  the  posts  we  had  between  M.  de  Bougainville  and  the 
town ;  four  different  sentinels  contented  themselves  with 
calling  out,  Qui  vive  ?  They  answered,  France !  They 
were  allowed  to  pass  unrecognized. 

The  officers  who  were  in  command  of  those  posts,  did  so 
under  the  persuasion  that  they  were  flat  bateaux  [boats]  loaded 
with  our  provisions [-ns],  which  the  Commandant  of  the 


By  FRAN 
COIS  BIGOT, 

intendant  of 
Canada  from 
1748  to  the 
capture  of 
Quebec.  This 
is  part  of  an 
official  letter 
to  the  war 
department 
in  Paris. 
The  impor 
tance  of  the 
capture  lay 
in  the  fact 
that  there 
was  no  other 
strong  point 
of  defence : 
when  Quebec 
fell,  Canada 
virtually 
changed 
hands.     The 
piece  illus 
trates  the 
importance 
of  hearing 
both  sides  of 
a  story. — 
For  an  ac 
count  from 


106        French   and   English         [1759 

place  had  ordered  that  very  night  to  be  allowed  to  pass,  and 
which  did  not  come  ;  they  were  to  leave  Cap  Rouge.  The 
English  being  arrived  in  front  of  a  steep  hill,  three  quarters 
of  a  league  from  the  town,  and  which  they,  no  doubt,  dis 
covered,  was  unguarded,  ascended  it,  and  attacked  one  of 
our  rear  posts  that  guarded  a  slope  leading  to  the  water's 
edge.  The  officer  of  that  post  received  several  wounds,  but 
was  taken  prisoner  with  his  detachment.  The  enemy,  there 
upon,  cleared  the  slope  and  landed  their  army  which  was 
waiting  in  the  barges  the  succes  of  their  van-guard.  The 
ships  were  dropping  down,  meanwhile,  to  support  their 
barges.  M.  de  Bougainville  did  not  follow  them,  expecting 
they  would  return  on  the  flow  of  the  tide,  as  they  usually 
did. 

At  day-break,  we  were  informed  at  the  camp  that  some  of 
our  posts,  above  Quebec,  had  been  attacked.  The  Marquis 
de  Montcalm,  who  did  not  look  on  the  matter  as  so  serious, 
sent  at  first  only  a  few  pickets  to  their  assistance,  ordering  a 
large  portion  of  our  army  to  follow  him  ;  this  had  diminished, 
in  efficiency  and  numbers,  [to]  three  thousand  men  or  there 
abouts,  who  were  under  the  command  of  M.  de  Bougainville. 
They  were  all  picked  men,  being  composed  of  the  grenadiers 
and  volunteers  of  the  army,  both  troops  and  Canadians. 

The  Marquis  de  Montcalm  was  much  surprised,  when  he 
had  ascended  the  height  in  the  rear  of  the  city,  to  see  the 
English  army,  which  was  forming  on  the  plain.  He  gave 
orders  to  hasten  the  march  of  the  body  which  was  coming  to 
join  him,  and  scarcely  had  it  reached  the  ground  on  which 
he  stood,  when  he  marched  against  the  enemy  and  com 
menced  the  attack.  These  different  corps,  among  which 
were  the  battalions  of  La  Sarre,  Royal  Rousillon,  Languedoc 
Guienne  and  Beam,  amounted  only  to  3,500  men,  or  there 
abouts.  Some  of  them  came  a  league  and  a  half;  they  had 
not  time  to  recover  their  breath.  This  little  army  fired 
two  volleys  at  that  of  the  English,  which  amounted,  in  like 


NO. 4o]        Capture   of  Quebec        107 

manner,  to  only  3  @.  [or]  4  thousand  men,  but  ours,  un-  The  English 
fortunately,  took  to  flight  at  the  first  fire  from  the  enemy, 
and  would  have  been  utterly  destroyed,  had  not  8  @.  900 
Canadians  thrown  themselves  into  a  little  wood  near  St. 
John's  gate,  whence  they  kept  up  so  constant  a  fire  on  the 
enemy,  that  the  latter  were  obliged  to  halt  in  order  to  return 
it.  This  firing  lasted  a  full  half  hour,  which  gave  the  flying 
troops  and  Canadians  time  to  reach  the  bridge  we  had  on 
the  River  St.  Charles,  to  communicate  with  our  troops. 

'Twas  in  that  retreat  that  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm  re 
ceived  a  ball  in  the  loins,  as  he  was  on  the  point  of  entering 
the  town  by  the  St.  Louis  gate.  I  know  all  the  particulars 
of  that  landing  from  English  officers  of  my  acquaintance  who 
have  communicated  them  to  me  ;  adding,  that  Mr.  Wolf  did 
not  expect  to  succeed  ;  that  he  had  not  attempted  to  land  Wolfe  meant 
above  Quebec,  and  that  he  was  to  sacrifice  only  his  van-guard  to  succeed- 
which  consisted  of  200  men ;  that  were  these  fired  on,  they 
were  all  to  reembark  ;  that  the  large  guns  and  mortars  posted 
opposite  the  town  had  been  put  again  on  board,  and  the 
troops  were  to  return  and  leave  on  the  2Oth  September. 

We  experienced  on  the  same  morning,  two  misfortunes 
which  we  should  never  have  foreseen :  ist  The  surprisal  of 
one  of  our  posts  that  considered  itself  in  security,  being 
guarded  by  several  that  were  nearer  the  enemy.  2nd  The 
loss  of  a  battle. 

E.  B.  O'Callaghan,  editor  and  translator,  Documents  relative  to 
the  Colonial  History  of  the  State  of  New-York  (Albany,  1858), 
X,  1051-1052. 


CHAPTER   VII  —  COLONIAL    LIFli    iN 
THE   EIGHTEENTH    CENTURY 


JOHNSEY-    41 


Discomforts  of   Colonial  Life   (1708) 

^       '  ' 


governor  of 
Maryland 
from  1703  to 
his  death. 
The  extract 
is  from  a  let 
ter  to  the 
Lords  of 
Trade,  rela 
tive  to  Queen 
Anne's  war 
(1702-1713). 
In  all  his 
communica 
tions  to  the 
English  gov 
ernment,  Sey 
mour  seems 
to  have  taken 
a  somewhat 
pessimistic 
view  of  exist 
ing  colonial 
conditions, 
especially  of 
those  in 
Maryland.  — 
For  the  con 
ditions  of 
colonial  life, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  I, 
chs.  ix,  xiii, 
xiv,  xxi,  xxii, 
xxiii,  xxvi ; 
II,  Part  IV. 

"3J.  6d.  per 
cent  "= about 
a  halfpenny 
a  pound  for 
tobacco. 


WEE  are  dayly  made  sencible  of  the  loss  and  removall 
of  divers  Inhabitants  and  residents  in  this  Province 
to  our  neighboring  Collonys  of  Pensilvania  &  Carolina  ;  The 
chief  notices  [indications]  whereto  are  the  present  Poverty 
of  this  Country,  the  Planters  having  suffered  extreamly  this 
present  Warr  in  the  Marketts  being  shut  up  so  that  after  the 
numerous  hazards  of  unseasonable  weather,  lack  of  Plants, 
the  Fly,  the  ground  worme  the  house  wormes,  it's  \i.e.  the 
crop's]  being  house-burnt,  frostbitten,  [after]  the  danger  of 
sea  and  our  enemys,  [have  been]  all  encountered  and  over 
come  the  freightes  have  not  had  near  the  vallue  of  their 
labour  or  expence  of  servants  cloathing  &c  :  and  those  who 
have  layd  out  their  Cropps  with  the  Merchants  in  the  Coun 
try,  have  not  been  able  to  get  above  three  shillings  and 
sixpence  ^>  [per]  cent  so  that  for  many  years  last  past 
servants  and  slaves  have  proved  burthensome  to  many  Mas 
ters  and  helpt  by  hard  labour  to  impoverish  them. 

The  Inhabitants  of  North  Carolina  finding  in  what  ill 
Circumstances  wee  are,  here  many  being  indebted  for  more 
than  their  Stocks,  made  an  Act  of  Assembly  there,  inviting 
all  persons  to  settle  with  them  under  the  Protection  of  five 
yeares  exemption  from  paying  their  debts,  which  has  drawn 
many  familys  thither,  again  Pensilvania  on  the  other  hand 
by  raising  the  vallue  of  their  coynes  [coins]  to  so  extraordi 
nary  a  height  beyond  her  Majties  Royall  Proclamation,  and 
the  great  encouragment  they  give  to  saylors  has  induced 

108 


No.  42] 


Discomforts 


109 


the  currency. 


many  young  freemen  artifisers  and  saylors  to  quit  this  Prov 
ince  and  settle  there,  so  that  unles  her  Majty  be  graciously 
pleased  to  lay  her  com[m]ands  on  those  Governments  to 
repeale  the  aforesaid  Carrolina  Act  of  Assembly  and  conforme 
themselves  in  lowering  their  coyns  according  to  the  Procla-    "Lowering 
mation,   there  is  no  likelyhood  of  preventing  her  subjects   Jneant^de- 
continiiall  desertion  hence  to  those  less  profitable  Collonys.   preciation  of 

As  for  those  miserable  people  that  are  so  much  indebted, 
I  know  not  why  their  deplorable  circumstances  should  not 
be  taken  into  consideration  by  her  Majesty  being  pleased 
to  recommend  to  the  Generall  Assembly  an  Act  of  Bank 
ruptcy  in  their  favour  to  acquitt  them  upon  delivering  up 
their  all  to  their  Creditors  which  is  as  much  as  can  be  re 
quired  and  that  it  shall  be  Fellony  to  conceale  or  imbeazill 
[embezzle]  so  that  they  may  be  once  more  enabled  to  begin 
the  world  againe,  and  her  Majesty  not  lose  the  use  of  so 
many  subjects. 

William  L.   Saunders,  editor,   The  Colonial  Records  of  North 
Carolina  (Raleigh,  1886),  I,  682-683. 


The  Great  Awakening  in  New  Eng 
land   (1740) 


42, 


September  19  [1740].  Slept  pretty  well, 
and  in  the  Morning  perceived  fresh  Emanations  of 
divine  Light  break  in  upon  and  refresh  my  Soul. 
Was  visited  by  several  Gentlemen  and  Ministers,  and  went 
to  the  Governor's  with  Esquire  Willard,  Secretary  of  the 
Province,  a  Man  fearing  God,  and  with  whom  (tho'  before 
unknown  in  Person)  I  have  corresponded  some  Time.  The 
Governor  received  me  with  the  utmost  Respect :  He  seemed 
to  favour  the  Things  which  were  of  God,  and  desired  me  to 


By 

REVEREND 
GEORGE 
WHITE- 
FIELD  (1714- 
1770),  a 
celebrated 
English 
Methodist 
preacher  and 
revivalist. 
In  the  inter 
val  between 
1738  and 
1769  he 
made  seven 
voyages  to 
America, 
and  finally 
died  here. 
The  religious 
movement 
known  as 


iio        Later   Colonial    Life         [1740 


the  "  Great 
Awakening," 
and  the  rise 
of  the  "New 
Lights," 
about  1740, 
were  stirred 
by  him.  — 
For  White- 
field,  see  Con 
temporaries, 
II,  No.  43.— 
For  religious 
life  in  the 
colonies,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  Nos. 

49,  85,  93.  94, 
96,  108,  no, 

112,  129,  169; 

II,  ch.  xv. 

The  governor 
of  the  prov 
ince  of  Mas 
sachusetts 
was  Jonathan 
Belcher.— 
See  Contem 
poraries,  II, 
No.  100. 

The  commis 
sary  at  Bos 
ton,  Roger 
Price,  was 
the  repre 
sentative  of 
the  Bishop 
of  London, 
who  had 
ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction 
of  members 
of  the  Church 
of  England  in 
the  colonies. 

The  "  col 
lege  "  was 
Harvard, 
then  under 
President    ( 
Holyoke,  in 
the  parish  of 
Rev.  Nathan 
iel  Appleton. 


see  him  as  often  as  I  could.  At  eleven  I  went  to  publick 
Worship  at  the  Church  of  England,  and  afterwards  went 
home  with  the  Commissary,  who  read  Prayers.  He  received 
me  very  courteously,  and  it  being  a  Day  whereon  the  Clergy 
of  the  established  Church  met,  I  had  an  Opportunity  of 
conversing,  with  five  of  them  together.  .  .  . 

Wednesday,  September  24.  Went  this  Morning  to  see  and 
preach  at  Cambridge,  the  chief  College  for  training  up  the 
Sons  of  the  Prophets  in  all  New-England.  It  has  one 
President,  I  think  four  Tutors,  and  about  a  hundred  Stu 
dents.  It  is  scarce  as  big  as  one  of  our  least  Colleges  in 
Oxford,  and  as  far  as  I  could  gather  from  some  who  well 
knew  the  State  of  it,  not  far  superior  to  our  Universities  in 
Piety  and  true  Godliness.  Tutors  neglect  to  pray  with  and 
examine  the  Hearts  of  their  Pupils.  Discipline  is  at  too  low 
an  Ebb.  Bad  Books  are  become  fashionable  amongst  them. 
Tillotson  and  Clarke  are  read  instead  of  Sheppard,  Stoddard, 
and  such  like  evangelical  Writers ;  and  therefore,  I  chose  to 
preach  on  these  Words,  We  are  not  as  many  who  corrupt 
the  Word  of  God.  And  in  the  Conclusion  of  my  Sermon,  I 
made  a  close  Application  to  Tutors  and  Students.  A  great 
Number  of  neighbouring  Ministers  attended,  as  indeed  they 
do  at  all  other  Times;  and  God  gave  me  great  Boldness 
and  Freedom  of  Speech.  The  President  of  the  College  and 
Minister  of  the  Parish  treated  me  very  civilly.  In  the  After 
noon  I  preached  again  in  the  Court,  without  any  particular 
Application  to  the  Students.  I  believe  there  were  about 
7000  Hearers.  The  Holy  Spirit  melted  many  Hearts.  The 
Word  was  attended  with  manifest  Power  .  .  . 

Sunday,  October  19.  Felt  wonderful  Satisfaction  in  being 
at  the  House  of  Mr.  Edwards.  He  is  a  Son  himself,  and 
hath  also  a  Daughter  of  Abraham  for  his  Wife.  A  sweeter 
Couple  I  have  not  yet  seen.  Their  Children  were  dressed 
not  in  Silks  and  Satins,  but  plain,  as  becomes  the  Children 
of  those  who,  in  all  Things,  ought  to  be  Examples  of  Chris- 


NO.  43]          Great  Awakening          1 1 1 

tian  Simplicity.  "  She  is  a  Woman  adorn'd  with  a  meek 
and  quiet  Spirit,  talked  feelingly  and  solidly  of  the  Things 
of  God,  and  seemed  to  be  such  a  Help  meet  for  her  Hus 
band,  that  she  caused  me  to  renew  those  Prayers,  which,  for 
some  Months,  I  have  put  up  to  God,  that  he  would  be 
pleased  to  send  me  a  Daughter  of  Abraham  to  be  my  Wife." 
—  "I  find,  upon  many  Accounts,  it  is  my  Duty  to  marry. — 
Lord  I  desire  to  have  no  Choice  of  my  own.  Thou  knowest 
my  Circumstances ;  thou  knowest  I  only  desire  to  marry  in 
and  for  thee.  Thou  didst  chuse  a  Rebecca  for  Isaac,  chuse 
one  for  me  to  be  a  Help  meet  for  me,  in  carrying  on  that 
great  Work  committed  to  my  Charge."  Lord,  hear  me, 
Lord,  let  my  Cry  come  unto  thee.  Preached  this  Morning, 
collected  597.  and  perceived  the  Meeting  begin  sooner,  and 
rise  higher  than  before.  Dear  Mr.  Edu\ards  wept  during 
the  whole  Time  of  Exercise.  —  The  People  were  equally,  if 
not  more  affected,  and  my  own  Soul  was  much  lifted  up 
towards  God.  In  the  Afternoon  the  Power  encreased  yet 
more  and  more.  .  .  . 

George  Whitefield,  Continuation  of  .  .  .  [his]  Journal,  from  a 
few  Days  after  his  Return  to  Georgia  to  his  Arrival  at  Fal- 
mouth,  on  the  nth  of  March,  1741  (London,  1741),  23-47 
passim. 


43-    A  Satire  on  Tobacco   Planters  (1708) 

THE   SOT- WEED    FACTOR;    OR,    A   VOYAGE   TO   MARYLAND,    &C. 

)R  full  three  Months,  our  waveriu[n]g  Boat, 
Did  thro'  the  surley  Ocean  float, 

And  furious  Storms  and  threat'ning  Blasts, 

Both  tore  our  Sails  and  sprung  our  Masts : 

Wearied,  yet  pleas'd,  we  did  escape 

Such  Ills,  we  anchor'd  at  the  Cape ; 


John  Tillot- 
son  and  Sam 
uel  Clarke 
were  philo 
sophical 
critics. 

Reverend 
Jonathan 
Edwards  of 
North 
ampton  was 
the  greatest 
of  the  New 
England 
ministers  of 
this  period. 


By  EBEN- 
EZER  COOK. 
Nothing  defi 
nite  is  known 
concerning 
the  author  of 
this  piece. 
Although  the 
verses  are 
plainly  in 
many  re 
spects  a 
caricature, 
they  throw 
valuable  light 
on  the  ruder 
side  of  the 


ii2        Later   Colonial   Life 


[1708 


period.  — 
For  the  life  of 
the  people  of 
the  colonies, 
see  Contem 
poraries, 
II,  ch.  xii.— 
"  Sot-weed" 
is  of  course  a 
satire  for 
tobacco.  — 
For  tobacco 
planting,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  Nos. 
50,  83,  87,  88. 
—  For  Mary 
land,  see 
above, 

No.  18.— The 
following 
side-notes 
are  from  the 
original. 

"  By  the 
Cape,  is 
meant  the 
Capes  of  Vir 
ginia,  the 
first  Land  on 
the  Coast  of 
Virginia  and 
Mary-Land" 

"  To  Cove  is 
to  lie  at  An 
chor  safe  in 
Harbour." 

"  The  Bay  of 

Piscato-way, 
the  usual 
place  where 
our  Ships 
come  to  an 
Anchor  in 
Mary-Land" 

"  The  Plant 
ers  generally 
wear  Blue 
Linnen." 

"  A  Canoo  is 
an  Indian 
Boat,  cut  out 


But  weighing  soon,  we  plough'd  the  Bay, 
To  Cove  it  in  Piscato-way, 
Intending  there  to  open  Store, 
I  put  myself  and  Goods  a-shore : 
Where  soon  repair'd  a  numerous  Crew, 
In  Shirts  and  Drawers  of  Scotch-cloth  Blue 
With  neither  Stockings,  Hat,  nor  Shooe 
These  Sot-weed  Planters  Crowd  the  Shoar, 
In  Hue  as  ta'wny  as  a  Moor : 
Figures  so  strange,  no  God  design'd, 
To  be  a  part  of  Humane  Kind : 
But  wanton  Nature,  void  of  Rest, 
Moulded  the  brittle  Clay  in  Jest. 


lue.  !• 


ay>~) 

)     J 


But  e're  their  Manners  I  display, 

I  think  it  fit  I  open  lay 

My  Entertainment  by  the  way 

That  Strangers  well  may  be  aware  on, 

What  homely  Diet  they  must  fare  on. 

To  touch  that  Shoar,  where  no  good  Sense  is  found, 

But  Conversation's  lost,  and  Manners  drown'd. 

I  crost  unto  the  other  side,  ~\ 

A  River  whose  impetuous  Tide,     v 

The  Savage  Borders  does  divide ;  ) 

In  such  a  shining  odd  invention, 

I  scarce  can  give  its  due  Dimention. 

The  Indians  call  this  watry  Waggon 

Canoo,  a  Vessel  none  can  brag  on ; 

Cut  from  a  Popular-Tree,  or  Pine, 

And  fashion'd  like  a  Trough  for  Swine : 

In  this  most  noble  Fishing- Boat, 

I  boldly  put  myself  a- float; 

Standing  Erect,  with  Legs  stretch'd  wide, 

We  paddled  to  the  other  side  : 

Where  being  Landed  safe  by  hap, 


No/43] 


Sot-Weed  Factor 


As  Sol  fell  into  Thetis  Lap. 

A  ravenous  Gang  bent  on  the  stroul, 

Of  WTolves  for  Prey,  began  to  howl ; 

This  put  me  in  a  pannick  Fright, 

Least  I  should  be  devoured  quite : 

But  as  I  there  a  musing  stood, 

And  quite  benighted  in  a  Wood, 

A  Female  Voice  pierc'd  thro'  my  Ears, 

Crying,  You  Rogue  drive  home  the  Steers. 

I  listen'd  to  th'  attractive  sound,  *\ 

And  straight  a  Herd  of  Cattel  found 

Drove  by  a  Youth,  and  homewards  bound  :  } 

Cheer'd  with  the  sight,  I  straight  thought  fit, 

To  ask  where  I  a  Bed  might  get. 

The  surley  Peasant  bid  me  stay, 

And  ask'd  from  whom  Pde  run  away. 

Surpriz'd  at  such  a  saucy  Word, 

I  instantly  lugg'd  out  my  Sword ; 

Swearing  I  was  no  Fugitive,  ~\ 

But  from  Great-Britain  did  arrive,       v 

In  hopes  I  better  there  might  Thrive. ) 

To  which  he  mildly  made  reply, 

I  beg  your  Pardon,  Sir,  that  I 

Should  talk  to  you  Unmannerly ; 

But  if  you  please  to  go  with  me 

To  yonder  House,  you'll  welcome  be. 

Encountring  soon  the  smoaky  Seat, 

The  Planter  old  did  thus  me  greet : 

"  Whether  you  come  from  Goal  or  Colledge, 

You're  welcome  to  my  certain  Knowledge ; 

And  if  you  please  all  Night  to  stay, 

My  Son  shall  put  you  in  the  way." 

Which  offer  I  most  kindly  took, 

And  for  a  Seat  did  round  me  look : 

When  presently  amongst  the  rest, 


j 


of  the  body 
of  a  Popler- 
Tree." 

["  Popular- 
tree  "  = 
poplar.] 

[Stroul  = 
stroll.] 

"  Wolves  are 
very  numer 
ous  in  Mary' 
Land" 


"  Tis  sup 
posed  by  the 
Planters,  that 
all  unknown 
Persons  are 
run  away 
from  some 
Master." 


[Goal  =  jail.] 


ii4        Later   Colonial   Life         [1708 


[I.e.  in  pro 
cess  of  fer 
mentation.] 


"  Pon  is 
Bread  made 
of  Indian- 
Corn." 

"  Mush  is  a 
sort  of  Hasty- 
puddiu  [n]  g 
made  with 
Water  and 
Indian 
Flower." 

"  Homine  is 
a  Dish  that  is 
made  of 
boiled  Indian 
Wheat,  eaten 
with  Molos- 
sus,  or 
Bacon-Fat." 

"  Syder-pap 
is  a  sort  of 
Food  made 
of  Syder  and 
small 

Homine,  like 
our  Oat 
meal." 


.  keg.] 


He  plac'd  his  unknown  English  Guest, 

Who  found  them  drinking  for  a  whet, 

A  Cask  of  Syder  on  the  Fret, 

Till  Supper  came  upon  the  Table, 

On  which  I  fed  whilst  I  was  able. 

So  after  hearty  Entertainment, 

Of  Drjnk  and  Victuals  without  Payment ; 

For  Planters  Tables,  you  must  know, 

Are  free  for  all  that  come  and  go. 

While  Pon  and  Milk,  with  Mush  well  stoar'd, 

In  wooden  Dishes  grac'd  the  Board ; 

With  Homine  and  Syder-pap, 

(Which  scarce  a  hungry  Dog  wou'd  lap) 

Well  stuff 'd  with  Fat,  from  Bacon  fry'd, 

Or  with  Molossus  dulcify'd. 

Then  out  our  Landlord  pulls  a  Pouch, 

As  greasy  as  the  Leather  Couch 

On  which  he  sat,  and  straight  begun, 

To  load  with  Weed  his  Indian  Gun ; 

In  length,  scarce  longer  than  ones  Finger, 

His  Pipe  smoak'd  out  with  aweful  Grace, 
With  aspect  grave  and  solemn  pace ; 
The  reverend  Sire  walks  to  a  Chest, 
Of  all  his  Furniture  the  best, 
Closely  confin'd  within  a  Room, 
Which  seldom  felt  the  weight  of  Broom ; 
From  thence  he  lugs  a  Cag  of  Rum, 
And  nodding  to  me,  thus  begun : 
I  find,  says  he,  you  don't  much  care, 
For  this  our  Indian  Country  Fare  ; 
But  let  me  tell  you,  Friend  of  mine, 
You  may  be  glad  of  it  in  time, 
Tho'  now  your  Stomach  is  so  fine 
And  if  within  this  Land  you  stay, 


j 
ne,-\ 

')     * 


NO.  44]  Philadelphia  115 

You'll  find  it  true  what  I  do  say. 
This  said,  the  Rundlet  up  he  threw, 
And  bending  backwards  strongly  drew : 
I  pluck'd  as  stoutly  for  my  part, 
Altho'  it  made  me  sick  at  Heart, 
And  got  so  soon  into  my  Head 
I  scarce  cou'd  find  my  way  to  Bed ; 


Eben[ezer]  Cook,  The  Sot-Weed  Factor:  or,  a  Voyage  to  Mary- 
land  (London,  1708),  1-5  passim. 


44.    Social  Life  in  Philadelphia  (1744) 

retary  of  the 


commission- 


T 


PHILADELPHIA,  Friday,  June  ist  [1744]-         ers  appointed 
HE  Sun  had  run  his  course  in  our  Hemisphere  for  the 


space  of  two  hours,  before  the  Leaden  Scepter  was  Virginia  to 

unite  with 


removed  from  my  Eye  Lids,  at  last  about  a  half  an  hour  those  of 
past  6,  I  had  those  Instruments  of  Sight  and  Doors  of  the  ^  Pennsyl- 
Mind  laid  open,  and  Jump'd  from  my  Bed  in  some  haste,  vania,  to  treat 
designing  before  that  time  to  have  been  at  the  Market  *  °~ 


Place  ;  the  days  of  Market  are  Tuesday  and  Friday,  when 

you  may  be  Supply'd  with  every  Necessary  for  the  Support  lands.    This 

of  Life  thro'ut  [throughout]  the  whole  year,  both  Extraordi-  ^outlr 

nary  Good  and  reasonably  Cheap,  it  is  allow'd  by  Foreigners  May,  1744- 

to  be  the  best  of  its  bigness  in  the  known  World,  and  undoubt-  a  pleasant 


edly  the  largest  in  America  ;  I  got  to  this  place  by  7  ;  and 

had  no  small  Satisfaction  in  seeing  the  pretty  Creatures,  the  a  well-to-do 

young  Ladies,  traversing  the  place  from  Stall  to  Stall  where  jnus^rates  the 

they  cou'd  make  the  best  Market,  some  with  their  Maid  value  of  a 

behind  them  with  a  Basket  to  carry  home  the  Purchase,  rary  diary.— 


Others  that  were  designed  to  buy  but  trifles,  as  a  little  fresh 

Butter,  a  Dish  of  Green  Peas,  or  the  like,  had  Good  Nature  above,  No. 


1 1  6       Later   Colonial   Life 


[1744 


32 ;  Contem 
poraries,  II, 
ch.  xii. 

Bouquet. 

A  wealthy 
Irish  Quaker. 

Richard 
Peters,  secre 
tary  of  the 
province. 

Cinchona 
bark;  the 
predecessor 
of  quinine. 


The  oldest 
Episcopal 
church  in 
Philadelphia, 
founded 
about  1695. 
The  present 
church  build 
ing  was  be 
gun  in  1729. 


Thomas  Lee 
and  William 
Beverley 
were  the 
other  mem 
bers  of  the 
Virginia 
commission, 
and  the  other 
gentlemen 
mentioned 
made  up 
their  "  levee," 
or  following. 
Hamilton 
was  son  of  the 
famous  law 
yer,  Andrew 
Hamilton. 


and  Humility  enough  to  be  their  own  Porters  .  .  .  after 
I  had  made  my  Market,  which  was  One  penny  worth  of 
Whey  and  a  Nose  Gay,  I  Disengag'd  myself  from  the  Multi 
tude,  and  made  the  best  of  my  way  to  Mr.  Strettell's  where 
I  Breakfasted  .  .  . 

[June  3.]'  Rose  at  7,  took  several  turns  in  the  Garden 
with  Mr.  Peters  &  Bob  Brooks,  afterwards  I  went  to  Mr. 
Strettells ;  found  Colonel  Lee  not  well,  having  Intermitting 
Fevers,  for  which  he  Resol'd  [resolved]  to  take  the  Bark ; 
after  Breakfast  I  return'd  to  my  Room  and  Dress'd,  and  in 
Company  with  Mr.  Secretary,  Col.  Beverley,  and  some  more 
of  our  Gang,  I  went  to  Christ's  Church,  where  I  heard  a 
very  Good  Discourse  on  the  Words  in  the  19  Ch.  of  Mat 
thew  and  46  Verse.  This  Church  is  a  very  Stately  Building, 
but  is  not  yet  Finished.  The  Paintings  of  the  Altar  Piece 
will,  when  done,  be  very  Grand  ;  two  Rows  of  Corinthian 
Pillars,  and  Arches  turn'd  from  the  one  to  the  other  Sup 
ports  the  Roof  and  the  Galleries,  the  Peughs  [pews]  and 
Boxes  were  not  all  done  so  that  everything  seem'd  half 
finished.  I  was  not  a  little  Surpris'd  to  see  such  a  Number 
of  Fine  Women  in  one  Church,  as  I  never  had  heard  Phila 
delphia  noted  Extraordinary  that  way ;  but  I  must  say, 
since  I  have  been  in  America,  I  have  not  seen  so  fine  a 
Collection  at  one  time  and  Place.  After  this  Congregation 
was  Dismiss'd,  Colonel  Taylor,  Mr.  Lewis,  &c.,  of  the  Levee 
went  to  the  Commissioners'  Lodgings,  where  we  found 
Colonel  Lee  ready  to  go  to  Mr.  Andrew  Hamilton's  where 
we  were  Invited  to  Dine  this  Day ;  about  a  Quarter  after 
i  O'Clock  we  had  Dinner,  and  I  do  assure  you  a  very  fine 
one,  but  as  I  am  not  able  to  draw  up  a  Bill  of  Fare,  I  shall 
only  say,  that  we  had  very  near  18  Dish  of  Meat,  besides 
a  very  nice  Collation ;  after  this  was  over,  it  was  time  for  to 
think  of  going  to  Church  for  Afternoon,  accordingly,  most 
of  our  young  Company  with  my  Self,  went  in  order  to  Visit 
the  Reverend  Mr.  Gilbert  Tennant,  a  Disciple  of  the  Great 


NO.  45]  New  York  117 

Whitefield,  whose  followers  are  Call'd  the  New  Lights ;  we   For  White- 
found  him  Delivering  his  Doctrine  with  a  very  Good  Grace,   ^v'e!^ 
Split  his  Text  as  Judiciously,  turn'd  up  the  Whites  of  his   No.  42. 
Eyes  as'  Theologically,  Cuff'd  his  Cushion  as  Orthodoxly, 
and  twist'd  his  Band  as  Primitively  as  his  Master  Whitefield 
cou[l]d  have  done,  had  he  been  there  himself;  We  were 
not  Converts  enough  to  hear  him  to  an  end,  but  withdrew 
very  Circumspectly,  and  bent  our  Course  to   the  Quaker 
Meeting,  where  we  found  one  of  the  Travelling  Friends,   For  Quakers, 
Labouring  Under  the  Spirit  very  Powerfully,  had  he  been 
a  little  more  Calm,  and  not  hurried  himself  so  on,  as  if  he 
had  not  half  time  to  say  what  he  had  in  his  Mind,  We  as 
well  as  the  Rest  of  his   Brethern,  wou[l]d  have  received 
more  Instruction,  but  one  Sentence  came  so  fast  treading 
on  the  heels  of  Another,  that  I  was  in  great  pain  of  his 
Choaking :  however,  we  had  Patience  to  hear  him  out,  and 
after  a  little  Pause  he  gave  us  a  Short  Prayer,  and  then 
Struck  hands  with  two  Elderly  Friends  on  his  Right  and 
Left,  and  we  broke  up  ... 

Journal  of  Williatn  Black,  1744;  edited  by  R.  Alonzo  Brock, 
in  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History  and  Biography  (Phila 
delphia,  1877),  I,  405-412  passim. 


No.  45  is  by 
PROFESSOR 
PETER 
KALM.  — 


45.    The  Town  of  New  York  (1748) 

No.  38.—  For 
New  York  in 

NEW  YORK,  the  capital  of  a  province  of  the  same  the  eigh- 

name  is  situated  under    forty   deg.  and   forty  min.  Sury.'see6"^- 

north  lat.  and  forty  seven  deg.  and  four  min.  of  western  long,  temporaries, 

from  London  ;  and  is  about  ninety  seven  English  miles  dis-  ,,port°'3' 

tant  from  Philadelphia.     The  situation  of  it  is  extremely  ad-  seven,"  mis- 
vantageous  for  trade  :  for  the  town  stands  upon  a  point  which 

is  formed  by  two  bays  ;  into  one  of  which  the  river  Hudson  four." 


ii8        Later   Colonial    Life         [1748 


Populations 
were  about 
as  follows : 
Boston, 
18,000; 
Philadelphia, 
13,000; 
New  York, 
12,000. 


"  Hangings  " 

= wall-paper. 


discharges  itself,  not  far  from  the  town ;  New  York  is  there 
fore  on  three  sides  surrounded  with  water :  the  ground  it 
is  built  on,  is  level  in  some  parts,  and  hilly  in  others  :  the 
place  is  generally  reckoned  very  wholesome.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  in  size  it  comes  nearest  to  Boston  and  Philadelphia. 
But  with  regard  to  its  fine  buildings,  its  opulence,  and  exten 
sive  commerce,  it  disputes  the  preference  with  them  :  at  pres 
ent  it  is  about  naif -as  big  again  as  Gothenburgh  in  Sweden. 

THE  streets  do  not  run  so  straight  as  those  of  Philadel- 
phia,  and  have  sometimes  considerable  bendings  :  however 
they  are  very  spacious  and  well  built,  and  most  of  them  are 
paved,  except  in  high  places,  where  it  has  been  found  use 
less.  In  the  chief  streets  there  are  trees  planted,  which  in 
summer  give  them  a  fine  appearance,  and  during  the  exces 
sive  heat  at  that'  time,  afford  a  cooling  shade  :  I  found  it 
extremely  pleasant  to  walk  in  the  town,  for  it  seemed  quite 
like  a  garden  .  .  . 

MOST  of  the  houses  are  built  of  bricks  ;  and  are  generally 
strong  and  neat,  and  several  stories  high.  Some  had,  ac 
cording  to  old  architecture,  turned  the  gable-end  towards 
the  streets  ;  but  the  new  houses  were  altered  in  this  respect. 
Many  of  the  houses  had  a  balcony  on  the  roof,  on  which 
the  people  used  to  sit  in  the  evenings  in  the  summer  sea 
son  ;  and  from  thence  they  had  a  pleasant  view  of  a  great 
part  of  the  town,  and  likewise  of  part  of  the  adjacent  water 
and  of  the  opposite  shore.  The  roofs  are  commonly  cov 
ered  with  tiles  or  shingles  .  .  .  The  walls  were  white 
washed  within,  and  I  did  not  any  where  see  hangings,  with 
which  the  people  in  this  country  seem  in  general  to  be  but 
little  acquainted.  The  walls  were  quite  covered  with  all 
sorts  of  drawings  and  pictures  in  small  frames.  On  each 
side  of  the  chimnies  they  had  usually  a  sort  of  alcove  :  and 
the  wall  under  the  windows  was  wainscoted,  and  had  benches 
placed  near  it.  The  alcoves,  and  all  the  wood  work  were 
painted  with  a  bluish  grey  colour. 


NO.  46]  New  York  119 

THERE  are  several  churches  in  the  town,  which  deserve 
some  attention,     i.   The  English  Church,  built  in  the  year  Trinity 
1695,  at  tne  west  end  of  [the]  town,  consisting  of  stone,  and  Cnurch< 
has  a  steeple  with  a  bell.     2.  The  new  Dutch  Church,  which 
is  likewise  built  of  stone,  is  pretty  large  and  is  provided 
with  a  steeple,  it  also  has  a  clock,  which  is  the  only  one  in 
the  town.  .  .  . 

TOWARDS  the  sea,  on  the  extremity  of  the  promontory  is 
a  pretty  good  fortress,  called  Fort  George,  which  entirely   FortAm- 
commands  the  port,  and  can  defend  the  town,  at  least  from  u^er'the 
a  sudden  attack  on  the  sea  side.     Besides  that,  it  is  likewise  Dutch;  in 
secured  on  the  north  or  towards  the  shore,  by  a  pallisade,   Fort  James; 
which  however  (as  for  a  considerable  time  the  people  have   ™  l674- 

.      ,          .  .  x   .     .  Fort  George; 

had  nothing  to  fear  from  an  enemy)  is  in  many  places  in  a  demolished 
very  bad  state  of  defence. 

THERE  is  no  good  water  to  be  met  with  in  the  town  itself,  lution. 
but  at  a  little  distance  there  is  a  large  spring  of  good  water, 
which  the  inhabitants  take  for  their  tea,  and  for  the  uses  of 
the  kitchen.  Those  however,  who  are  less  delicate  in  this 
point,  make  use  of  the  water  from  the  wells  in  town,  though 
it  be  very  bad.  This  want  of  good  water  lies  heavy  upon 
the  horses  of  the  strangers  that  come  to  this  place ;  for  they 
do  not  like  to  drink  the  water  from  the  wells  in  the  town. 

Peter  Kalm,  Travels  into  North  America  (translated  by  John 
Reinhold  Forster,  Warrington,  1770),  I,  247-25 2  passim. 


46.    A  Southern  Criticism  of  Slavery  (1736) 


By  COLONEL 
WILLIAM 


general  of 


YOUR  Lordps  [Lordship's]  opinion  concerning  virg,n,a 

Rum  and  Negros  is  certainly  very  iust.  and  member  of 

i     i    -,,/.,  r  f •  /-.  •  the  council, 

your  excludemg  both  of  them  from  your  Colony  of  Georgia  agent  for  the 

will  be  very  happy ;  tho'  with  Respect  to  Rum,  the  Saints  g^i^nd" 

of  New  England  I  fear  will  find  out  some  trick  to  evade  and  founder 


i2o        Later   Colonial   Life         [1736 


of  Rich 
mond,  was 
one  of  the 
most  culti 
vated  and 
influential 
men  of  his 
time.    The 
extract  given 
is  from  a  let 
ter  written  in 
1736  to  the 
Earl  of  Eg- 
mont,  first 
president  of 
the  trustees 
for  Georgia. 
It  presents  a 
most  sane 
and  just  esti 
mate  of 
the  conse 
quences  of 
slavery,  by  a 
slave-holder 
and  keen 
buyer  of 
slaves.     It  is 
an  excellent 
example  of 
the  value  of 
unrestrained 
private  let 
ters  as  his 
torical 
evidence.  — 
For  Byrd,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  II,  No. 
82.  —  For 
slavery,  see 
above,  No. 
35;   Contem 
poraries,  I, 
Nos.  70,  86, 
87;  ll.ch.xvi. 

Byrd  was  an 
Episcopalian 
and  a  Cava 
lier. 

Importation 
of  slaves 
began  in 
1619. 


your  Act  of  Parliament.  They  have  a  great  dexterity  at 
palliating  a  perjury  so  well  as  to  leave  no  taste  of  it  in  the 
mouth,  nor  can  any  people  like  them  slip  through  a  penal 
statute.  They  will  give  some  other  Name  to  their  Rum, 
which  they  may  safely  do,  because  it  go[e]s  by  that  of  Kill- 
Devil  in  this  country  from  its  banefull  qualitys.  A  watchfull 
Eye  must  be  kept  on  these  foul  Traders  or  all  the  precau 
tions  of  the  Trustees  will  be  in  vain. 

I  wish  my  Lord  we  cou[l]d  be  blesst  with  the  same  Pro 
hibition.  They  import  so  many  Negros  hither,  that  I  fear 
this  Colony  will  some  time  or  other  be  confirmd  by  the 
Name  of  New  Guinea.  I  am  sensible  of  many  bad  conse 
quences  of  multiplying  these  Ethiopians  amongst  us.  They 
blow  up  the  pride,  and  ruin  the  Industry  of  our  White  Peo 
ple,  who  se[e]ing  a  Rank  of  poor  Creatures  below  them, 
detest  work  for  fear  it  shou[l]d  make  them  look  like  Slaves. 
Then  that  poverty  which  will  ever  attend  upon  Idleness, 
disposes  them  as  much  to  pilfer  as  it  do[e]s  the  Portuguese, 
who  account  it  much  more  like  a  Gentleman  to  steal,  than 
to  dirty  their  hands  with  Labour  of  any  kind. 

Another  unhappy  Effect  of  Many  Negros  is  the  necessity 
of  being  severe.  Numbers  make  them  insolent,  and  then 
foul  Means  must  do  what  fair  will  not.  We  have  however 
nothing  like  the  Inhumanity  here  that  is  practiced  in  the 
Islands,  and  God  forbid  we  ever  shou[l]d.  But  these  base 
Tempers  require  to  be  rid  [den]  with  a  tort  [taut]  Rein,  or 
they  will  be  apt  to  throw  their  Rider.  Yet  even  this  is  ter 
rible  to  a  good  natur[e]d  Man,  who  must  submit  to  be 
either  a  Fool  or  a  Fury.  And  this  will  be  more  our  unhappy 
case,  the  more  Negros  are  increast  amongst  us. 

But  these  private  mischeifs  are  nothing  if  compar[e]d  to 
the  publick  danger.  We  have  already  at  least  10,000  Men 
of  these  descendants  of  Ham  fit  to  bear  Arms,  and  their 
Numbers  increase  every  day  as  well  by  birth  as  Importation. 
And  in  case  there  shoud  arise  a  Man  of  desperate  courage 


NO.  46]  Slavery  121 

amongst  us,  exasperated  by  a  desperate  fortune,  he  might  For  laws 
with  more  advantage  than  Cataline  kindle  a  Servile  War.  gfoes^see6" 
Such  a  man    might   be   dreadfully  mischeivous  before  any   above,  No. 
opposition  could  be  formd  against  him,  and  tinge  our  Rivers  35< 
as  wide  as  they  are  with  blood,   besides  the  Calamitys  which 
wou[l]d  be  brought  upon  us  by  such  an  Attempt,  it  woud 
cost  our  Mother  Country  many  a  fair  Million  to  make  us  as 
profitable  as  we  are  at  present. 

It  were    therefore  worth  the  consideration  of  a   British 
Parliament,  My  Lord,  to  put  an  end   to   this   unchristian 
Traffick  of  makeing  Merchandize  of  Our  Fellow  Creatures.   On  the  con- 
At   least    the    farthar  Importation   of  them    into   our  Our   En^tT  ov 
Colonys   shoud  be  prohibited  lest   they  prove  as  trouble-   ernment  can, 
some  and  dangerous  everywhere,  as  they  have  been  lately   coioni a/ stat 
in  Jamaica,  where  besides  a  vast  expence  of  Mony,  they  utes  limiting 
have  cost  the  lives  of  many  of  his  Majesty's  Subjects.     We   trade.   ' 
have  mountains  in  Virginia  too,  to  which  they  may  retire  as 
safely,  and  do  as  much  mischeif  as  they  do  in  Jamaica.     All  See  below, 
these  matters  duly  consider [e]d,  I  wonder  the  Legislature   fo°j0hrl 
will  Indulge  a  few  ravenous  Traders  to  the  danger  of  the   Brown's  raid. 
Publick  safety,  and  such  Traders  as  woud  freely  sell  their 
Fathers,  their  Elder  Brothers,  and  even  the  Wives  of  their 
bosomes,  if  they  coud  black  their  faces  and  get  anything 
by  them. 

I  entirely  agree  with  your  Lordp  in  the  Detestation  you 
seem  to  have  for  that  Diabolical  Liquor  Rum,  which  dos 
more  mischeif  to  Peoples  Industry  and  morals  than  any  thing 
except  Gin  and  the  Pope.     And  if  it  were  not  a  little  too 
Poetical,  I  shoud  fancy,  as  the  Gods  of  Old  were  said  to 
quaff  Nectar,  so    the   Devils   are   fobbd   off  with    Rumm.    Fobb'd  = 
Tho'  my  Dear  Country  Men  woud  think  this  unsavory  Spirit   tricked- 
much  too  Good  for  Devils,  because  they  are  fonder  of  it  than 
they  are  of  their  Wives  and  Children  .  .  . 

American  Historical  Review  (New  York,  etc.,  1896),  I,  88-90. 


122        Later   Colonial    Life    [1760-1766 


By  ALEX 
ANDER 
GRAYDON 
(1752-1818), 
author,  law 
yer,  and  for 
a  time  cap 
tain  in  the 
continental 
army.     His 
memoirs  are 
a  most  inter 
esting  com 
mentary  on 
the  times  in 
which  he 
lived.    The 
piece  is  a 
good  exam 
ple  of  remi 
niscences 
written  late 
in  life,  in 
which  details 
are  of  little 
weight  but 
the  general 
impression 
is  accurate. 
—  For  intel 
lectual  life  in 
the  colonies, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  I, 
Nos.  89,  137, 
146,  171;   II, 
ch.  xiv. 


47.     A   Colonial   School-Boy   (1760-1766) 

BEING  now,  probably,  about  eight  years  of  age,  it  was 
deemed  expedient  to  enter  me  at  the  academy,  then, 
as  it  now  continues  to  be,  under  the  name  of  a  university, 
the  principal  seminary  in  Pennsylvania ;  and  I  was  accord 
ingly  introduced  by  my  father,  to  Mr.  Kinnesley,  the  teacher 
of  English  and  professor  of  oratory.  .  .  .  The  task,  of  the 
younger  boys,  at  least,  consisted  in  learning  to  read  and  to 
write  their  mother  tongue  grammatically  •  and  one  day  in 
the  week  (I  think  Friday)  was  set  apart  for  the  recitation 
of  select  passages  in  poetry  and  prose.  For  this  purpose, 
each  scholar,  in  his  turn,  ascended  the  stage,  and  said  his 
speech,  as  the  phrase  was.  This  speech  was  carefully  taught 
him  by  his  master,  both  with  respect  to  its  pronunciation, 
and  the  action  deemed  suitable  to  its  several  parts.  .  .  . 
More  profit  attended  my  reading.  After  ^Esop's  fables,  and 
an  abridgment  of  the  Roman  history,  Telemachus  was  put 
into  our  hands  ;  and  if  it  be  admitted  that  the  human  heart 
may  be  bettered  by  instruction,  mine,  I  may  aver,  was  bene 
fited  by  this  work  of  the  virtuous  Fenelon.  .  .  . 

...  A  few  days  after  I  had  been  put  under  the  care  of 
Mr.  Kinnersley,  I  was  told  by  my  class  mates,  that  it  was  neces 
sary  for  me  to  fight  a  battle  with  some  one,  in  order  to  estab 
lish  my  claim  to  the  honor  of  being  an  academy  boy.  .  .  . 
I  found  that  the  lists  were  appointed,  and  that  a  certain  John 
Appowen,  a  lad  who,  though  not  quite  so  tall,  [was]  yet 
better  set  and  older  than  myself,  was  pitted  against  me.  .  .  . 
A  combat  immediately  ensued  between  Appowen  and  my 
self,  which  for  some  time,  was  maintained  on  each  side,  with 
equal  vigor  and  determination,  when  unluckily,  I  received 
his  fist  directly  in  my  gullet.  The  blow  for  a  time  depriving 
me  of  breath  and  the  power  of  resistance,  victory  declared 
for  my  adversary,  though  not  without  the  acknowledgment 


NO.  47]  School-Life  123 

of  the  party,  that  I  had  at  last  behaved  well,  and  shewn 
myself  not  unworthy  of  the  name  of  an  academy  boy.  .  .  . 

I  have  said  that  I  was  about  to  enter  the  Latin  school. 
The  person  whose  pupil  I  was  consequently  to  become,  was 
Mr.  John  Beveridge,  a  native  of  Scotland,  who  retained  the 
smack  of  his  vernacular  tongue  in  its  primitive  purity.  His 
acquaintance  with  the  language  he  taught,  was  I  believe, 
justly  deemed  to  be  very  accurate  and  profound.  But  as  to 
his  other  acquirements,  after  excepting  the  game  of  back 
gammon,  in  which  he  was  said  to  excel,  truth  will  not  war 
rant  me  in  saying  a  great  deal.  He  was,  however,  diligent 
and  laborious  in  his  attention  to  his  school ;  and  had  he 
possessed  the  faculty  of  making  himself  beloved  by  the 
scholars,  and  of  exciting  their  emulation  and  exertion,  noth 
ing  would  have  been  wanting  in  him  to  an  entire  qualifica 
tion  for  his  office.  But  unfortunately,  he  had  no  dignity 
of  character,  and  was  no  less  destitute  of  the  art  of  making 
himself  respected  than  beloved.  Though  not  perhaps  to  be 
complained  of  as  intolerably  severe,  he  yet  made  a  pretty  Flogging  was 
free  use  of  the  ratan  and  the  ferule,  but  to  very  little  pur-  discipline"  in 
pOSe.  .  .  .  schools. 

...  as  my  evil  star  would  have  it,  I  was  thoroughly  tired 
of  books  and  confinement,  and  her  [his  mother's]  advice  and 
even  entreaties  were  overruled  by  my  extreme  repugnance 
to  a  longer  continuance  in  the  college,  which,  to  my  lasting 
regret,  I  bid  adieu  to  when  a  little  turned  of  fourteen,  at  the 
very  season  when  the  minds  of  the  studious  begin  to  profit 
by  instruction.  We  were  at  this  time  reading  Horace  and 
Cicero,  having  passed  through  Ovid,  Virgil,  Caesar  and  Sal- 
lust.  .  .  . 

[Alexander  Graydon]  Memoirs  of  a  Life,  chiefly  passed  in  Penn 
sylvania  (Harrisburg,  1811),  16-31  passim. 


r^BI^*^ 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


By  JAMES 
EARL  OF 
STANHOPE 
(1673-1721). 
Stanhope 
was  English 
secretary  of 
state  for  the 
Southern 
Department 
most  of  the 
time  from 
1714  till  his 
death,  and 
head  of  the 
colonies  from 
1718.     The 
year  after  he 
became  sec 
retary  he  re 
ferred  to  the 
Lords  of 
Trade  a 
scheme  or 
treatise  relat 
ing  to  the 
plantations, 
i.e.  colonies, 
of  which  the 
extract  here 
given  forms  a 
part.    The 
piece  is  a 
good  ex 
ample  of 
official  rec 
ords  as  a 
source  of 
historical 
knowledge. 
—  For  prin 
ciples  of 
English  con 
trol,  see  Con 
temporaries, 

I,  ch.  vii ; 

II,  ch.  vii. 


CHAPTER  VIII— COLONIAL  GOVERN 
MENT 

48.    The  English   Council  for  Trade  and 
Plantations  (1715) 

THE  Board  was  erected  about  fifteen  Years  since,  as  has 
bin  before  observed.  By  their  Commission  they  are 
directed  to  enquire  into  the  severall  obstructions  of  Trade, 
and  the  means  of  removing  the  same  And  particularly  to 
inform  themselves  of  the  condition  of  the  respective  Planta 
tions,  as  well  with  regard  to  the  Government  and  administra 
tion  of  Justice  in  those  places,  as  the  Commerce  thereof. 
And  to  consider  how  the  Collonys  there  may  be  eased,  and 
secured,  and  rendered  more  beneficial  to  England.  To  look 
into  Governors  Instructions,  and  see  what  is  fit  to  be  added 
omitted  or  changed  in  them.  To  take  an  account  yearly  by 
way  of  Journal  of  the  administrations  of  such  Governments. 
To  hear  Complaints  of  oppressions  and  Male-Adminis 
trations  from  the  Plantations.  To  examine  into  and  weigh 
such  Acts  as  shall  be  passed  in  the  Plantation  Assemblys, 
and  to  consider  whether  they  are  fit  for  his  Majesty  to 
consent  to,  and  establish  for  Laws.  And  upon  these  and 
severall  other  heads  to  make  representations  to  his  Majesty 
of  such  regulations  as  are  fit  to  be  made  in  the  Plantations. 
As  by  a  Copy  of  the  said  Commission  will  more  fully  appear. 
If  this  power  had  bin  always  vested  in  persons  of  knowl 
edge  and  Integrity,  to  whom  the  plantation  Affairs  were  well 
known  and  [who  were]  unanimous  in  the  design  of  pro 
moting  the  publick  service  only,  it  might  have  produced 
much  good.  But  there  having  bin  many  persons  at  severall 

124 


No.  48] 


Lords   of  Trade 


times  put  into  that  Commission  for  different  reasons  then 
[than]  their  ability  to  discharge  such  a  trust  (as  is  well 
known)  it  has  not  hitherto  produced  such  effects  as  might 
be  expected  from  it.  And  it  was  impossible  that  Board 
should  make  a  right  Judgment  of  wrongs,  oppressions,  and 
Male  administrations,  and  of  Acts,  sent  from  the  Plantations 
to  be  passed  into  Laws,  or  be  able  to  represent  what  regula 
tions  were  fit  to  be  made  in  the  Governments,  and  adminis 
tration  of  Justice,  unless  some  at  that  Board  had  a  perfect 
and  personal  knowledge  of  the  nature  of  the  Plantations, 
and  of  the  people,  as  likewise  of  their  different  Laws  and 
Constitutions. 

Many  instances  might  be  here  given  of  many  incredible 
things  done,  and  omitted  by  that  Board,  but  since  the  design 
of  this  is  not  to  reflect  on  past  miscarriages  but  to  prevent 
the  like  for  the  future,  and  since  there  is  now  reason  to 
expect  from  his  Majesty's  Wisdom,  and  the  Justice  and 
prudence  of  his  ministers  that  the  said  Councill  will  be  in  a 
short  time  better  filled,  two  instances  need  only  be  now 
mentioned. 

They  are  by  the  said  Commission  directed  to  examine  and 
look  into  the  usual  Instructions  given  to  Governors,  and  to 
see  if  anything  may  be  added,  omitted  or  changed  therein 
to  advantage.  As  likewise  to  consider  what  trades  are  taken 
up  and  exercised  in  the  Plantations  which  are  or  may  be 
prejudicial  to  England.  They  have  accordingly  had  the 
consideration  and  setling  of  all  such  Instructions,  in  which 
nevertheless  a  clause  has  bin  constantly  incerted  command 
ing  Governors  to  endeavour,  and  encourage  the  setting  of 
Workhouses  to  set  the  poor  at  work,  and  many  Manufactures 
are  made  in  the  Collonys  on  the  Continent  of  America,  which 
encrease  daily,  so  that  in  time  they  may  supply  our  Sugar 
Collonys,  as  well  as  themselves  with  things  that  make  a  great 
part  of  our  British  Trade,  to  our  great  prejudice,  and  con 
trary  to  the  Pollicy  of  all  other  Nations. 


"  Board  of 
Commission 
ers  for  Trade 
and  Planta 
tions,"  usu 
ally  called 
"Lords  of 
Trade." 


In  the  in 
structions  the 
liome  gov 
ernment  laid 
down  its 
colonial 
policy. 

The  English 
government 
applied  a 
policy  pro 
tective  to 
English 
manufactur 
ers. 


On  instruc 
tions,  see 
below, 
No.  51. 


126      Colonial  Government        [1765 

They  likewise  continue  the  aforesaid  Instructions  against 
Appeals,  and  have  bin  so  far  from  advising  a  change  thereof, 
that  about  thirteen  Years  since,  when  on  the  Petition  of  many 
Merchants,  and  Planters  about  it,  a  Committee  of  the  Privy 
Council  made  a  report  that  it  should  be  altered ;  the  then 
Board  of  Trade  made  an  Interest  to  have  it  referred  back  to 
them,  and  on  their  report  it  has  bin  continued. 

William  A.  Whitehead,  editor,  Documents  relating  to  the  Colonial 
History  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey  (Newark,  1882),  IV,  358-360. 


By  SAMUEL 
PURVIANCE, 
JR.,  of  Phila 
delphia,  in  a 
confidential 
letter  to 
Colonel 
Burd,  who 
was  in  the 
provincial 
service.    The 
letter  gives  a 
graphic  pic 
ture  of  the 
methods  of  a 
colonial  poli 
tician,  adroit 
in  elec 
tioneering 
tactics. 
Franklin  (see 
below,  No. 
51)  was 
regarded  as 
an  enemy  by 
the  faction  to 
which  Purvi- 
ance  and 
Burd  be 
longed,  be 
cause,  by  his 
resistance  to 
the  policy  of 
exempting 
the  proprie 
tary  estates 


49.    How  to  Manage  Elections  (1765) 


i 


WENT  lately  up  to  Bucks  Court,  in  order  to 
concert  measures  for  their  [i.e.  some  friends'] 
election,  in  pursuance  of  which  we  have  appointed  a  consider 
able  meeting  of  the  Germans,  Baptists  and  Presbyterians,  to 
be  held  next  Monday  at  Neshaminy,  where  some  of  us,  some 
Germans  and  Baptists  of  this  place,  have  appointed  to  attend, 
in  order  to  attempt  a  general  confederacy  of  the  three  socie 
ties  in  opposition  to  the  ruling  party.  We  have  sent  up  emis 
saries  among  the  Germans,  which  I  hope  will  bring  them  into 
this  measure,  and  if  it  can  be  affected,  will  give  us  a  great 
chance  for  carrying  matters  in  that  county.  Could  that  be 
carried,  it  would  infallibly  secure  our  friends  a  majority  in  the 
House,  and  consequently  enable  them  to  recal  our  dangerous 
enemy,  Franklin,  with  his  petitions,  which  is  the  great  object 
we  have  now  in  view,  and  which  should  engage  the  endeavors 
of  all  our  friends  at  the  approaching  election  to  make  a  spirited 
push  for  a  majority  in  the  Assembly,  without  which  all  our 
struggles  here  will  prove  of  little  service  to  the  public  interest. 
.  .  .  If  you  knew  thoroughly  the  methods  Mr.  Franklin  is 
taking  at  home  to  blacken  and  stigmatise  our  society,  you 


NO.  49] 


Elections 


127 


would  perhaps  judge  with  me  that  you  never  had  more  reason 
to  exert  yourselves  in  order  to  overset  him,  which  we  can  only 
do  by  commanding  a  majority  in  the  Assembly.  I  have  seen 
a  letter  lately  from  a  person  of  character,  that  advises  [us  of] 
his  wicked  designs  against  us.  The  little  hopes  of  success, 
as  well  as  the  difficulty  of  engaging  proper  persons  for  the 

.         j.  ,  c  .  . 

purpose,  has  discouraged  me  from  attempting  a  project  rec- 
ommended  by  some  friends,  of  sending  up  some  Germans 
to  work  upon  their  countrymen.  But  that  no  probable 
means  may  fail,  [I]  have  sent  up  some  copies  of  a  piece 
lately  printed  by  Sowers,  of  Germantown,  to  be  dispersed, 
and  which  may  possibly  have  some  effect.  ... 

As  I  understand  the  Mennonists  have  certainly  resolved 
to  turn  out  Isaac  Saunders  this  year,  though  the  only  good 
member  your  county  has,  I  would  beg  leave  to  offer  to  you 

-,       i         f  -       -,      i      r  11  i  i  i  111 

and  other  friends  the  following  scheme,  as  the  only  probable 

chance,  I  think,  you  have  to  carry  the  election  and  keep  Mr. 
Saunders.  If  the  scheme  is  properly  executed,  and  can 
be  conducted  without  danger  of  a  riot,  I  think  you  could 
infallibly  carry  your  ticket  by  it. 

Don't  attempt  to  change  any  of  your  members  save  Webb, 
If  you  can  run  Dr.  Kuhn,  or  any  other  popular  German,  and 
can  keep  Mr.  Saunders,  you  will  do  great  things.  As  soon 
as  your  ticket  is  agreed  on,  let  it  be  spread  through  the 
country,  that  your  party  intend  to  come  well  armed  to  the 
election,  and  that  you  intend,  if  there's  the  least  partiality  in 
either  sheriff,  inspectors,  or  managers  of  the  election,  that 
you  will  thrash  the  sheriff,  every  inspector,  Quaker  and 
Mennonist  to  a  jelly  ;  and  further,  I  would  report  it,  that 
not  a  Mennonist  nor  German  should  be  admitted  to  give 
in  a  ticket  without  being  sworn  that  he  is  naturalized  and 
worth  -£50,  and  that  he  has  not  voted  already  ;  and  further, 

'*oj    '  ... 

that  if  you  discovered  any  person  attempting  to  give  in  a 
vote  without  being  naturalized,  or  voting  twice,  you  would 
that  moment  deliver  him  up  to  the  mob  to  chastise  him. 


from  taxa- 


hostility  of 
tor.—  For 


nia,  see  Cpn- 

temporaries. 

n,  NOS.  31, 


government, 


Part  in, 
"  Bucks 

C00uunrty  seat 
°f  Bucks 

Franklin  was 
agent  in 


and  other 
c 


above, 


Riots  were 


times.  —  See 

Contempora- 

ries,  n, 
No-3°- 


128      Colonial   Government        [1748 


Let  this  report  be  industriously  spread  before  the  election, 
which  will  certainly  keep  great  numbers  of  the  Mennonists 
at  home.  I  would  at  the  same  time  have  all  our  friends 
warned  to  put  on  a  bold  face,  to  be  every  man  provided  with 
a  good  shillelah  [cudgel],  as  if  determined  to  put  their 
threats  in  execution,  though  at  the  same  time  let  them  be 
solemnly  charged  to  keep  the  greatest  order  and  peace. 
Let  our  friends  choose  about  two  dozen  of  the  most  repu 
table  men,  magistrates,  &c.,  who  shall  attend  the  inspectors, 
sheriff  and  clerks  during  the  whole  election,  to  mount  guard 
half  at  a  time,  and  relieve  one  another  in  spells,  to  prevent 
all  cheating  and  administer  the  oath  to  every  suspicious 
person,  and  to  commit  to  immediate  punishment  every  one 
who  offers  to  vote  twice.  I'll  engage,  if  you  conduct  the 
election  in  that  manner,  and  our  people  turn  out  with  spirit, 
you  can't  fail  of  carrying  every  man  on  your  ticket,  as  I  am 
well  assured  not  a  third  of  the  Mennonists  are  naturalized. 
I  would  submit  this  to  your  consideration.  If  it's  well 
thought  of,  take  your  measures  immediately.  I  beg  no 
mention  may  be  made  of  the  author  of  this.  I  see  no  danger 
in  the  scheme  but  that  of  a  riot,  which  would  require  great 
prudence  to  avoid. 

[Thomas  Balch,  editor,]  Letters  and  Papers  relating  chiefly  to  the 
Provincial  History  of  Pennsylvania  (Philadelphia,  1855),  209- 
212  passim. 


By  PROFES 
SOR  PETER 
KALM.  — 
For  Kalm, 
see  above, 
No.  38.— 
Disputes  be 
tween  the 
governors 
and  assem 
blies,  alluded 
to  in  the 


50- 


The  Governor  and  Assembly  in  New 
York  (1748) 


AN  assembly  of  deputies  from  all  the  particular  districts 
of  the  province  of  New  York,  is  held  at  New  York 
once  or  twice  every  year.     It  may  be  looked  upon  as  a  par 
liament  or  dyet  [diet]  in  miniature.     Every  thing  relating 


NO.  5o]  Assemblies  129 

to  the  good  of  the  province  is  here  debated.     The  governor  piece,  were 

calls  the  assembly,  and  dissolves  it  at  pleasure  :    this  is  a  afnT^eYe"} 

power  which  he  ought  only  to  make  use  of,  either  when  no  colony;  and 

J  the  control 

farther  debates  are  necessary,  or  when  the  members  are  not  ofthegov- 

so  unanimous  in  the  service  of  their  king  and  country  as  is  ^"5°^  im-  ry 

their  duty  :   it  frequently  however  happens,  that,  led  aside  portant 

by  caprice  or  by  interested  views,  he  exerts  it  to  the  preju-  ^ThandTof 

dice   of  the  province.     The  colony  has  sometimes  had  a  the  repre- 

%        .  sentatives  of 

governor,  whose  quarrels  with  the  inhabitants,  have  induced  the  people.— 

their   representatives,    or   the    members   of    the    assembly,  governors** 

through  a  spirit  of  revenge,  to  oppose  indifferently  every  and  assem- 
thing  he  proposed,  whether  it  was  beneficial  to  the  country 


or  not.     In  such  cases  the  governor  has  made  use  of  his  ™s>  *•        8 
power  ;    dissolving  the  assembly,  and  calling  another  soon   102,  104,  106, 
after,  which  however  he  again  dissolved  upon  the  least  mark   \^2'  ***'  ^6,' 
of  their  ill  humour.     By  this  means  he  so  much  tired  them,    144;.  u.  chs. 
by  the  many  expences  which  they  were  forced  to  bear  in  so 
short  a  time,  that  they  were  at  last  glad  to  unite  with  him, 
in  his  endeavours  for  the  good  of  the  province.     But  there 
have  likewise  been  governors  who  have  called  assemblies 
and  dissolved  them  soon  after,  merely  because  the  represen 
tatives  did  not  act  according  to  their  whims,  or  would  not 
give  their  assent  to  proposals  which  were  perhaps  dangerous 
or  hurtful  to  the  common  welfare. 

THE  king  appoints  the  governor  according  to  his  royal 
pleasure  ;  but  the  inhabitants  of  the  province  make  up  his 
excellency's  salary.  Therefore  a  man  entrusted  with  this 
place  has  greater  or  lesser  revenues,  according  as  he  knows 
how  to  gain  the  confidence  of  the  inhabitants.  There  are 
examples  of  governors  in  this,  and  other  provinces  of  North 
America,  who  by  their  dissensions  with  the  inhabitants  of 
their  respective  governments,  have  lost  their  whole  salary, 
his  Majesty  having  no  power  to  make  them  [the  inhabitants] 
pay  it.  If  a  governor  had  no  other  resource  in  these  cir 
cumstances,  he  would  be  obliged  either  to  resign  his  office, 


130      Colonial    Government        [1746 


This  was 
practically 
a  license 
system. 


Examples  of 
colonial  laws 
are  in  No.  35, 
above,  and 
American 
History 
Studies, 
No.  i. 


or  to  be  content  with  an  income  too  small  for  his  dignity ; 
or  else  to  conform  himself  in  every  thing  to  the  inclinations 
of  the  inhabitants :  but  there  are  several  stated  profits, 
which  in  some  measure  make  up  for  this.  i.  No  one  is 
allowed  to  keep  a  public  house  without  the  governor's  leave  ; 
which  is  only  to  be  obtained  by  the  payment  of  a  certain 
fee,  according  to  the  circumstances  of  the  person.  Some 
governors  therefore,  when  the  inhabitants  refused  to  pay 
them  a  salary,  have  hit  upon  the  expedient  of  doubling  the 
number  of  inns  in  their  province.  2.  Few  people  who 
intend  to  be  married,  unless  they  be  very  poor,  will  have 
their  banns  published  from  the  pulpit ;  but  instead  of  this 
they  get  licences  from  the  governor,  which  impower  any 
minister  to  marry  them.  Now  for  such  a  licence  the  gov 
ernor  receives  about  half  a  guinea,  and  this  collected 
throughout  the  whole  province,  amounts  to  a  considerable 
sum.  3.  The  governor  signs  all  passports,  and  especially 
of  such  as  go  to  sea ;  and  this  gives  him  another  means  of 
supplying  his  expences.  There  are  several  other  advan 
tages  allowed  to  him,  but  as  they  are  very  trifling,  I  shall 
omit  them. 

AT  the  above  assembly  the  old  laws  are  reviewed  and 
amended,  and  new  ones  are  made  :  and  the  regulation  and 
circulation  of  coin,  together  with  all  other  affairs  of  that 
kind  are  there  determined.  For  it  is  to  be  observed  that 
each  English  colony  in  North  America  is  independent  of 
the  other,  and  that  each  has  its  proper  laws  and  coin,  and 
may  be  looked  upon  in  several  lights,  as  a  state  by  itself. 
From  hence  it  happens,  that  in  time  of  war,  things  go  on 
very  slowly  and  irregularly  here  :  for  ...  the  sense  of 
one  province  is  sometimes  directly  opposite  to  that  of 
another  . 


Peter  Kalm,  Travels  into  North  America  (translated  by  John 
Reinhold  Forster,  Warrington,  1770),  I,  259-262  passim. 


NO.  5i]  Instructions  131 

51.    Objections   to   Governing  of   Colonies 
by   Instructions   (1772) 

philosopher 
-  -  -TT~,  .  -       ,       .       ,  •        i         i  and  states- 

^HE  governing  of  colonies  by  instruction  has  long  been   man>  noted 
a  favorite  point  with  ministers  here.      About  thirty  for  his  earnest 

J     and  fruitful 

years  since,  in  a  bill  brought  into  Parliament  relating  to  endeavors  in 
America,  they  inserted  a  clause  to  make  the  King's  instruc-  American°f 

tions  laws  in  the  colonies,  which,  being  opposed  by  the  then   indepen 

dence.    In 
agents,  was  thrown  out.     And  I  well  remember  a  conversa-    i772  he  was 

tion  with  Lord  Granville,  soon  after  my  arrival  here,  in  which  fj^fo?  Eng" 
he  expressed  himself  on  that  subject  in  the  following  terms,  several  of  the 
"  Your  American  Assemblies  slight  the  King's  instructions,  The'wctract 

pretending  that  they  are  not  laws.     The  instructions  sent   is  from  a  pri 

vate  letter  to 
over  to  your  governors  are  not  like  the  pocket  instructions  james  Bow- 

given  to  ambassadors,  to  be  observed  at  their  discretion,  as  sadmsette35" 
circumstances  may  require.     They  are  drawn  up  by  grave   The  "in- 
men,  learned  in  the  laws  and  constitutions  of  the  realm;   issued0pri- 


they  are  brought  into  Council,  thoroughly  weighed,  well  con- 

sidered,  and  amended  if  necessary,  by  the  wisdom  of  that  governor  for 

body  ;  and,  when  received  by  the  governors,  they  are  the 


laws  of  the  land:    for   the  King   is   the  legislator  of  the  sometimes 

,      .      „  conflicted 

colonies."  with  the 


I  remember  this  the  better,  because,  being  a  new  doc- 

trine  to  me,  I  put  it  down  as  soon  as  I  returned  to  my  lodg-  the  colonies; 

ings.     To  be  sure,  if  a  governor  thinks  himself  obliged  to  attempt  to 

obey  all  instructions,  whether  consistent  or  inconsistent  with  make  them  a 

the  constitution,  laws,  and  rights  of  the  country  he  governs,  ernment  was 

and  can  proceed  to  govern  in  that  train,  there  is  an  end  of  °JJ®  °  *£*_ 

the  constitution,  and  those  rights  are  abolished.    But  I  won-  tested  points 

der,  that  any  honest  gentleman  can  think  there  is  honor  in  Revolution- 

being  a  governor  on  such  terms.     And  I  think  the  practice  ary  period.— 

•11  .   11       -r  j        •  V         •   •  For  Franklin, 

cannot  possibly  continue,  especially  if  opposed  with  spirit  see  Old  South 


by  our  Assemblies.     At  present  no  attention  is  paid  by  the 
American  ministers  to  any  agent  here,  whose  appointment  ican  History 


Leaflets,  No. 
14 ;    Contem 
poraries,  II, 
Nos.  68,  81, 
94,  133,  143, 
199,  217.  — 
For  instruc 
tions,  see 
above,  No. 
48 ;  Contem 
poraries,  II, 
Nos.  53,  55. 


132     Colonial    Government         [1729 

is  not  ratified  by  the  governor's  assent ;  and,  if  this  is 
persisted  in,  you  can  have  none  to  serve  you  in  a  public 
character,  that  do  not  render  themselves  agreeable  to  these 
ministers,  and  those  otherwise  appointed  can  only  promote 
your  interests  by  conversation,  as  private  gentlemen  or  by 
writing. 

Benjamin  Franklin,    Works   (edited  by  Jared  Sparks,  Boston, 

1838),  vii,  549-55°- 


From  the 
BOSTON 
TOWN  REC 
ORDS.    This 
extract  will 
serve  to  indi 
cate  the 
manifold 
functions  of 
that  impor 
tant  unit  of 
New  Eng 
land  life,  the 
town-meet 
ing,  and  also 
to  show  the 
interest  and 
value  of  local 
records  as 
historical 
material.  — 
For  colonial 
local  gov 
ernment,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  II,  ch. 
xi ;  for  re 
ports  of  town- 
meetings, 
Contempora 
ries,  I,  Nos. 
98,  165;   II, 
Nos.  78, 140. 

Town-meet 
ings  hadtobe 
summoned 
by  warrant, 


52.    A  Colonial  Town-Meeting  (1729) 

AT  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  &  Other  Inhabitants  of 
the  Town  of  Boston  Duly  Qualified  being  Regulerly 
Assembled  in  a  Publick  Town  meeting  at  the  Town  House 
Tuesday  May  the  6th  1729  — 

After   Prayer   by  the    Revd    mr   Thomas   Prince    Elisha 
Cooke  Esqr  Chose  Moderator  for  this  Meeting 

Sundry  Petitions  Read  Viz* 

About  a  place  for  the  Grainery 

About  mr  Peleg  Wiswalls  Sallary 

About  mr  Edward  Mills  Sallary 

mr  Sam11  Oakes  Petition 

mr  Jera  [Jeremiah]  Condys  Petition 

The  Selectmens  Report  of  Sundry  things  left  to  them 

Voted  to  Chuse  4  Representatives 

The  Number  of  Voters  were  -   -    192 


Elisha  Cooke  Esqr 
mr  Thomas  Gushing  - 
mr  Ezek11  Lewis  - 
mr  Sam11  Welles  - 


•votes. 

188 
190 
190 
184 


Chose   Representatives 


NO.  52]  Town-Meeting  133 

Voted  To  Chuse  a  Comittee  to  Prepare  Instructions  for  stating  the 
the  Representatives  for  their  Acting  at  the  General  Court 
at  their  Approching  Session,  And  to  Lay  them  befor  the 
Meeting  in  the  Afternoon  — 

Voted  :    That  John  Alford  Esqr  mesrs  Henry  Bering  & 
Nath11  Cunnigham  be  the  Said  Committee  — 

On  the  Petition  of  Sundry  Inhabitants  about  the  Situatian 
of  the  Grainery 

Voted  That  mr  Moderator  &  the  Selectmen  be  Joyned  with   Holding  of 
the  Comittee  appointed  for  Building  the  Grainery,  Be  desired 


to  View  the  Place,  And  make  Return  of  their  Opinion  thereof  as  a  duty 
to  the  Meeting  after  Dinner  this  Day  —  privilege,  and 

service  was 

mr  John  Jeffers  Excus'd  )  _,,  obligatory 

m'  Thomas  Moffat      Excus'd  I  Chosen  Assessors-  «0tPe*CU5e 

could  be 

Edward  Maycomb  -  Sworn  ^  offered. 

John  Spooner     -    -  Sworn  >  Clerks  of  the  Market. 
Nathan11  Cobbit      -  Sworn  ) 

Post  Meridiem. 

Voted  That  the  Grainery  be  Erected  and  Set  up  Rainging 
with  the  Line  of  the  Burying  place  on  the  Comon  fronting 
Eastward,  The  Said  Building  to  be  not  Less  then  [than] 
forty  feet  distant  from  the  Sout[h]  Comer  of  the  Brick  wall 
of  the  Burying  place  — 

mr  James  Pemberton  -  Pay  )   .  Pay  =  paid 

_  J,  ,,,  of  Assessors.  his  fine  for 

mr  James  Watson   -  Sworn  )  refusing  to 


serve. 


In  as  much  as  the  Gramer  School  at  the  North  End  of  A  "  gramer 
the  Town  of  which  mr  Peleg  Wiswall  is  the  Master  is  much  fgjjf  was 
Increaced  in  the  Number  of  the  Schollers,  and  that  no  Usher  school, 
is  alowed  to  assist  him  in  his  School : 

Voted  That  there  be  an  Additian  of  Forty  Pounds  to  the 
Said  mr  Wiswalls  Salary  — 

Sam11  Oakes  Petition  Read  &  Dismist  — 


134     Colonial   Government         [1729 


Crooked. 


Writing 
schools  were 
lower 
schools. 
The  New 
England 
school  com 
mittees 
sprang  out  of 
these  special 
visiting  com 
mittees. 


In  Answar  to  mr  Edward  Mills  His  Petitian. 

Voted  That  there  be  an  Addition  of  Twenty  Pounds  to 
the  Said  mr  Edward  Mills  Sallary- 

Upon  A  Motion  made  by  Elisha  Cook  Esqr  That  the  Divid 
ing  Line  between  the  Towns  Land  in  the  Occupation  of 
mr  Nathan11  Williams  and  His  Land  on  the  East  Side  in 
School  Street  is  for  want  of  due  Care  become  Crucked, 
intrenching  both  upon  the  One  and  the  Others  Land,  That 
therfore  they  would. Direct  and  Imp[o]wer  the  Selectmen 
to  Rectifie  that  line  as  to  them  Seems  Just  and  Equitable  — 
And  Further  That  they  would  be  pleased  to  Accomodate 
him  with  about  two  feet  of  the  Front  of  his  Land  next 
mr  Williams  on  Such  Terms  as  the  Selectmen  Shall  Agree  for 
with  the  Said  mr  Cooke  — 

Read  and  Voted  That  it  be  left  with  the  Selectmen  to  Act 
therein  as  they  Judge  Meet  — 

On  the  Petition  of  mr  Jeram  Condy  for  Addition  to  his 
Salary 

Voted  that  the  Consideration  of  Said  Petition  be  Referred 
for  further  Consideration  to  the  Next  Town  Meeting,  and 
That  in  the  mean  time  Nathan11  Green  John  Alford  Esq™  & 
mr  Thomas  Gushing  Junr  are  desired  to  Inspect  the  Several 
Wrighting  Schools  within  this  Town  at  Such  time  as  they 
Shall  think  Advisable  for  the  year  Currant,  And  that  they  do 
in  an  Espesial  Maner  Vizit  mr  Condys  School  and  Report  to 
the  Town  at  their  Meeting  the  Ability  and  Industry  of  the 
Said  mr  Condy  and  the  Proficiency  of  the  Schollers  under 
His  Tuition  — 

The  Comittee  this  day  chosen  &  Appointed  to  Prepare 
Instructions  for  the  Representatives,  for  their  Acting  at  the 
General  Court  at  their  Approching  Session  And  to  Lay 
[them]  before  the  Meeting  in  the  afternoon  —  Return  as 
Follows:  Viz* 

To  Elisha  Cooke  Esqr  Mess"  Thomas  Gushing,  Ezekiel 
Lewis  &  Samuel  Welles  :  — 


NO.  52]  Town-Meeting  135 

Gentlemen  — 

Your  known  Loyalty  to  His  Present  Majesty  King  George,   such  instruo 
and  Sincear  Atachment  to  the  Successian  in  the  Illustrious   tions  were  a 
House  of  Hannover,  Your  Hearty  Love  to  this  Your  native   tion  of  town- 
Country,  Your  Singuler  Value  for  the  Liberty  &  Propperty   meetinss- 
of  this  People,  your  Chearfull  and  Una[ni]mous  Concurrance 
to  promote  our  Best  Intrist,  And  your  Approved  Integrity   interest, 
in  those  Publick  Stations  wherein  you  haue  bin  Employed, 
Haue  fixed  the  Eyes  of  this  Town  on  and  Determined  their 
Choice  of  you  as  Propper  Persons  to  Represent  them  in  the 
Next   General   Assembly   Wherin    they   Expect   That    you 
behaue  your  Selves  with  your  Wonted  Zeal  and  Courage  in 
Prossecuting  those  good  Designes  which  may  tend  to  the 
Peace  &  wellfair  of  these  His  Majestys  Good  Subjects,  and 
Secure  those  Rights  and    Priviledges  which  by  the  Royal 
Charter  we  haue  a  Just  claim  to,  and  as  Englishmen  do  of 
Right  appertain  to  us,  And  agreable  there  unto  we  Recomend 
unto  you  in  an  Especial  Manner  — 

That  you  Endeavor  to   Maintain  all  our  Civil  Rights  & 
Propertys  against  any  Incrochments  upon  them 

That  you  Continue  to  Pay  a  due  Regard  to  His  Excellency 
Our  Governor,  and  that  you  Endeavor  that  He  may  have  an 
Honourable  Support,  But  we  desire  at  the  Same  time  That 
you  use  your  utmost  Endeavor  That  the  Honourable  House  Compare 
of  Representatives  may  not  be  by  any  means  Prevailed  upon 
or  brought  into  the  Fixing  a  Certain  Sallary  for  any  Certain 
time,  But  that  they  may  Improve  their  usual  freedom  in 
granting  their  Money  from  time  to  time,  as  they  Shall  Judg 
the  Province  to  be  able,  and  in  Such  a  manner  as  they  Shall 
think  most  for  the  Benefit  and  advantage  thereof,  And  if 
your  Pay  Should  be  diverted  you  may  Depend  on  all  the 
Justice  Imaginable  from  this  Town  whom  you  Represent :  — 

JOHN  ALFORD 

HENRY  DERING  ^  Comittee 

NATH"  CUNESTGHAM 


136     Colonial   Government         [1729 

The  Foregoing  Return  of  the  Comitte  was  Presended[-ted] 
Read  Sundry  times  and 

Voted  Approved. 

The  Report  of  the  Selectmen  upon  Several  Votes  of  the 
Town  at  their  Meeting  the  ioth  of  March  1728  :  were  Read 
&  Considred  Viz* 

The  Selectmen  haue  Viewed  the  Marsh  at  the  Bottom  of 
the  Comon,  ancj  not  finding  any  Material  use  that  can  be 
made  of  it  at  the  present,  and  Considering  the  Present  Cir- 
comstances  of  the  Town  Are  of  Opinion  it  is  best  to  ly  in 
the  Condition  it  now  is. 

Read  and  the  Report  Accepted —  .  .  . 

As  to  the  Proposals  About  Bennet  Street  —  It  is  thought 
Convenient  to  be  Paved  if  the  Town  thinke  it  Convenient 
to  Raise  Money  for  the  Doing  it  at  this  Meeting. 

Read,  and  Refer'd  for  further  Consideration  to  the  Next 
March  Meeting  .... 

As  to  the  Repair  of  the  Wharf  at  the  North  Battery  — 

It  is  thought  Convenient  —  That  mr  Sam11  Clark  be  Ordered 
to  Clear  the  Wharf  And  that  the  Town  let  it  to  Some  Person 
that  may  Offer  to  Repair  it  And  keep  it  in  Repair  for  A  term 
of  years  as  the  Selectmen  Shall  think  Advisable 

Read  and  Voted  to  be  left  with  the  Selectmen  —  ... 

Voted  That  a  Surveyed  Plan  be  taken  by  Some  Skillfull 
Surveyor  or  Survey[o]rs  of  the  Lands  of  this  Town  belonging 
to  the  Town.  In  Order  for  the  Same  to  be  putt  upon  the 
Towns  Records,  to  Prevent  Incroachments  on  the  Towns 
Int[e]rest. 

The  Selectmen  to  take  Care  that  this  work  be  effected  — 

Voted  That  the  Sum  of  Three  Hundred  Pounds  be  Raised 
on  the  Inhabitants  and  Estates  within  this  Town  for  Defray 
ing  the  Towns  Charge  and  more  Espetialy  Paving  — 

Boston  Record  Commissioners,  Report,  1729^1742  (Boston,,! 885), 
6-9  passim. 


CHAPTER   IX  — THE    REVOLUTION 


53.    The  Boston  Tea- Party   (1773) 

FINE  moderat  Weather  continued,  till  this  morning 
[Dec.  19,  1773]  som  snow  &  cold  &  raw  with  frost. 
Note.  The  body  of  the  people  of  Boston  and  numbers 
from  the  neighbouring  Towns  have  lately  mett  at  the  Old 
South  Meeting  house  (Faneuil  Hall,  not  being  so  large  as 
to  contain  the  people)  Supos'd  to  be  from  5  to  6,000,  and 
having  Several  meetings,  conserning  a  Large  quantity  of  Tea 
shipt'd  from  London  by  the  East  India  Company  Subject  to 
a  Duty  payable  in  America.  This  meeting  was  adjourned 
to  the  P.  m.  and  after  finding  all  methods  failed,  with  those 
men  to  whom  the  Tea  was  consigned,  to  send  it  back  from 
whence  it  came,  dissolved  their  meeting.  But  Behold  what 
followed.  A  number  of  Resolute  men  in  less  than  3,  some 
say  2  hours  time,  Em[p]tied  Every  Chest  of  Tea,  on  Board 
the  3  Ships  Commanded  by  Captains  Hall,  Bruce  &  Coffin, 
into  the  Sea,  amounting  to  342  Chests  without  the  least 
damage  to  the  Ships,  or  other  property.  This  Tea  was 
worth  'tis  said  at  least  25,000.  £  sterling,  as  a  great  deal  of 
it  was  green  Tea.  It  was  all  distroyed,  with  as  little  noise 
as  perhaps  anything  of  the  like  nature  was  ever  don  in  the 
Evening  and  all  over  &  quiet  by  8  O'Clock 

William  Tudor,  editor,  Deacon  Tudor^s  Diary  (Boston,  1896), 
44-45- 


By  DEACON 
JOHN 
TUDOR 
(about 
1709-1795), 
a  Boston 
merchant, 
whose  diary 
comprises 
memoranda 
covering  the 
years  1732- 
1793.    His 
notes  are 
especially 
valuable, 
since  many 
of  the  im 
portant 
events  of  the 
period  were 
either  wit 
nessed  or 
participated 
in  by  the 
deacon  oft 
his  son. — 
For  Tudor, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  II, 
No.  151. — 
For  the  Bos 
ton  Tea- 
Party,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  II,  ch. 
xxiv.  —  For 
causes  of  the 
Revolution, 
see  Am.  Hist. 
Studies,  No. 
4 ;   Contem 


poraries,  II,  Part  VI.    The  "Tea-Party"  took  place  December  16;  the  real  issue  was 
whether  a  tax  should  be  collected  by  English  authority  in  America. 

137 


138 


Revolution 


[1775 


By 

REVEREND 
JOHN 
WITHKR- 

SPOON, 

(1722-1794), 

president  of 
Princeton 
College, 
member  of 
the  Conti 
nental  Con 
gress,  of  the 
Board  of 
War,  and 
signer  of  the 
Declaration 
of  Inde 
pendence. 
From  his 
arrival  in  the 
country  in 
1768  he  was 
one  of  the 
most  tireless 
workers  in 
the  Ameri 
can  cause, 
and  he  was 
very  useful 
in  bringing 
over  many 
Scotch  Irish 
and  Scotch 
to  his  side. 
The  piece  is 
a  good  ex 
ample  of  the 
more  moder 
ate  patriotic 
arguments. — 
For  causes 
of  the  Revo 
lution,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  II,  Part 
VI. 


By  the 
Boston  Port 
Bill  of  1774. 


54.    "Conduct  of  the  British  Ministry" 
(-775) 


E 


VERY  one  knows  that  when  the  claims  of  the 
British  Parliament  were  openly  made,  and 
violently  enforced,  the  most  precise  and  determined  resolu 
tions  were  entered  into,  and  published  by  every  colony, 
every  county,  and  almost  every  township  or  smaller  district, 
that  they  would  not  submit  to  them.  This  was  clearly  ex 
pressed  in  the  greatest  part  of  them,  and  ought  to  be  under 
stood  as  the  implied  sense  of  them  all,  not  only  that  they 
would  not  soon  or  easily,  but  that  they  would  never  on  any 
event,  submit  to  them.  For  my  own  part,  I  confess,  I  would 
never  have  signed  these  resolves  at  first,  nor  taken  up  arms 
in  consequence  of  them  afterwards,  if  I  had  not  been  fully 
convinced,  as  I  am  still,  that  acquiescence  in  this  usurped 
power,  would  be  followed  by  the  total  and  absolute  ruin  of 
the  colonies.  They  would  have  been  no  better  than  tribu 
tary  states  to  a  kingdom  at  a  great  distance  from  them. 
They  would  have  been  therefore,  as  has  been  the  case  with 
all  states  in  a  similar  situation  from  the  beginning  of  the 
world,  the  servants  of  servants  from  generation  to  genera 
tion.  For  this  reason  I  declare  it  to  have  been  my  mean 
ing,  and  I  know  it  was  the  meaning  of  thousands  more,  that 
though  we  earnestly  wished  for  reconciliation  with  safety  to 
our  liberties,  yet  we  did  deliberately  prefer,  not  only  the 
horrors  of  a  civil  war,  not  only  the  danger  of  anarchy,  and 
the  uncertainty  of  a  new  settlement,  but  even  extermination 
itself  to  slavery,  rivetted  on  us  and  our  posterity.  , 

The  most  peaceable  means  were  first  used ;  'but  no  relax 
ation  could  be  obtained  :  one  arbitrary  and  oppressive  act 
followed  after  another;  they  destroyed  the  property  of  a 
whole  capital  —  subverted  to  its  very  foundation,  the  consti 
tution  and  government  of  a  whole  colony,  and  granted  the 


NO.  54]     Charges  against  England    139 

soldiers  a  liberty  of  murdering  in  all  the  colonies.  I  express 
it  thus,  because  they  were  not  to  be  called  to  account  for 
it  where  it  was  committed,  which  every  body  must  allow  was 

,          j      ,  ,     ,,  .  c 

a  temporary,  and  undoubtedly  in  ninety-nine  cases  of  an 
hundred  must  have  issued  in  a  total  impunity.  There  is  one 
circumstance  however  in  my  opinion,  much  more  curious 
than  all  the  rest.  The  reader  will  say,  What  can  this  be? 
It  is  the  following,  which  I  beg  may  be  particularly  attended 
to  :  —  While  all  this  was  a  doing,  the  King  in  his  speeches, 
the  Parliament  in  their  acts,  and  the  people  of  Great  Britain 
in  their  addresses,  never  failed  te  [to]  extol  their  own  lenity. 
I  do  not  infer  from  this,  that  the  King,  Parliament  and 
people  of  Great  Britain  are  all  barbarians  and  savages  — 
the  inference  is  unnecessary  and  unjust  :  But  I  infer  the 
misery  of  the  people  of  America,  if  they  must  submit  in  all 
cases  whatsoever,  to  the  decisions  of  a'  body  of  the  sons  of 
Adam,  so  distant  from  them,  'and  who  have  an  interest  in 
oppressing  them.  It  has  been  my  opinion  from  the  begin 
ning,  that  we  did  not  carry  our  reasoning  fully  home,  when 
we  complained  of  an  arbitrary  prince,  or  of  the  insolence, 
cruelty  and  obstinacy  of  Lord  North,  Lord  Bute,  or  Lord 
Mansfield.  What  we  have  to  fear,  and  what  we  have  now 

to  grapple  with,  is  the  ignorance,  prejudice,  partiality  and 
...  r  ,  ,  ,  .  ,  ,  .  .  .  .  . 

injustice  of  human  nature.     Neither  king  nor  ministry,  could 

have  done,  nor  durst  have  attempted  what  we  have  seen, 
if  they  had  not  had  the  nation  on  their  side.  The  friends 
of  America  in  England  are  few  in  number,  and  contemptible 
in  influence  ;  nor  must  I  omit,  that  even  of  these  few,  not 
one,  till  very  lately,  ever  reasoned  the  American  cause  upon 
its  proper  principles,  or  viewed  it  in  its  proper  light. 

Petitions  on  petitions  have  been  presented  to  king  and 
Parliament,  and  an  address  sent  to  the  people  of  Great 
Britain,  which  have  been  not  merely  fruitless,  but  treated 
with  the  highest  degree  of  disdain.  The  conduct  of  the 
British  ministry  during  the  whole  of  this  contest,  as  has  been 


This  was  a 


criticism  of 

an  act  trans- 

ferring  trials 

°aceerttaiE 
land. 


Parliament 


came  prime 
minister. 


By  the  First 


1774  and  the 

tinentai  Con- 
sress>  J775- 


140 


Revolution 


[1775 


This  policy 
was  recom 
mended  by 
Governor 
Tryon,  Octo 
ber  27,  1775. 


often  observed,  has  been  such,  as  to  irritate  the  whole  people 
of  this  continent  to  the  highest  degree,  and  unite  them  to 
gether  by  the  firm  bond  of  necessity  and  common  interest. 
In  this  respect  they  have  served  us  in  the  most  essential 
manner.  I  am  firmly  persuaded,  that  had  the  wisest  heads 
in  America  met  together  to  contrive  what  measures  the  min 
istry  should  follow  to  strengthen  the  American  opposition 
and  defeat  their  own  designs,  they  could  not  have  fallen 
upon  a  plan  so  effectual,  as  that  which  has  been  steadily 
pursued.  One  instance  I  cannot  help  mentioning,  because 
it  was  both  of  more  importance,  and  less  to  be  expected  than 
any  other.  When  a  majority  of  the  New- York  Assembly,  to 
their  eternal  infamy,  attempted  to  break  the  union  of  the 
colonies,  by  refusing  to  approve  the  proceedings  of  the 
Congress,  and  applying  to  Parliament  by  separate  petition 
—  because  they  presumed  to  make  mention  of  the  principal 
grievance  of  taxation,  it  was  treated  with  ineffable  contempt. 
I  desire  it  may  be  observed,  that  all  those  who  are  called 
the  friends  of  America  in  Parliament,  pleaded  strongly  for 
receiving  the  New- York  petition ;  which  plainly  shewed, 
that  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  understood  the  state  of 
affairs  in  America.  Had  the  ministry  been  prudent,  or  the 
opposition  successful,  we  had  been  ruined;  but  with  what 
transport  did  every  friend  to  American  liberty  hear,  that 
these  traitors  to  the  common  cause,  had  met  with  the  recep 
tion  which  they  deserved. 

Nothing  is  more  manifest,  than  that  the  people  of  Great- 
Britain,  and  even  the  king  and  ministry,  have  been  hitherto 
exceedingly  ignorant  of  the  state  of  things  in  America.  For 
this  reason,  their  measures  have  been  ridiculous  in  the  high 
est  degree,  and  the  issue  disgraceful.  .  .  . 


John  Witherspoon,  On  the  Controversy  about  Independence,  in 
his  Miscellaneous  Works  (Philadelphia,  1803),  205-208. 


NO.  55]    Charges  against  America    141 

By 

55.    Undeniable  Supremacy  of  Parliament 


/  \ 

(1775) 


BURNABY 


T 


a  clergy 
man  of  the 


HE  present  unhappy  differences  subsisting  among  us,   Church  of 
with  regard  to  America,  will,  I  am  sensible,  expose   travelled  fa0 


the  publication  of  this  account  to  much  censure  and  criti-  - 

cism  ;  but  I  can  truly  aver,  that  I  have  been  led  to  it,  by  no  He  carefully 

party  motive  whatsoever.      My   first  attachment,   as   it   is  anfmfted 

natural,  is  to  my  native  country  ;  my  next  is  to  America  ;  not  on'y  the 
and  such  is  my  affection  for  both,  that  I  hope  nothing  will 
ever  happen  to  dissolve  that  union,  which  is  so  necessary  to 

their  common  happiness.    Let  every  Englishman  and  Ameri-  pect  of  the 

can,  but  for  a  moment  or  two,  substitude[-te]  themselves  in  aScTpoiiti 

each  other's  place,  and,  I  think,  a  mode  of  reconciliation  will  and  social 

i          re     ,  T-  •  -11     ,  movements 

soon  take  effect.  —  Every  American  will  then  perceive  the  and  tenden- 
reasonableness,  of  acknowledging  the  supremacy  of  the  Brit-  ^Sactls* 
ish  legislature  ;  and  every  Englishman  perhaps,  the  hardship   selected  as  a 
of  being  taxed  where  there  is  no  representation,  or  assent.      statement  of 
There  is  scarcely  any  such  thing,  I  believe,  as  a  perfect  s^e^nh? 
government,  and   solecisms  are   to  be  found  in  all.      The   controversy. 
present  disputes  are  seemingly  the  result  of  one.  —  Nothing 
can  be  more  undeniable  than  the  supremacy  of  parliament 
over  the  most  distant  branches  of  the  British  empire:  for  32.  —  For 
although  the  king  being  esteemed,  in  the  eye  of  the  law,  the  J^CbS^m- 
original  proprietor  of  all  the  lands  in  the  kingdom  ;    all  lands,  poraries,  u, 
upon  defect  of  heirs  to  succeed  to  an  inheritance,  escheat  to 
the  king  ;  and  all  new  discovered  lands  vest  in  him  :  yet  in   reaiiy  a  new 
neither  case  can  he  exempt  them  from  the  jurisdiction  of  doctrine: 

the  colonial 

the  legislature  of  the  kingdom.  charters  had 

He  may  grant  them,  under  leases  or  charters,  to  indi-   gran£fdby 

viduals   or  companies  ;    with  liberty  of  making  rules  and   the  crown, 

.   and  acts  of* 
regulations  for  the  internal  government  and  improvement  of  Parliament 

them  ;  but  such  regulations  must  ever  be  consistent  with  the 
laws  of  the  kingdom,  and  subject  to  their  controul.  trade. 


Revolution 


[1775 


The  colonists 
held  not  only 
that  they 
were  not  rep 
resented  in 
Parliament, 
but  that  they 
could  not  be 
represented, 
owing  to  the 
distance. 


By  long- 
established 
custom 
these  powers 
of  Parlia 
ment  had 
not  been  ex 
ercised. 


On  the  other  hand,  I  am  extremely  dubious,  whether  it  be 
consistent  with  the  general  principles  of  liberty  (with  those 
of  the  British  constitution,  I  think,  it  is  not),  to  tax  where 
there  is  no  representation :  the  arguments  hitherto  adduced 
from  Manchester  and  Birmingham,  and  other  great  towns, 
not  having 'representatives,  are  foreign  to  the  subject;  at 
least  they  are  by  no  means  equal  to  it ;  —  for  every  inhabitant, 
possessed  of  forty  shillings  freehold,  has  a  vote  in  the  elec 
tion  of  members  for  the  county  :  but  it  is  not  the  persons, 
but  the  property  of  men  that  is  ^ixed,  and  there  is  not  a  foot 
of  property  in  this  kingdom,  that  is  not  represented. 

It  appears  then,  that  certain  principles  exist  in  the  British 
constitution,  which  militate  with  each  other ;  the  reason  of 
their  doing  so  is  evident ;  it  was  never  supposed  that  they 
would  extend  beyond  the  limits  of  Great  Britain,  or  affect  so 
distant  a  country  as  America.  It  is  much  to  be  wished, 
therefore,  that  some  expedient  could  be  thought  of,  to 
reconcile  them. 

The  conduct  of  the  several  administrations,  that  have  had 
the  direction  of  the  affairs  of  this  kingdom,  has  been  recipro 
cally  arraigned ;  but,  I  think,  without  reason ;  for,  all  things 
considered!,  an  impartial  and  dispassionate  mind,  will  find 
many  excuses  to  allege  in  justification  of  each.  —  The  fewest, 
I  am  afraid,  are  to  be  pleaded  in  favour  of  the  Americans, 
for  they  settled  in  America  under  charters,  which  expressly 
reserved  to  the  British  Parliament  the  authority,  whether 
consistent  or  not  consistent,  now  asserted.  Although,  there 
fore,  they  had  a  right  to  make  humble  representations  to  his 
majesty  in  parliament,  and  to  shew  the  impropriety  and 
inconvenience  of  inforcing  such  principles,  yet  they  had 
certainly  no  right  to  oppose  them. 

Expedients  may  still  be  found,  it  is  to  be  hoped  however, 
to  conciliate  the  present  unhappy  differences,  and  restore 
harmony  again  between  Great  Britain  and  her  colonies ;  but 
whatever  measures  may  be  adopted  by  parliament,  I  am  sure. 


No.  56] 


Patriot's  Prayer  143 


it  is  the  duty  and  interest  of  America  to  submit.  —  But  it  is 
impertinent  to  enter  any  further  into  the  discussion  of  a 
subject,  which  is  at  this  time  under  the  deliberation  of  the 
most  august  assembly  in  the  world.  I  will,  therefore,  con 
clude  with  a  sincere  prayer,  that  whatever  measures  may  be 
adopted,  they  may  be  different  in  their  issue,  from  what  the 
fears  of  men  generally  lead  them  to  preconceive ;  and  that, 
if  they  be  coercive  ones,  they  may  be  inforced,  which,  I  am 
persuaded,  is  practicable,  without  the  effusion  of  a  single 
drop  of  blood  :  if  lenient  ones,  which  are  preferable,  and 
which  I  think  equally  practicable,  without  any  loss  or 
diminution  of  the  dignity  or  interest  of  this  kingdom. 

Andrew  Burnaby,  Travels  through  the  Middle  Settlements  in 
North-America,  in  the  Years  1759  and  f7^°  (London,  1775), 
Introduction,  v-viii. 


56.    "The  American  Patriot's  Prayer 

(1776) 

FRENT  of  all,  omnipotent 
In  heav'n,  and  earth  below, 
Thro'  all  creation's  bounds  unspent, 
Whose  streams  of  goodness  flow. 

Teach  me  to  know  from  whence  I  rose, 

And  unto  what  design'd  ; 
No  private  aims  let  me  propose, 

Since  link'd  with  human  kind. 

But  chief  to  hear  my  country's  voice, 

May  all  my  thoughts  incline, 
T  is  reason's  law,  't  is  virtue's  choice, 
T  is  nature's  call  and  thine. 


ANONY 
MOUS.    For 
merly  as 
cribed  to 
Thomas 
Paine, 
though  the 
best  recent 
authority  has 
rejected  that 
view  on  the 
basis  of  inter 
nal  evidence. 
The  poem  is 
one  of  the 
best  bits  of 
American 
patriotic 
verse 

of  the  times, 
and  is  his 
torical  ma 
terial  in  its 
evidence  of  a 
profound 
patriotism. — 
For  other 
specimens  ot 


144 


Revolution 


[1775 


patriotic 
verse,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  II,  Nos. 
159,  164,  171, 
196.  —  For 
the  condi 
tions  of  the 
Revolution, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  II, 
Part  VI  I. 

"  Laad's," 
misprint  for 
"  land's." 


Me  from  fair  freedom's  sacred  cause, 

Let  nothing  e'er  divide  ; 
Grandeur,  nor  gold,  nor  vain  applause, 

Nor  friendship  false  misguide. 

Let  me  not  faction's  partial  hate 

Pursue  to  this  laad's  woe ; 
Nor  grasp  the  thunder  of  the  state, 

To  wound  a  private  foe. 

If,  for  the  right,  to  wish  the  wrong 

My  country  shall  combine, 
Single  to  serve  th'  erron'ous  throng, 

Spight  of  themselves,  be  mine. 

Thomas  Paine,  Large  Additions  to  Common  Sense,  appended  to 
his  Common  Sense  (Philadelphia,  1776),  80. 


By  REVER 
END  WILL 
IAM  EMER 
SON  (1743- 
1776) ,  a  Con 
cord  clergy 
man,  grand 
father  of 
Ralph  Waldo 
Emerson.  At 
the  outbreak 
of  the  Revo 
lution  he 
joined  the 
continental 
army  as 
chaplain,  and 
lost  his  life 
in  the  Ticon- 
deroga  expe 
dition.     His 
story  is  one 
of  the  best 
illustrations 


57.    Battle  of  Lexington  and  Concord 

(1775) 

r  ..-.          HPHIS  Morn*  betw  i  &  2  o'Clock  we 

[1775,  April]  19.      _[     w,  [were]  alarm>d  by  ye  rjng  Qf 

y?  Bell  —  &  upon  Examination]  fou[nd]  y1-  ye  Troops,  to 
ye  N?  of  800,  had  stole  y?  March  from  Boston  in  Boats  & 
Barg'  [barges]  from  ye  Bottom  of  ye  Common  over  to  a 
Point  in  Cambridge,  near  to  Inman's  Farm,  &  were  at  Lex 
ington  Meeting  House,  half  an  Hour  before  Sunrise,  where 
they  had  fired  upon  a  Body  of  our  Men,  &  (as  we  afterv? 
heard)  had  killed  several.  This  Intelligence  was  bro't  us  at 
f*  [first]  by  DT.  Sam1!  Prescott,  who  narrowly  escap'd  y? 


NO.  57]    Lexington  and  Concord    145 

Guard  y*  were  sent  before  on  Horses,  purposely  to  prevent  in  this  voi- 
all  Posts  &  Messengers  from  giving  us  timely  Information.   gffectTvJness 
He,  by  ye  Help  of  a  very  fleet  Horse  crossing  several  Walls   of  a  narrative 

J    J  J  written  in  the 

and    Fences,    arriv'd   at   Concord   at   ye  Time   abovemend  heatofcon- 
[abovementioned].     When  several  Posts  wr.  immediately]   aShTr^c- 
dispatch'd,  that  return8  confirmed  y?  Account  of  y?  Regulars   count  of  Lex- 
Arrival  at  Lexington,  &  that  they  were  on   their  Way  to   ocmcor^see 
Concord.     Upon  this  a  N?  of  our  Minitute  [Minute]  Men  ^^jJo" 
belongg  to  y°   [this]  Town,  &  Acton  &  Lyncoln,  with  several   191.'— For  ' 
others  y*  were  in  Readiness,  march'd  [o]ut  to  meet  them  :   ^he^^6 
While   y?  alarm    Company  w*  preparing   to    receive   them   see  Contem- 
in  y?  Town.  —  Cap*   Minot  who  commanded]  ym  tho't  it   ch'xxxi.' 
proper  to  take  Possess[ion]   of  ye  Hill  above  ye  Meeting   "lean's 
house  as  ye  most  advantageous]  Situation],      No  sooner   F*er™^  she 
had  y*  gain'd  [it]  than  we  were  met  by  y?  Companies  y'  were  Of  inman 
sent  out  to  meet  ye  Troops,  who  inform'd  us,  yi  [they]  were   Cambridge- 
just  upon  us,  &  that  we  must  retreat,  as  their  N?  was  more   port, 
than  threbble  to  ours.  —  We  then  retreat'd  fr[om]  y?  Hill 
near  [the]  Liberty  Pole  &  took  a  new  Post  back  of  ye  Town, 
upon  a  rising  Eminince,  w[h]ere  we  form'd  into  two  Bat 
talions,  &  waited  y?  Arrival  of  ye  Enemy.      Scarcely  had 
we  form'd,  before  we  saw  y?  brittish  Troops,  at  ye  Dista[nce] 
of  a  ^  of  a  Mile,  glittering  in  Arms,  advancing  towards  [us] 
with  ye  greatest  Celerity.     Some  were  for  making  a  Stand, 
notwithstanding]  ye  Superiority]  of  y'  N?'  but  others  more 
prudent  tho't  best  to  retreat  till  our  Stren[g]th  sh?  be  equal 
to  ye  Enemy's  by  Recruits  from  neighg  [neighboring]  Town's 
y*  were  contin[ually]  comg  in  to  our  Assistance    Accordingly 
we  retreat?  over  y?  Bridge,  when  y?  Troops  came  into  ye 
Town,  —  set  fire  to  several  Carriages  for  ye  Artillery,  de- 
stroy'd  60  Barrels  of  Flour,  rifleled  sev[eral]  Houses  —  took 
Possession  of  ye  Townhouse,  destroy'd  500  Ib  of  Ball[s]  set 
a  Guard  of  100  Men  at  ye  N  Bridge,  &  S*  sent  up  a  Party  *  Thus  in 
to  y?  Hou[se]  of  Col?  Barrett,  w[h]ere  they  were  in  Expec-   orisinal- 
ta[tion]  of  finding  a  Quantity]  of  warlike  Stores  ;  but  these 


146 


Revolution 


[1775 


*  These 
words  are 
repeated  in 
the  original. 


"And  fired 
the  shot 
heard  round 
the  world." 


were  happily  secur'd  just  before  their  Arrival,  by  Transpor- 
[tation]  into  ye  Wood'  &  other  by- Places.  —  In  y?  mean 
Time,  the  Guard  set  by  [y]e  Enemy  to  secure  y*  Pass  at  ye 
N.  Bridge,  were  alarm[ed]  by  y?  Approa[ch]  of  our  People, 
who  had  retreated  as  men'  [mentioned]  before,  &  w*  now 
advancing,  with  specpal]  Ord'  [orders]  not  to  not  to*  fire 
upon  y?  Troops,  unless  fir'd  upon.  —  These  Orders  were  so 
punctually  observ'd  y*.  we  rec'd  ye  Fire  of  ye  Enemy  in  3 
several  &  seperate  Discharges  of  their  Peices,  before  it  was 
return'd,  by  our  commanding]  Officer ;  the  firing  then 
soon  beca  [became]  general  for  sev[eral]  min'  [minutes], 
in  wc.h  Skirmish  two  w?  kill?  on  each  Side,  &  sev[eral]  of 
y?  Enemy  wounded  :  —  It  may  here  be  obs?  [observed]  by 
ye  Way,  y*  we  were  y?  more  cau[tious]  to  prevent  begin 
[beginning]  a  Rupture  wl.h  ye  K'  [King's]  Troops,  as  we 
vfr.  then  uncertain]  what  had  happ[ened]  at  Lexington,  & 
knew  [not?]  y*  they  had  begun  ye  Quarrell  there  by  f8.* 
firing  upon  our  pp  [people]  &  killing  8  Men  upon  ye  Spot. 
—  The  3  Compa'  [companies  of]  Troops  soon  quitted  their 
Post  at  ye  Bridge,  &  retreat?  in  g'est  [greatest]  Disordr  & 
Confu[sion]  to  ye  main  Body,  who  were  soon  upon  y?  March 
to  meet  them.  —  For  half  an  hour  y?  Enemy  by  y?  Marches 
&  counter  Marches  discov?  g*  Feekelness  [great  fickleness] 
&  Inconstancy  of  Mind,  sometimes  advancing  sometimes 
returning  to  y*.  former  Posts,  till  at  Len[g]th  they  quitted 
y*  Town,  &  retreated  by  y?  Wa[y]  yy  [they]  came.  In  ye 
Mean  Time,  a  Party  of  our  Men,  (150)  took  ye  back  Wa[y] 
thro'  ye  g*  Fields  into  ye  E.  q*  [east  quarter]  &  had  plac'd 
'ems'  [themselves]  to  advantage,  laying  in  Ambush,  behind 
Walls  Fences  &.  Buildings,  r[eady]  to  fire  upon  y?  Enemy, 
on  their  Retreat 

From  a  facsimile  copy  of  the  original  manuscript,  appended  to 
James  Lyman  Whitney,  The  Literature  of  the  Nineteenth  of 
April  (Concord,  1876). 


NO.  58] 


Independence  147 


58.    Drafting  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence  (1776) 

\     '/-'      I 

YOU  inquire  why  so  young  a  man  as  Mr.  Jefferson  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  Committee  for  preparing 
a  Declaration  of  Independence  ?  I  answer  ;  It  was  the 
Frankfort  advice,  to  place  Virginia  at  the  head  of  every 
thing.  Mr.  Richard  Henry  Lee  might  be  gone  to  Virginia, 
to  his  sick  family,  for  aught  I  know,  but  that  was  not  the 
reason  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  appointment.  There  were  three 

.  .  ~ 

committees  appointed  at  the  same  time.  One  for  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  another  for  preparing  articles 
of  Confederation,  and  another  for  preparing  a  treaty  to  be 
proposed  to  France.  Mr.  Lee  was  chosen  for  the  Commit- 
tee  of  Confederation,  and  it  was  not  thought  convenient  that 
the  same  person  should  be  upon  both.  Mr.  Jefferson  came 
into  Congress,  in  June,  1775,  and  brought  with  him  a  repu- 
tation  for  literature,  science,  and  a  happy  talent  of  compo- 

.         .     ,    r,  .     .  .       - 

sition.  Writings  of  his  were  handed  about,  remarkable  for 
the  peculiar  felicity  of  expression.  Though  a  silent  member 
in  Congress,  he  was  so  prompt,  frank,  explicit,  and  decisive 
upon  committees  and  in  conversation,  not  even  Samuel 
Adams  was  more  so,  that  he  soon  seized  upon  my  heart; 

.    •!.  ,  ' 

and  upon  this  occasion  I  gave  him  my  vote,  and  did  all  in 
my  power  to  procure  the  votes  of  others.  I  think  he  had 
one  more  vote  than  any  other,  and  that  placed  him  at  the 
head  of  the  committee.  I  had  the  next  highest  number, 
and  that  placed  me  the  second.  The  committee  met,  dis- 

cussed  the  subject,  and  then  appointed  Mr.  Jefferson  and 

i         ,         ,          ,        T  ,  . 

me  to  make  the  draught,  I  suppose  because  we  were  the 

tWO  first  on  the  list. 

The  sub-committee  met.  Jefferson  proposed  to  me  to 
make  the  draught.  I  said,  "  I  will  not."  "  You  should  do 
it."  "Oh!  no."  "Why  will  you  not?  You  ought  to  do 


GATE  JOHN 
(1735-1826), 

successively 
school- 


man,  mem- 
Continentl 


Vice-Presi- 


He  made  the 

best  possible 

use  of  the 

opportunities 
for  observa- 

had  during  C 


f 
public  life. 


in  1822.— 

For  other  ex- 

tracts  from 


n,  Nos. 


For  the  Dec- 

laration  of 

indepen- 


,  n, 


refers  to 
an  interview 
between  the 


tion  to  the 

cCngSo 
1774  and  a 


148 


Revolution 


delegation 
from  the 
Philadelphia 
Sons  of  Lib 
erty.     The 
meeting  was 
held  August 
29,  1774,  at 
Frankfort, 
a  town  situ 
ated  five 
miles  from 
Philadelphia. 

Of  Jefferson's 
writings,  his 
Summary 
View  of  the 
Rights  of 
British 
America, 
originally 
planned  to 
serve  merely 
as  a  set  of 
instructions 
to  the  Vir 
ginia  dele 
gates  to  the 
Continental 
Congress, 
was  chiefly 
instrumental 
in  giving  him 
a  reputation 
among  the 
members  of 
the  conven 
tion. 


Roger  Sher 
man  of  Con 
necticut. 


it."  "I  will  not."  "Why?"  "Reasons  enough."  "What 
can  be  your  reasons  ?  "  "  Reason  first  —  You  are  a  Virginian, 
and  a  Virginian  ought  to  appear  at  the  head  of  this  business. 
Reason  second  —  I  am  obnoxious,  suspected,  and  unpopular. 
You  are  very  much  otherwise.  Reason  third  —  You  can 
write  ten  times  better  than  I  can."  "  Well,"  said  Jefferson, 
"if  you  are  decided,  I  will  do  as  well  as  I  can."  "Very 
well.  When  ydu  have  drawn  it  up,  we  will  have  a  meeting." 

A  meeting  we  accordingly  had,  and  conned  the  paper 
over.  I  was  delighted  with  its  high  tone  and  the  flights  of 
oratory  with  which  it  abounded,  especially  that  concerning 
negro  slavery,  which,  though  I  knew  his  Southern  brethren 
would  never  suffer  to  pass  in  Congress,  I  certainly  never 
would  oppose.  There  were  other  expressions  which  I  would 
not  have  inserted,  if  I  had  drawn  it  up,  particularly  that 
which  called  the  King  tyrant.  I  thought  this  too  personal ; 
for  I  never  believed  George  to  be  a  tyrant  in  disposition  and 
in  nature ;  I  always  believed  him  to  be  deceived  by  his 
courtiers  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  and  in  his  official 
capacity  only,  cruel.  I  thought  the  expression  too  passion 
ate,  and  too  much  like  scolding,  for  so  grave  and  solemn  a 
document ;  but  as  Franklin  and  Sherman  were  to  inspect  it 
afterwards,  I  thought  it  would  not  become  me  to  strike  it 
out.  I  consented  to  report  it,  and  do  not  now  remember 
that  I  made  or  suggested  a  single  alteration. 

We  reported  it  to  the  committee  of  five.  It  was  read,  and 
I  do  not  remember  that  Franklin  or  Sherman  criticized  any 
thing.  We  were  all  in  haste.  Congress  was  impatient,  and 
the  instrument  was  reported,  as  I  believe,  in  Jefferson's  hand 
writing,  as  he  first  drew  it.  Congress  cut  off  about  a  quarter 
of  it,  as  I  expected  they  would  ;  but  they  obliterated  some 
of  the  best  of  it,  and  left  all  that  was  exceptionable,  if  any 
thing  in  it  was.  I  have  long  wondered  that  the  original 
draught  has  not  been  published.  I  suppose  the  reason  is, 
the  vehement  philippic  against  negro  slavery. 


NO.  59]        Fight  at   Princeton         149 


As  you  justly  observe,  there  is  not  "an  idea  in  it  but  what 
had  been  hackneyed  in  Congress  for  two  years  before.    The 
substance  of  it  is  contained  in  the  declaration  of  rights  and 
the  violation  of  those  rights,  in  the  Journals  of  Congress,  in 
1  774.     Indeed,  the  essence  of  it  is  contained  in  a  pamphlet,    The  Rights 
voted  and  printed  by  the  town  of  Boston,  before  the  first   colonies1  ' 
Congress  met,  composed  by  James  Otis,  as  I  suppose,  in  one  £?£*£*  and 
of  his  lucid  intervals,  and  pruned  and  polished  by  Samuel   (1764). 
Adams. 

John  Adams,  Works  (edited  by  Charles  Francis  Adams,  Boston, 
1850),  II,  513-514- 


59.    Report  of  the   Battle  of  Princeton 

(1777) 

I  HAVE  the  honor  to  inform  you,  that,  since  the  date 
of  my  last  from  Trenton,  I  have  removed  with  the  army 
under  my  command  to  this  place.  The  difficulty  of  crossing 
the  Delaware,  on  account  of  the  ice,  made  our  passage  over 
it  tedious,  and  gave  the  enemy  an  opportunity  of  drawing  in 
their  several  cantonments,  and  assembling  their  whole  force 
at  Princeton.  Their  large  pickets  advanced  towards  Trenton, 
their  great  preparations,  and  some  intelligence  I  had  received, 
added  to  their  knowledge,  that  the  ist  of  January  brought 
on  a  dissolution  of  the  best  part  of  our  army,  gave  me  the 
strongest  reasons  to  conclude,  that  an  attack  upon  us  was 
meditating. 

Our  situation  was  most  critical,  and  our  force  small.  .  .  . 
On  the  2d  [of  January,  1777],  according  to  my  expectation, 
the  enemy  began  to  advance  upon  us ;  and,  after  some 
skirmishing,  the  head  of  their  column  reached  Trenton 
about  four  o'clock,  whilst  their  rear  was  as  far  back  as 
Maidenhead.  They  attempted  to  pass  Sanpink  Creek,  which 


By  GENERAL 
GEQRGE 
WASHING 
TON.    This 
is  from  an 
official  report 
sent  by  the 
commander- 
in-chieftothe 
president  of 
Congress 
shortly  after 
the  battle ; 
it  is  a  type 
of  military 
reports, 
which  are 
more  com 
prehensive 
than  per 
sonal  narra 
tives.  —  For 
Washington, 
see  above, 
No.  39. —  For 
the  period, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  II, 
ch.  xxxi. 

The  terms  of 
service  of  the 
militia  would 


Revolution 


[1777 


Sanpink  = 
Assunpink. 


expire  janu-  runs  through  Trenton,  at  different  places ;  but,  finding  the 
Y  i,  1777-  forts  guarded,  they  halted,  and  kindled  their  fires.  We  were 
drawn  up  on  the  other  side  of  the  creek.  In  this  situation 
we  remained  till  dark,  cannonading  the  enemy,  and  receiv 
ing  the  fire  of  their  field-pieces,  which  did  us  but  little 
damage. 

Having  by  this  time  discovered,  that  the  enemy  were 
greatly  superior  in  number,  and  that  their  design  was  to 
surround  us,  I  ordered  all  our  baggage  to  be  removed 
silently  to  Burlington  soon  after  dark  ;  and  at  twelve 
o'clock  after  renewing  our  fires,  and  leaving  guards  at  the 
bridge  in  Trenton,  and  other  passes  on  the  same  stream 
above,  marched  by  a  roundabout  road  to  Princeton,  where 
I  knew  they  could  not  have  much  force  left,  and  might  have 
stores.  One  thing  I  was  certain  of,  that  it  would  avoid  the 
appearance  of  a  retreat  (which  was  of  consequence,  or  to 
run  the  hazard  of  the  whole  army  being  cut  off),  whilst  we 
might  by  a  fortunate  stroke  withdraw  General  Howe  from 
commander.  Trenton,  and  give  some  reputation  to  our  arms.  Happily 
we  succeeded.  We  found  Princeton  about  sunrise,  with 
only  three  regiments  and  three  troops  of  light-horse  in  it, 
two  of  which  were  on  their  march  to  Trenton.  These  three 
regiments,  especially  the  two  first,  made  a  gallant  resistance, 
and,  in  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners,  must  have  lost  five 
hundred  men ;  upwards  of  one  hundred  of  them  were  left 
dead  on  the  field ;  and,  with  what  I  have  with  me  and  what 
were  taken  in  the  pursuit  and  carried  across  the  Delaware, 
there  are  near  three  hundred  prisoners,  fourteen  of  whom  are 
officers,  all  British.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  We  took  two  brass  field-pieces ;  but,  for  want  of 
horses,  could  not  bring  them  away.  We  also  took  some 
blankets,  shoes,  and  a  few  other  trifling  articles,  burned 
the  hay,  and  destroyed  such  other  things,  as  the  shortness 
of  the  time  would  admit  of.  ... 

.  .  .  The  militia  are  taking  spirits,  and,  I  am  told,  are 


The  British 


NO .6oj       A    Lady's   Experience       151 

coming  in  fast  from  this  State  [New  Jersey]  ;  but  I  fear 
those  from  Philadelphia  will  scarcely  submit  to  the  hardships 
of  a  winter  campaign  much  longer,  especially  as  they  very 
unluckily  sent  their  blankets  with  their  baggage  to  Burlington. 
I  must  do  them  the  justice  however  to  add,  that  they  have 
undergone  more  fatigue  and  hardship,  than  I  expected 
militia,  especially  citizens,  would  have  done  at  this  inclem 
ent  season.  I  am  just  moving  to  Morristown,  where  I  shall 
endeavor  to  put  them  under  the  best  cover  I  can.  Hitherto 
we  have  been  without  any  j  and  many  of  our  poor  soldiers 
quite  barefoot,  and  ill  clad  in  other  respects.  .  .  . 

George  Washington,  Writings  (edited  by  Worthington  Chaun- 
cey  Ford,  New  York,  etc.,  1890),  V,  146-151  passim. 


60.    A  Southern  Lady's  Experience  of 

War  (1780) 

WHILE  the  officers  were  there  discoursing,  word  was 
brought  that  a  party  of  the  enemy  were  at  a  neigh 
boring  plantation,  not  above  two  miles  off,  carrying  pro 
visions  away.  In  an  instant  the  men  were  under  arms, 
formed  and  marched  away  to  the  place.  We  were  dread 
fully  alarmed  at  the  first  information,  but,  upon  seeing  with 
what  eagerness  our  friends  marched  off,  and  what  high  spirits 
they  were  in,  we  were  more  composed,  but  again  relapsed 
into  our  fears  when  we  heard  the  discharge  of  fire-arms ; 
they  did  not  stay  out  long ;  but  returned  with  seven  pris 
oners,  four  whites  and  three  blacks.  When  they  came  to 
the  door,  we  looked  out,  and  saw  two  of  M'Girth's  men 
with  them,  who  had  used  us  so  ill ;  my  heart  relented  at 
sight  of  them,  and  I  could  not  forbear  looking  at  them  with 
an  eye  of  pity.  Ah  !  thought  I,  how  fickle  is  fortune  !  but 


By  ELIZA 
WILKINSON, 
a  young  and 
beautiful 
widow,  at  the 
time  of  the 
Revolution 
living  on  her 
father's  estate 
in  South 
Carolina. 
Her  narrative 
has  the 
charm  of  the 
personal  ele 
ment  and  of 
local  color. — 
For  another 
picture  of 
Revolution 
ary  events 
and  condi 
tions  by  a 
feminine 
hand,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  II,  No. 
192.  —  On  the 
campaign  in 
the  South, 


Revolution 


[1780 


see  Contem 
poraries,  II, 
ch.  xxxiv. 

Daniel 
McGirth,  a 
South  Caro 
lina  hunter 
and  trapper, 
who  had 
acted  as 
scout  to  the 
American 
army,  till  a 
flogging 
given  him  for 
some  offence 
caused  him 
to  go  over  to 
the  Tories. 
A  short  time 
before  the 
events  here 
recorded  his 
men  had 
ridden  up  to 
the  home  of 
the  Wilkin 
sons,  but  had 
refrained 
from  frighten 
ing  or  plun 
dering  the 
inmates,  as  a 
band  of  Brit 
ish  troops 
had  done 
shortly 
before. 


two  days  ago  these  poor  wretches  were  riding  about  as  if 
they  had  nothing  to  fear,  and  terrifying  the  weak  and  help 
less  by  their  appearance ;  now,  what  a  humbled  appearance 
do  they  make  !  But,  basely  as  they  have  acted  in  taking  up 
arms  against  their  country,  they  have  still  some  small  sense 
left  that  they  were  once  Americans,  but  now  no  longer  so, 
for  all  who  act  as  they  do,  forfeit  that  name  ;  and  by  adopt 
ing  the  vices  of  th'ose  they  join,  become  one  with  them  ;  but 
these  poor  creatures  seem  to  have  yet  remaining  some  token 
of  what  they  once  were  —  else  why  did  they,  last  Thursday, 
behave  so  much  better  to  us  than  the  Britons  did,  when 
we  were  equally  as  much  in  their  power  as  we  were  in  the 
others'  ?  I  will  let  them  see  I  have  not  forgot  it.  I  arose, 
and  went  out  to  them.  "  I  am  sorry,  my  friends,  (I  could 
not  help  calling  them  friends  when  they  were  in  our  power,) 
to  see  you  in  this  situation,  you  treated  us  with  respect ;  and 
I  cannot  but  be  sorry  to  see  you  in  distress."  "  It  is  the 
fortune  of  war,  Madam,  and  soldiers  must  expect  it."  "Well, 
you  need  not  make  yourselves  uneasy ;  I  hope  Americans 
won't  treat  their  prisoners  ill.  Do,  my  friends,  (to  the  sol 
diers)  use  these  men  well  —  they  were  friendly  to  us." 
"  Yes,  Madam,"  said  they ;  "  they  shall  be  used  well  if  it 
was  only  for  that."  I  asked  if  they  would  have  any  thing 
to  drink.  Yes,  they  would  be  glad  of  some  water.  I  had 
some  got,  and  as  their  hands  were  tied,  I  held  the  glass  to 
their  mouths ;  they  bowed,  and  were  very  thankful  for  it. 
I  was  so  busy,  I  did  not  observe  the  officers  in  the  house ; 
several  of  them  were  at  the  door  and  window,  smiling  at 
me,  which,  when  I  perceived,  I  went  in  and  told  them  how 
it  was.  They  promised  that  the  men  should  be  favored  for 
their  behavior  to  us.  "  Madam,"  said  one,  "  you  would  make 
a  bad  soldier  ;  however,  if  I  was  of  the  other  party,  and  taken 
prisoner,  I  should  like  to  fall  into  your  hands."  I  smiled  a 
reply,  and  the  conversation  took  another  turn.  .  .  . 

A  detachment  of  two  or  three  hundred  men,  commanded 


NO. 


A    Lady's   Experience       153 


by  Col.  Malmady,  were  ordered  on  Father's  Island;  they 
had  a  field-piece  with  them,  and  there  they  staid  some  time 
to  command  the  river,  which  prevented  the  poor  red  coats 
from  taking  their  accustomed  airings.  When  they  had  been 
there  a  day  or  two,  a  company  of  horsemen  rode  up  to  the 
house  we  were  in,  and  told  us  the  General  was  coming  along,  General 
and  would  be  there  presently  ;  they  had  scarcely  spoken,  Benjamin 
when  three  or  four  officers  appeared  in  view.  They  rode 
up  ;  (Colonel  Roberts  was  with  them,  he  and  Father  were 
old  acquaintances.)  He  introduced  one  of  the  officers  to 
Father.  "  General  Lincoln,  Sir  !  "  Mother  was  at  the  door. 
She  turned  to  us,  "O  girls,  Gen.  Lincoln!"  —  We  flew  to 
the  door,  joy  in  our  countenances  !  for  we  had  heard  such 
a  character  of  the  General,  that  we  wanted  to  see  him  much. 
When  he  quitted  his  horse,  and  I  saw  him  limp  along,  I  can't 
describe  my  feelings.  The  thought  that  his  limping  was 
occasioned  by  defending  his  country  from  the  invasion  of  a 
cruel  and  unjust  enemy,  created  in  me  the  utmost  veneration 
and  tender  concern  for  him.  You  never  saw  Gen.  Lincoln, 
Mary?  —  I  *:hink  he  has  something  exceeding  grave,  and 
even  solemn,  in  his  aspect  ;  not  forbiddingly  so  neither,  but 
a  something  in  his  countenance  that  commands  respect,  and 
strikes  assurance  dumb.  He  did  not  stay  above  an  hour  or 
two  with  us,  and  then  proceeded  on  to  camp. 

That  night,  two  or  three  hundred  men  quartered  at  the   On  account 
plantation  we  were  at.     As  many  of  the  officers  as  could,   ^tions  of'6" 
slept  in  the  hall,  (the  house  being  very  small,  and  only  in-   the  British, 
tended  for  an  overseer's  house).     We  wanted  to  have  beds  bawbee/ 
made  for  them.     No,  they  would  not  have  them  on  any   compelled  to 

*  '     leave  their 

account,  —  "  beds  were  not  for  soldiers,  the   floor  or   the   home  and 
earth  served  them  as  well  as  anywhere  else."     "  And  now,"   ^nothlr 
said  Major  Moore,  "  I'll  show  you  how  soon  a  soldier's  bed   plantation. 
is  made,"  and,  taking  his  surtout,  spread  it  on  the  floor  — 
"There,"  said  he,  "  I  assure  you  I  sleep  as  well  on  that  hard 
lodging  as  ever  I  slept  on  a  feather-bed."  —  "You  may  say 


Revolution 


[1777 


what  you  please,  Major,"  (said  Miss  Samuells,)  "but  I'm 
sure  a  soldier's  life  is  a  life  of  hardships  and  sorrows."  "  In 
deed,  Madam,  I  think  it  the  best  life  in  the  world ;  it's  what 
I  delight  in."  "I  wish  all  soldiers  delighted  in  it  at  this 
juncture,"  (said  I,)  "  because  every  thing  they  hold  dear  is 
at  stake,  arid  demands  their  presence  and  support  in  the 

field." 

•> 

Eliza  Wilkinson,  Letters  .  .  .  during  the  Invasion  and  Posses 
sion  of  Charlestown,  S.  C.  by  the  British  in  the  Revolutionary 
War  (edited  by  Caroline  Gilman,  New  York,  1839),  62-78 
Passim. 


By  CAPTAIN 
GEORG 
PAUSCH 
(1740-1796) , 
Hessian 
officer,  chief 
of  the  Hesse- 
Hanau  artil 
lery  in  the 
Burgoyne 
campaign. 
His  journal 
is  one  of  the 
most  valu 
able  accounts 
that  we  have 
of  the  Ger 
mans  in  the 
Revolution. 
Naturally  he 
was  some 
what  preju 
diced  against 
the  rival  Brit 
ish  troops. 
The  follow 
ing  is  an  ex 
tract  from  his 
description 
of  the  battle 
of  Freeman's 
Farm, 
October  7, 
1777.— 


61.    Hard  Fighting  at  Saratoga  (1777) 

MEANWHILE,  work  was  still  progressing  on  the  en 
trenchments  of  our  two  wings ;  and  it  took,  by  the 
Way,  J  of  an  hour  to  march  from  one  wing  of  our  army  to 
the  other ;  during  which  march,  not  the  least  sign  of  the 
enemy  was  seen,  nor  were  we  molested  by  him  in  the  least. 
Presently,  by  order  of  Major  Williams  of  the  English  Artillery, 
the  two  12  pound  cannon  were  brought  up  and  placed  in 
front  of  the  above  named  house,  and  after  being  made  ready, 
they  were  loaded.  No  one  knew  what  all  these  arrange 
ments  meant ;  but  I  shortly  afterward  learned  from  Capt. 
Gen.  Quarter- Master  Gerlach,  that  it  was  intended  to  make 
a  diversion  at  this  point ;  and  that  the  corps  was  for  the 
protection  of  the  general  staff.  At  the  same  time,  word  was 
sent  into  the  entrenchments  of  Breymann  and  Fraser,  and 
the  foragers  ordered  to  cut  down  the  corn-stalks  yet  stand 
ing  in  our  rear.  (This  is  called  "foraging.")  An  Eng 
lish  officer  now  arrived  in  haste,  saying  that  there  were 
no  cannon  on  the  flank  of  the  left  wing,  and  that  I  must 
immediately  send  one  of  mine.  Against  this  I  protested, 


No.6x]          Fight   at   Saratoga          155 


on  the  ground  that  I  had  but  two  cannon,  and  in  case  of 
complying  with  his  wish  I  should  only  be  able  to  serve  one 
gun  ;  that  I  desired,  if  it  was  a  general  order  to  march  there 
either  with  both  of  the  cannon  or  to  give  up  neither — one 
cannon  being  no  command  for  a  subaltern,  to  say  nothing  of 
a  captain ;  and  finally,  that  they  had  four  6  pound  cannon 
of  their  own,  of  which  one  had  but  just  gone  past  the  left 
wing.  The  officer  at  this  made  himself  scarce  and  brought 
no  other  order ;  and  I  remained  at  the  post  which  I  had 
myself  chosen  and  occupied. 

After  the  lapse  of  half  an  hour  we  noticed  a  few  patrols  in 
the  woods,  and  on  the  height  to  the  left  of  the  wood ;  and,, 
at  the  same  moment,  the  above  mentioned  two  12  pounders 
opened  fire. 

Shortly  after  this,  a  large  number  of  the  enemy's  advance- 
guard,  who  were  in  the  bushes,  engaged  our  Yagers,  Chas 
seurs,  and  Volunteers.  The  action  extended  all  along  the 
front,  the  enemy  appearing  in  force.  During  this  time,  and 
while  both  sides  were  thus  contending,  and  I  was  serving  my 
cannon,  there  marched  out  of  the  enemy's  entrenchment  on 
their  left  wing,  at  a  "  double  quick "  and  in  squares,  two 
strong  columns,  one  towards  our  right,  and  the  other  towards 
our  left  wing ;  while,  at  the  same  moment,  additional  forces 
of  the  enemy  poured  down  in  troops  to  reinforce  those  who 
were  already  engaged  with  us,  and  advanced  madly  and 
blindly  in  the  face  of  a  furious  fire.  The  attack  began  on 
the  left  wing  with  a  terrific  musketry  fire,  but,  in  a  few 
minutes,  the  enemy  repulsed  it;  while  the  cannon,  sent 
there  by  the  English  Artillery,  was  captured  by  the  enemy 
before  a  single  shot  had  been  fired  from  them.  And  now, 
the  firing  from  cannon  and  small  arms  began  to  get  very 
brisk  on  our  right  wing. 

At  this  junction,  our  left  wing  retreated  in  the  greatest 
possible  disorder,  thereby  causing  a  similar  rout  among  our 
German  command,  which  was  stationed  behind  the  fence  in 


For  the  Hes 
sians,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  II,  ch. 
xxix.  —  For 
the  cam 
paign,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  II,  No. 
197. 


Yagers  = 
light  infantry 
chosen 
chiefly  from 
foresters. 


156 


Revolution 


[1777 


William  P. 
Smith,  a 
lieutenant, 
later  colonel 
in  the  Royal 
Artillery. 


line  of  battle.  They  retreated  —  or  to  speak  more  plainly 
—  they  left  their  position  without  informing  me,  although  I 
was  but  fifty  paces  in  advance  of  them.  Each  man  for  him 
self,  they  made  for  the  bushes.  ...  In  the  mean  time,  on 
our  right  wing,  there  was  stubborn  fighting  on  both  sides, 
our  rear,  meanwhile,  being  covered  by  a  dense  forest,  which, 
just  before  had  protected  our  right  flank.  The  road  by 
which  we  were  to  retreat  lay  through  the  woods  and  was 
already  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  who  accordingly  inter 
cepted  us.  Finding  myself,  therefore,  finally  in  my  first 
mentioned  position  —  alone,  isolated,  and  almost  surrounded 
by  the  enemy,  and  with  no  way  open  but  the  one  leading  to 
the  house  where  the  two  12  pound  cannon  stood,  dismounted 
and  deserted  —  I  had  no  alternative  but  to  make  my  way 
along  it  with  great  difficulty  .  .  . 

...  I  presently  came  across  a  little  earth- work,  18  feet 
long  by  5  feet  high.  This  I  at  once  made  use  of  by  posting 
my  two  cannon,  one  on  the  right,  and  the  other  on  the  left, 
and  began  a  fire  alternately  with  balls  and  with  shells,  with 
out,  however,  being  able  to  discriminate  in  favor  of  our  men 
who  were  in  the  bushes ;  for  the  enemy,  without  troubling 
them,  charged  savagely  upon  my  cannon,  hoping  to  dis 
mount  and  silence  them.  .  .  . 

A  brave  English  Lieutenant  of  Artillery,  by  the  name  of 
Schmidt  and  a  sergeant  were  the  only  two  who  were  willing 
to  serve  the  cannon  longer.  He  came  to  me  and  asked  me 
to  let  him  have  ten  artillery-men  and  one  subaltern  from  my 
detachment  to  serve  these  cannon.  But  it  was  impossible 
for  me  to  grant  his  request,  no  matter  how  well  disposed  I 
might  have  been  towards  it.  Two  of  my  men  had  been  shot 
dead  ;  three  or  four  were  wounded  ;  a  number  had  straggled 
off,  and  all  the  Infantry  detailed  for  that  purpose,  either 
gone  to  the  devil  or  run  away.  Moreover,  all  I  had  left,  for 
the  serving  of  each  cannon,  were  four  or  five  men  and  one 
subaltern.  , 


£-3^. 


JL     for  four Fenny-weight,  \^}  and  A/*<?  Drains  or  JTTA-IE.  ^  j[ 

December  31,  1763,  §  Eighteen,  Pence.  §  ^ 


Specimen  of  Colonial  paper  currency,  1763.     PTATE  is  for  PLATE,  i.e. 
silver  bullion. 


TWO  DOLLARS 

Bin  entitles  the 
Bearer  to  receive 
TWO  SPANISH  MILL 
ED  DOLLARS,  or  the 
Value. thereof  in  GOLD 
or  SliVEK,  According  to 
a  Befolution. of  CON 
GRESS,  j»«ed  at  Phi- 
'  1776. 


TWO  DOIXARS. 


Specimen  of  Continental  paper  currency,  1776.     TRIBULATIO  DITAT 
means  Trouble  enriches. 


No.  62] 


Paper   Money 


.  .  .  Seeing  that  all  was  irretrievably  lost,  and  that  it  was 
impossible  to  save  anything,  I  called  to  my  few  remaining  men 
to  save  themselves.    I  myself,  took  refuge  through  [behind] 
a  fence,  in  a  piece  of  dense  underbrush  on  the  right  of  the 
road,  with  the  last  [remaining]  ammunition  wagon,  which, 
with  the  help  of  a  gunner,  I  saved  with  the  horses.     Here  I 
met  all  the  different  nationalities  of  our  division  running  pell- 
mell —  among  them  Capt.  Schoel,  with  whom  there  was  not  Commander 
a  single  man  left  of  the  Hanau  Regiment.     In  this  confused   man  Light 
retreat,  all  made  for  our  camp  and  our  lines.     The  entrench-   Brigade, 
ment  of  Breymann  was  furiously  assailed  ;  the  camp  in  it  set   By  Arnold, 
on  fire  and  burned,  and  all  the  baggage-horses  and  baggage 
captured  by  the  enemy.     The  three  6  pound  cannon  of  my 
brigade  of  Artillery  were  also  taken,  the  artillery-men,  Wach- 
ler  and  Fintzell,  killed,  and  artillery- man  Wall  (under  whose 
command  were  the  cannon)  severely,  and  others  slightly, 
wounded.     The  enemy  occupied  this  entrenchment,  and  re 
mained  in  it  during  the  night.  .  .  . 

Captain   [Georg]   Pausch,  Journal  (translated  by  William  L. 
Stone,  Albany,  1886),  165-1 72  passim. 


62.    The  Baneful  Influence  of  Paper 
Money   (1777) 

71   'TOY.   27^,   28/7*,   29^,   30^   [1777].  — These  4 

/  I/    days  the  fleet   [has   been]    coming  up   in   great 

numbers.     Some  part  of  the  army  have  marched 

over  Schuylkill,  and  reports  are  prevalent  that  the  main 

part  of  the  army  will  soon  move  off.     The  Americans  are 

moving  off  their  heavy  cannon.     Gen'l  Washington,  it  is 

said,  is  going  to  Virginia  in  a  few  weeks,  and  the  command 

[is]   to  devolve  upon  Gen'l   Gates.     Great  exertions  are 


By  ROBERT 
MORTON 
(1760-1786), 
son  of  a 
Philadelphia 
merchant. 
During  the 
British  occu 
pation  of 
Philadelphia, 
Morton,  a 
boy  of  about 
seventeen, 
kept  a  diary, 
showing 
powers  of 
observation 
and  facility 


158 


Revolution 


[1777 


making,  both  by  the  men  and  women  of  this  city,  to  sup 
port  the  credit  of 'the  paper  money  legally  issued.  The 
women  are  determined  to  purchase  no  goods  with  hard 
money.  Some  of  those  who  agreed  to  receive  paper  money 
have  refused  it  for  their  goods,  and  among  the  rest  some 
of  our  Society  [of  Friends]. 

Dec.  ist,  2nd,  yd.  —  Numbers  of  the  Fleet  [are]  daily 
arriving.  None' of, the  large  ships  have  yet  come  up.  A 
contest  has  subsisted  in  this  City  since  the  arrival  of  the 
fleet,  concerning  the  legal  Paper  Currency.  The  English 
merchants  that  came  in  the  fleet  will  not  dispose  of  their 
goods  without  hard  money,  alleging  that  no  bills  are  to  be 
bought,  no  produce  to  be  obtained,  and  no  method  can  be 
adopted  by  which  they  can  send  remittances.  Numbers 
of  the  most  respectable  inhabitants  are  using  all  their  in 
fluence  to  support  it,  and  numbers  of  others  who  have  no 
regard  for  the  public  good,  are  giving  out  the  hard  money 
for  what  they  want  for  immediate  use,  thus  purchasing 
momentary  gratifications  at  the  expense  of  the  Public,  for 
if  the  circulation  of  this  money  should  be  stopt,  many  who 
have  no  legal  money  but  paper,  and  have  no  means  of 
obtaining  gold  and  silver,  will  be  reduced  to  beggary  and 
want,  and  those  who  are  so  lost  to  every  sense  of  honor,  to 
the  happiness  of  their  fellow  citizens,  and  eventually  their 
own  good,  as  to  give  out  their  hard  money,  either  for  the 
goods  of  those  who  are  newcomers,  or  in  the  public  market 
where  it  is  now  exacted  for  provisions,  will,  by  their  evil 
example,  oblige  those  who  possess  hard  money,  to  advance 
it  and  ruin  the  credit  of  the  other  money  for  the  present. 
The  consequence  of  which  must  be  that  we  shall  be  shortly 
drained  of  our  hard  cash,  the  other  money  rendered  useless, 
no  trade  by  which  we  can  get  a  fresh  supply,  our  ruin  must 
therefore  be  certain  and  inevitable.  This  depreciation  of 
the  Paper  Currency  will  not  only  extend  its  baneful  influence 
over  this  City,  but  over  all  the  continent,  as  the  friends  of 


NO.  63]      Cornwallis's   Surrender     159 

government  and  others  have  been  collecting  this  legal  tender  I.e.  friends  o\ 
for  several  tno's  [months]  past,  expecting  that  in  those 
places  in  the  possession  of  the  British  Army  it  will  be  of 
equal  value  with  gold  and  silver.  But  from  the  enemies 
of  the  British  constitution  among  ourselves,  who  give  out 
their  hard  money  for  goods,  from  the  almost  universal  pref 
erence  of  private  interest  to  the  public  good,  and  from  a 
deficiency  of  public  virtue,  it  is  highly  probable  the  paper 
money  will  fall,  and  those  newcomers  having  extracted  all 
our  hard  money,  will  leave  us  in  a  situation  not  long  to  sur 
vive  our  Ruin.  .  .  . 

Diary  of  Robert  Morton,  in  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History 
and  Biograpny  ( Philadelphia,  1877),  I>  3J-33- 


63.    A  Ballad  on   Cornwallis   (1781) 

WHEN  British  troops  first  landed  here, 
With  Howe  commander  o'er  them, 
They  thought  they'd  make  us  quake  for  fear, 

And  carry  all  before  them  ; 
With  thirty  thousand  men  or  more, 

And  she  without  assistance, 
America  must  needs  give  o'er, 
And  make  no  more  resistance. 

But  Washington,  her  glorious  son, 

Of  British  hosts  the  terror, 
Soon,  by  repeated  overthrows, 

Convinc'd  them  of  their  error ; 
Let  Princeton,  and  let  Trenton  tell, 

What  gallant  deeds  he's  done,  sir, 
And  Monmouth's  plains  where  hundreds  fell, 

And  thousands  more  have  run,  sir. 


ANONY 
MOUS.    This 
is  one  among 
a  number  of 
songs  com 
posed  to 
commemo 
rate  Corn- 
wallis's  sur 
render  at 
Yorktown. 
It  was  pub 
lished  soon 
after  that 
event  and 
sung  to  the 
air  of  "  Mag 
gie  Lauder,'" 
at  that  time 
very  popular 
in  both 
armies. — 
For  York- 
town,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  II, 
ch.  xxxiv. 


i6o 


Revolution 


[1781 


The  mastery 
of  the  seas, 
held  for  a 
short  time  by 
France,  pre 
vented  the 
British  from 
entering  the 
Chesapeake 
to  relieve 
Cornwallis. 
—  See  Con 
temporaries, 
II,  Nos.  199, 
213- 


On  the 
peace,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  II,  ch. 
xxxv. 


Cornwallis,  too,  when  he  approach'd 

Virginia's  old  dominion, 
Thought  he  would  soon  her  conqu'ror  be ; 

And  so  was  North's  opinion. 
From  State  to  State  with  rapid  stride, 
,    His  troops  had  march'd  before,  sir, 
Till  quite  elate  with  martial  pride, 

He  thought  all  dangers  o'er,  sir. 

But  our  allies,  to  his  surprise, 

The  Chesapeake  had  enter'd ; 
And  now  too  late,  he  curs'd  his  fate, 

And  wish'd  he  ne'er  had  ventured, 
For  Washington  no  sooner  knew 

The  visit  hj  had  paid  her, 
Than  to  his  parent  State  he  flew, 

To  crush  the  bold  invader. 

When  he  sat  down  before  the  town, 

His  Lordship  soon  surrender'd ; 
His  martial  pride  he  laid  aside, 

And  cas'd  the  British  standard  ; 
Gods  !  how  this  stroke  will  North  provoke, 

And  all  his  thoughts  confuse,  sir  ! 
And  how  the  Peers  will  hang  their  ears, 

When  first  they  hear  the  news,  sir. 

Be  peace,  the  glorious  end  of  war, 

By  this  event  effected ; 
And  be  the  name  of  Washington, 

To  latest  times  respected ; 
Then  let  us  toast  America, 

And  France  in  union  with  her ; 
And  may  Great  Britain  rue  the  day 

Her  hostile  bands  came  hither. 


Frank  Moore,  Songs  and  Ballads  of  the  American  Revolution 
(New  York,  1856),  367-369. 


CHAPTER    X  — THE    CONFEDERA 
TION  AND  THE  CONSTITUTION 

64.  What  is  an  American?  (1782) 

I  WISH  I  could  be  acquainted  with  the  feelings  and  thoughts 
which  must  agitate  the  heart  and  present  themselves  to 
the  mind  of  an  enlightened  Englishman,  when  he  first  lands 
on  this  continent  [America].  .  .  .  Here  he  sees  the  industry 
of  his  native  country  displayed  in  a  new  manner  .  .  .  Here 
he  beholds  fair  cities,  substantial  villages,  extensive  fields, 
an  immense  country  filled  with  decent  houses,  good  roads, 
orchards,  meadows,  and  bridges,  where  an  hundred  years 
ago  all  was  wild,  woody  and  uncultivated  !  .  .  .  He  is 
arrived  on  a  new  continent ;  a  modern  society  offers  itself 
to  his  contemplation,  different  from  what  he  had  hitherto 
seen.  It  is  not  composed,  as  in  Europe,  of  great  lords  who 
possess  every  thing,  and  of  a  herd  of  people  who  have  noth 
ing.  Here  are  no  aristocratical  families,  no  courts,  no  kings, 
no  bishops,  no  ecclesiastical  dominion,  no  invisible  power 
giving  to  a  few  a  very  visible  one ;  no  great  manufacturers 
employing  thousands,  no  great  refinements  of  luxury.  The 
rich  and  the  poor  are  not  so  far  removed  from  each  other  as 
they  are  in  Europe.  Some  few  towns  excepted,  we  are  all 
tillers  of  the  earth,  from  Nova  Scotia  to  West  Florida.  We 
are  a  people  of  cultivators,  scattered  over  an  immense  terri 
tory,  communicating  with  each  other  by  means  of  good  roads 
and  navigable  rivers,  united  by  the  silken  bands  of  mild  gov 
ernment,  all  respecting  the  laws,  without  dreading  their  power, 
because  they  are  equitable.  We  are  all  animated  with  the 
M  161 


By  J.  HEC 
TOR  ST. 

JOHN   DE 

CREVE- 
CCEUR 
(1731-1809 
or  1813),  a 
native  of 
Normandy, 
land  culti 
vator  in  New 
York,  later 
French  con 
sul  in  New 
York  City. 
His  Letters 
from  an 
American 
Farmer  oc 
casioned  a 
large  French 
immigration 
to  Ohio.    His 
laudations  of 
America 
were  perhaps 
a  little  over 
drawn. —  On 
American 
culture  in 
1782,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  Ill.ch.i, 

Crevecceur 
overesti 
mates  the 
goodness  of 
the  roads. 


1 6  2  Confederation  [1782 

spirit  of  an  industry  which  is  unfettered  and  unrestrained, 
because  each  person  works  for  himself.  ...     A  pleasing 
uniformity  of  decent  competence  appears  throughout  our 
habitations.     The  meanest  of  our  log-houses  is  a  dry  and 
comfortable  habitation.     Lawyer  or  merchant  are  the  fairest 
titles  our  towns  afford  ;  that  of  a  farmer  is  the  only  appella 
tion  of  the  rural  inhabitants  of  our  country.  .  .  .     Here  man 
is  free  as  he  ought  to  be ;   nor  is  this  pleasing  equality  so 
Forty  years      transitory  as  many  others  are.     Many  ages  will  not  see  the 
shores  had  a   shores  of  our  great  lakes  replenished  with  inland  nations,  nor 
large  popula-   fae  unknown  bounds  of  North  America  entirely  peopled. 
Who  can  tell  how  far  it  extends  ?     Who  can  tell  the  millions 
of  men  whom  it  will  feed  and  contain  ?  for  no  European  foot 
has  as  yet  travelled  half  the  extent  of  this  mighty  continent ! 
The  next  wish  of  this  traveller  will  be  to  know  whence 
came  all  these  people  ?  they  are  a  mixture  of  English,  Scotch, 
Irish,  French,  Dutch,  Germans,  and   Swedes.     From  this 
promiscuous  breed,  that  race  now  called  Americans  have 
arisen.  .  .  . 

...  By  what  invisible  power  has  this  surprising  metamor 
phosis  been  performed  ?  By  that  of  the  laws  and  that  of  their 
industry.  The  laws,  the  indulgent  laws,  protect  them  as 
they  arrive,  stamping  on  them  the  symbol  of  adoption  ;  they 
receive  ample  rewards  for  their  labours ;  these  accumulated 
rewards  procure  them  lands;  those  lands  confer  on  them 
the  title  of  freemen,  and  to  that  title  every  benefit  is  affixed 
which  men  can  possibly  require.  This  is  the  great  operation 
daily  performed  by  our  laws.  From  whence  proceed  these 
laws?  From  our  government.  Whence  that  government? 
It  is  derived  from  the  original  genius  and  strong  desire  of 
the  people  ratified  and  confirmed  by  the  crown.  This  is  the 
great  chain  which  links  us  all,  this  is  the  picture  which  every 
province  exhibits.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  He  is  an  American,  who  leaving  behind  him  all  his 
ancient  prejudices  and  manners,  receives  new  ones  from  the 


NO. 64]  The   American  163 

new  mode  of  life  he  has  embraced,  the  new  government  he 
obeys,  and  the  new  rank  he  holds.  He  becomes  an  American 
by  being  received  in  the  broad  lap  of  our  great  Alma  Mater. 
Here  individuals  of  all  nations  are  melted  into  a  new  race  of 
men,  whose  labours  and  posterity  will  one  day  cause  great 
changes  in  the  world.  Americans  are  the  western  pilgrims, 
who  are  carrying  along  with  them  that  great  mass  of  arts, 
sciences,  vigour,  and  industry  which  began  long  since  in  the 
east ;  they  will  finish  the  great  circle.  The  Americans  were 
once  scattered  all  over  Europe ;  here  they  are  incorporated 
into  one  of  the  finest  systems  of  population  which  has  ever 
appeared,  and  which  will  hereafter  become  distinct  by  the 
power  of  the  different  climates  they  inhabit.  The  American 
•ought  therefore  to  love  this  country  much  better  than  that 
wherein  either  he  or  his  forefathers  were  born.  Here  the 
rewards  of  his  industry  follow  with  equal  steps  the  progress 
of  his  labour ;  his  labour  is  founded  on  the  basis  of  nature, 
self-interest ';  can  it  want  a  stronger  allurement?  Wives  and 
children,  who  before  in  vain  demanded  of  him  a  morsel  of 
bread,  now,  fat  and  frolicksome,  gladly  help  their  father  to 
clear  those  fields  whence  exuberant  crops  are  to  arise  to  feed 
and  to  clothe  them  all;  without  any  part  being  claimed, 
either  by  a  despotic  prince,  a  rich  abbot,  or  a  mighty  lord. 
Here  religion  demands  but  little  of  him ;  a  small  voluntary 
salary  to  the  minister,  and  gratitude  to  God ;  can  he  refuse 
these?  The  American  is  a  new  man,  who  acts  upon  new 
principles  ;  he  must,  therefore  entertain  new  ideas,  and  form 
new  opinions.  From  involuntary  idleness,  servile  depend 
ence,  penjury,  and  useless  labour,  he  has  passed  to  toils  of  a 
very  different  nature,  rewarded  by  ample  subsistence.  —  This 
is  an  American. 

J.  Hector  St.  John  [de  Crevecoeur],  Letters  from  an  American 
Farmer  (London,  1782),  45-53  passim. 


164 


Confederation 


[1783 


65.    Life  in   Congress   (1783) 

PRINCETON  Sept?  8th  1783 

DEAR  MRS  HUNTINGTON 
Since  my  Last  Nothing  Material  has  hapned  a  Dutch 
Minister  is  Dayly  Expected  to  arrive  in  Philadelphia  and  it 
was  Rumoured  tjiat  Some  of  his  furniture  was  arrived  last 
Week  This  must  be  a  Wonderful  great  Affair  and  what 
Congress  can  Do  with  this  Great  Personage  in  Princeton  is 
more  than  Humane  Wisdom  can  Divise  [devise]  for  there 
are  not  Buildings  Sufficient  to  House  more  Dons  [gentle 
men]  nor  .  .  .  Indeed  as  many  as  are  Already  here  Some 
are  under  Necessity  to  Go  to  Philadelphia  once  or  Twice 
a  fortnight  to  Breath  in  Polite  Air.  The  Country  so  badly 
agrees  with  those  Sublime  &  Delicate  Constitutions  that  it 
is  to  be  feared  that  many  of  them  will  Contract  a  Rusticity 
that  Can  never  be  wholly  Purged  off  We  have  nothing 
here  but  the  Necessaries  and  Comforts  of  Life  and  who  can 
live  so?  The  Agreeables  of  the  City  cannot  be  had  in  the 
Country  I  Expect  no  Business  of  Importance  will  be  Done 
untill  Congress  Returns  to  that  Sweet  Paridice  [paradise] 
from  which  they  hastily  took  Flight  in  June  last  Since 
which  Time  an  Awkward  Rustication  has  been  their  Painful 
Situation  on  an  Eminence  in  the  Country  where  they  have 
no  Musquitoes  to  Serenade  them  in  bed  and  in  the  Day 
they  have  a  Prospect  of  no  more  than  30  or  40  Miles  to  the 
High  Lands  on  [or]  the  Sea  Coast  nor  can  they  hear  the 
musick  of  Carts  and  Waggons  on  the  Pavements  in  the  City 
nor  See  the  motly  Crowd  of  Beings  in  those  Streets.  This 
must  be  Truely  Distressing  to  Gentlemen  of  Taste  —  The 
Ladies  make  less  Complaint  than  the  Gentlemen  and  the 
Gentlemen  who  have  their  Ladies  here  seem  in  some  Degree 
Contented.  The  President  of  Congress  who  Belongs  in  the 
Jersy  is  obliged  to  leave  his  Lady  in  Philadelphia  to  Keep 
Possession  but  has  the  Promise  of  a  Very  Genteel  House 


No.  65] 


Congress 


nere  if  he  will  take  it  but  not  Knowing  whether  Congress 
will  abide  in  Princetown  or  not,  he  is  at  the  utmost  Loss 
what  to  Do,  Whether  it  is  best  for  him  and  his  wife  to  live 
together  as  Peasants  do  in  the  Country  or  for  her  to  be  at 
Philada  as  the  Ladies  do,  and  for  him  to  Live  as  a  Gentle 
man  Doing  Business  in  the  Country  in  hopes  of  Retiring  to 
the  Pleasures  and  amusements  of  the  City  when  Business 
is  over  this  Matter  Requiring  Great  Deliberation  Cannot 
(like  the  Emigration  of  Congress  in  June  last)  be  hastily 
Determined  Thus  you  See  we  Great  Folks  are  not  without 
Trouble.  I  hope  to  become  a  small  man  in  a  few  Weeks 
and  Retire  from  the  Embarrassments  of  Dignity  to  the  Plain 
&  Peaceful  Possessions  of  a  Private  Life  not  Desiring  to 
Live  without  Business  but  to  do  useful  Business  without  ye 
Pangs  &  Vanity  of  this  Wicked  World 

All  I  have  Wrote  is  not  what  I  Designed  when  I  began  & 
Consequently  have  not  yet  advanced  one  Step  toward  any 
Design  and  having  nothing  to  Write  About  am  at  a  Great 
Loss  what  to  Write  because  it  Requires  more  Strength  of 
Genius  to  Build  on  Hansom  [an  handsome]  Fabrick  with 
out  Materials  than  with  —  I  am  Spending  Money  very  fast 
but  not  so  fast  as  I  Could  with  the  Same  Degree  of 
Industery  in  Philadelphia  &  it  is  a  Mortifying  Consideration 
that  my  Cash  is  Spent  for  no  better  Purposes,  but  the  Great 
&  General  Concerns  of  a  Nation  must  [be]  attended  to  and 
the  Fashions  &  Customs  of  the  World  are  Such  as  Require 
it  to  be  Done  with  Expence  —  A  new  Fashion  is  among  the 
Ladies  here  which  is  the  Same  as  at  Philada  The  Roll  is 
much  less  than  formerly  and  is  Raised  to  a  Peak  on  their 
Forehead  Frowzled  and  Powdered  and  they  wear  Men's 
Beaver  Hats  with  a  Large  Tye  of  Gauze  like  a  Sash  or 
Mourning  Wead  [weed]  about  the  Crown  &  Decorated  with 
Feathers  &  Plumes  on  the  Top  which  makes  a  very  Daring 
Appearance  The  Brim  of  the  Hat  is  Loped  before  about 
as  low  as  their  Eyes  and  is  a  Kind  of  Riding  Hat  They 
Walk  Abroad  and  Sit  in  Church  in  the  Same.  Some  have 


The  presi 
dent  of  Con 
gress  was 
Elias  Boudi- 
not ;  he  was 
a  man  of 
large  means. 


Congress  sat 
at  Princeton 
because  it 
had  been 
assaulted  by 
mutineers  at 
Philadelphia 
in  June,  1783. 


On  the  fash 
ions  of  the 
time,  see  Con 
temporaries, 
Il.ch.  xii; 
III,  ch.  i. 


i66 


Confederation 


[1788 


them  in  the  Same  Figure  made  of  Paper  and  Covered  with 
Silk  with  Deep  Crowns  as  a  Beaver  Hat  but  as  this  is  much 
out  of  the  Line  of  Business  I  was  sent  here  to  do  I  have  not 
been  very  Particular  on  the  Subject  I  might  also  mention 
the  Waistcoat  and  Long  Sleaves  much  like  the  Riding  habits 
our  Ladies  wore  Twenty  five  years  ago  but  as  they  Differ 
some  from  them  &  having  no  Right  to  be  very  Much  in 
Observation  upon  the  Ladies  I  am  not  able  to  say  Much  on 
the  Subject 

Give  my  love  in  Particular  to  Every  Child  in  our  Family  & 
Regards  to  Friends  &  Neighbors 

I  am  Dear  Spouse 

your  Most  Affectionate 

BENJ  HUNTINGTON 
MBS  ANNE  HUNTINGTON 

W.  D.  McCrackan,  editor,  The  Huntington  Letters  (New  York, 
1897),  56-61. 


66.    The  West  (1788) 

I  HAVE  not  the  time,  my  friend,  to  describe  to  you  the 
new  country  of  the  West ;  which,  though  at  present 
unknown  to  the  Europeans,  must,  from  the  nature  of  things, 
very  soon  merit  the  attention  of  every  commercial  and 
manufacturing  nation.  I  shall  lay  before  you  at  present 
only  a  general  view  of  these  astonishing  settlements,  and 
refer  to  another  time  .the  details  which  a  speculative  phi 
losopher  may  be  able  to  draw  from  them.  At  the  foot  of 
the  Alleganies,  whose  summits,  however,  do  not  threaten 
the  heavens,  like  those  of  the  Andes  and  the  Alps,  begins 
an  immense  plain,  intersected  with  hills  of  a  gentle  ascent, 
and  watered  every  where  with  streams  of  all  sizes ;  the  soil 


NO.  66]  The   West  167 

is  from  three  to  seven  feet  deep,  and  of  an  astonishing  Revolution 

fertility  :  it  is  proper  for  every  kind  of  culture,  and  it  multi-  i*  ade^oMhe 

plies  cattle  almost  without  the  care  of  man.  Girondists. 

It  is  there  that  those  establishments  are  formed,  whose  sympathetic* 

prosperity  attracts  so  many  emigrants  ;  such  as  Kentucky,  ^merlc*  °f 

Frankland,  Cumberland,  Holston,  Muskingum,  and  Scioto.  conditions 

The  oldest  and  most  flourishing  of  these  is   Kentucky,  t^ons!-^" 

which  began  in    177=;,  had   eight  thousand  inhabitants  in  For  early 

Western 

1782,  fifty  thousand  in  1787,  and  seventy  thousand  in  1790.  settlements 
It  will  soon  be  a  State. 


Cumberland,  situated  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kentucky,   chs.  xx,  xxii; 
contains  8000  inhabitants,  Holston   5000,  and   Frankland 

Frankland, 
25,000.    .    .   .  or  Franklin, 

There  is  nothing  to  fear,  that  the  danger  from  the  savages   novv  eastern 

.„  ,  .  ,.    .  Tennessee. 

will  ever  arrest  the  ardour  of  the  Americans  for  extending 

their  settlements.     They  all  expect  that  the  navigation  of 

the  Missisippi  becoming  free,  will  soon  open  to  them  the   Spain,  by 

markets  of  the  islands,  and  the  Spanish  colonies,  for  the  pro-   o3£t2S 

ductions  with  .which  their  country  overflows.     But  the  ques-   trolled  the 

tion  to  be  solved  is,  whether  the  Spaniards  will  open  this   Mississippi.6 

navigation  willingly,  or  whether*  the  Americans  will  force  it. 

A  kind  of  negociation  has  been  carried  on,  without  effect 

for  four  years  ;  and  it  is  supposed,  that  certain  States,  fear 

ing  to  lose  their  inhabitants  by  emigration  to  the  West, 

have,  in  concert  with  the  Spanish  minister,  opposed  it  ... 

...  a  number  of  reasons  determine  me  to  believe,  that 
the  present  union  will  for  ever  subsist.     A  great  part  of  the 
property  of  the  Western  land  belongs  to  people  of  the  East  ;   Through 
the  unceasing  emigrations  serve  perpetually  to   strengthen   andl 
their  connexions  ;  and  as  it  is  for  the  interest  both  of  the   companies. 
East  and  West,  to  open  an  extensive  commerce  with  South- 
America,  and  to  overleap  the  Missisippi  ;    they  must,  and 
will,  remain  united  for  the  accomplishment  of  this  object. 

The  Western  inhabitants  are  convinced  that  this  naviga 
tion  cannot  remain  a  long  time  closed.     They  are  deter- 


i68 


Confederation 


[1788 


This  predic 
tion  was  justi 
fied  in  1803. 


Ecuador. 


Not  fulfilled 
entirely  till 
the  emanci 
pation  in 
Brazil,  in 
1888. 


mined  to  open  it  by  good  will  or  by  force ;  and  it  would 
not  be  in  the  power  of  Congress  to  moderate  their  ardour. 
Men  who  have  shook  off  the  yoke  of  Great-Britain,  and 
who  are  masters  of  the  Ohio  and  the  Missisippi,  cannot 
conceive  that  the  insolence  of  a  handful  of  Spaniards  can 
think  of  shutting  rivers  and  seas  against  a  hundred  thousand 
free  Americans.  The  slightest  quarrel  will  be  sufficient  to 
throw  them  into  a  flame ;  and  if  ever  the  Americans  shall 
march  towards  New  Orleans,  it  will  infallibly  fall  into  their 
hands.  .  .  . 

I  transport  myself  sometimes  in  imagination  to  the  suc 
ceeding  century.  I  see  this  whole  extent  of  continent,  from 
Canada  to  Quito,  covered  with  cultivated  fields,  little  vil 
lages,  and  country  houses.  I  see  Happiness  and  Industry, 
smiling  side  by  side,  Beauty  adorning  the  daughter  of 
Nature,  Liberty  and  Morals  rendering  almost  useless  the 
coercion  of  Government  and  Laws,  and  gentle  Tolerance 
taking  place  of  the  ferocious  Inquisition.  I  see  Mexicans, 
Peruvians,  men  of  the  United  States,  Frenchmen,  and 
Canadians,  embracing  each  other,  cursing  tyrants,  and  bless 
ing  the  reign  of  Liberty,  which  leads  to  universal  harmony. 
But  the  mines,  the  slaves,  what  is  to  become  of  them  ?  The 
mines  will  be  closed,  and  the  slaves  will  become  the  brothers 
of  their  masters.  .  .  . 

Our  speculators  in  Europe  are  far  from  imagining  that 
two  revolutions  are  preparing  on  this  continent,  which  will 
totally  overturn  the  ideas  and  the  commerce  of  the  old  :  the 
opening  a  canal  of  communication  between  the  two  oceans, 
and  abandoning  the  mines  of  Peru.  Let  the  imagination  of 
the  philosopher  contemplate  the  consequences.  They  can 
not  but  be  happy  for  the  human  race. 

J.  P.  Brissot  de  Warville,  New  Travels  in  the  United  States  of 
America.  Performed  in  1788  (translated,  London,  1792), 
474-483  passim. 


NO.  67]      Northwest   Ordinance      169 


67.    The   Inner   History  of  the  Northwest 
Ordinance   (1787) 

'Y~^\RIDAY,  July  20  [1787].  This  morning  the  Secre- 
ji  tary  of  Congress  furnished  me  with  the  Ordinance  of 
yesterday,  which  states  the  conditions  of  a  contract, 
but  on  terms  to  which  I  shall  by  no  means  accede.  Informed 
the  Committee  of  Congress  that  I  could  not  contract  on  the 
terms  proposed  ;  should  prefer  purchasing  lands  of  some  of 
the  States,  who  would  give  incomparably  better  terms,  and 
therefore  proposed  to  leave  the  City  immediately.  They 
appeared  to  be  very  sorry  no  better  terms  were  offered,  and 
insisted  on  my  not  thinking  of  leaving  Congress  until  another 
attempt  was  made.  I  told  them  I  saw  no  prospect  of  a  con 
tract,  and  wished  to  spend  no  more  time  and  money  on  a 
business  so  unpromising.  They  assured  me  I  had  many 
friends  in  Congress  who  would  make  every  exertion  in  my 
favor  •  that  it  was  an  object  of  great  magnitude,  and  [I] 
must  not  expect  to  accomplish  it  in  less  than  two  or  three 
months.  If  I  desired  it,  they  would  take  the  matter  up  that 
day  on  different  ground,  and  did  not  doubt  they  should  still 
obtain  terms  agreeably  to  my  wishes.  ... 

Monday,  July  23.  My  friends  had  made  every  exertion 
in  private  conversation  to  bring  over  my  opposers  in  Con 
gress.  In  order  to  get  at  some  of  them,  so  as  to  work 
powerfully  on  their  minds,  [we]  were  obliged  to  engage  three 
or  four  persons  before  we  could  get  at  them.  In  some 
instances  we  engaged  one  person,  who  engaged  a  second, 
and  he  a  third,  and  so  on  to  a  fourth,  before  we  could  effect 
our  purpose.  In  these  maneuvers  I  am  much  beholden  to 
the  assistance  of  Colonel  Duer  and  Major  Sargent. 

The  matter  was  taken  up  this  morning  in  Congress,  and 
warmly  debated  until  3  o'clock,  when  another  ordinance 


By 

REVEREND 
MANASSEH 
CUTLER 
(1742-1823), 
a  New  Eng 
land  clergy 
man  who 
served  as  a 
chaplain  in 
the  conti 
nental  army. 
He  later  be 
came  inter 
ested  in  the 
formation  of 
the  Ohio 
Company,  of 
which  he  was 
made  agent. 
He  drafted 
for  Nathan 
Dane  the 
famous  ordi 
nance  ex 
cluding  slav 
ery  from  the 
Northwest 
Territory, 
and  furnish 
ing  a  model 
for  the 

colonial  gov 
ernments  of 
the  United 
States.     The 
piece  is  also 
an  illustration 
of  the  diffi 
culties  of 
business  in 
the  Congress 
of  the  Con 
federation. — 
On  the  Ordi 
nance,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  III. 


170  Confederation  [1787 

was  obtained.     This  was  not  to  the  minds  of  my  friends, 
who  were  now  considerably  increased  in  Congress  .  .  . 

Thursday,  July  26.  .  .  .  Dined-  with  Sir  John  Temple. 
Several  gentlemen  in  company.  Immediately  after  dining 
took  my  leave  and  called  on  Dr.  Holton.  He  told  me  that 
Congress  had  "been  warmly  engaged  on  our  business  the  whole 
day ;  that  the  opposition  was  lessened,  but  our  friends  did  not 
think  it  prudent  to  come  to  a  vote,  lest  there  should  not  be 
a  majority  in  favor.  I  felt  much  discouraged,  and  told  the 
Doctor  I  thought  it  in  vain  to  wait  longer,  and  should  certainly 
leave  the  city  the  next  day.  He  cried  out  on  my  impatience, 
said  if  I  obtained  my  purpose  in  a  month  from  that  time  I 
should  be  far  more  expeditious  than  was  common  in  getting 
much  smaller  matters  through  Congress  ;  that  it  was  of  great 
magnitude,  for  it  far  exceeded  any  private  contract  ever 
made  before  in  the  United  States ;  that  if  I  should  fail  now, 
I  ought  still  to  pursue  the  matter,  for  I  should  most  certainly 
finally  obtain  the  object  I  wished.  To  comfort  me  he  assured 
me  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  conceive  by  what  kind 
of  address  I  had  so  soon  and  so  warmly  engaged  the  atten 
tion  of  Congress,  for  since  he  had  been  a  member  of  that 
body  he  assured  me  on  his  honor  he  never  knew  so  much 
attention  paid  to  any  one  person  who  made  application  to 
them  on  any  kind  of  business,  nor  did  he  ever  know  them 
more  pressing  to  bring  it  to  a  close.  He  could  not  have 
supposed  that  any  three  men  from  New  England,  even  of 
the  first  character,  could  have  accomplished  so  much  in  so 
short  a  time.  This,  I  believe,  was  mere  flattery,  though  it 
was  delivered  with  a  very  serious  air,  but  it  gave  me  some 
consolation.  I  now  learned  very  nearly  who  were  for  and 
who  were  against  the  terms.  Bingham  is  come  over,  but 
Few  and  Kearney  are  stubborn.  Unfortunately  there  are 
only  eight  states  represented,  and  unless  seven  of  them  are 
in  favor  no  ordinance  can  pass.  Every  moment  of  this  even 
ing  until  two  o'clock  was  busily  employed.  A  warm  seige 


NO.  67]      Northwest   Ordinance      171 

was  laid  on  Few  and  Kearney  from  different  quarters,  and  if 
the  point  is  not  effectually  carried  the  attack  is  to  be  renewed 
in  the  morning.  Duer,  Sargent,  and  myself  have  also  agreed, 
if  we  fail,  that  Sargent  shall  go  on  to  Maryland,  which  is  not 
at  present  represented,  and  prevail  on  the  members  to  come 
on,  and  to  interest  them,  if  possible,  in  our  plan.  I  am  to 
go  on  to  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island,  to  solicit  the  mem 
bers  from  these  states  to  go  on  to  New  York,  and  to  lay  an 
anchor  to  the  windward  with  them.  As  soon  as  those  states 
are  represented  Sargent  is  to  renew  the  application,  and  I 
have  promised  Duer,  if  it  be  found  necessary,  I  will  then 
come  on  to  New  York  again. 

Friday,  July  27.  I  rose  very  early  this  morning,  and, 
after  adjusting  my  baggage  for  my  return,  for  I  was  deter- 
m[in]ed  to  leave  New  York  this  day,  I  set  out  on  a  general 
morning  visit,  and  paid  my  respects  to  all  the  members  of 
Congress  in  the  city,  and  informed  them  of  my  intention  to 
leave  the  city  that  day.  My  expectations  of  obtaining  a 
contract,  I  told  them,  were  nearly  at  an  end.  I  should,  how 
ever,  wait  the  decision  of  Congress,  and  if  the  terms  we  had 
stated,  and  which  I  conceived  to  be  exceedingly  advantageous 
to  Congress,  considering  the  circumstances  of  that  country, 
were  not  acceded  to,  we  must  turn  our  attention  to  some 
other  part  of  the  country.  New  York,  Connecticut,  and 
Massachusetts  would  sell  us  lands  at  half  a  dollar,  and  give 
us  exclusive  privileges  beyond  what  we  had  asked  of  Con 
gress.  .  .  .  These  and  such  like  were  the  arguments  I 
urged.  They  seemed  to  be  fully  acceded  to,  but  whether 
they  will  avail  is  very  uncertain.  Mr.  R.  H.  Lee  assured  me 
he  was  prepared  for  one  hour's  speech,  and  he  hoped  for 
success.  All  urged  me  not  to  leave  the  city  so  soon  ;  but  I 
assumed  the  air  of  perfect  indifference,  and  persisted  in  my 
determination,  which  had  apparently  the  effect  I  wished. 
Passing  the  City  Hall  as  the  members  were  going  in  to 
Congress,  Colonel  Carrington  told  me  he  believed  Few  was 


172 


Confederation 


[1787 


secured,  that  little  Kearney  was  left  alone,  and  that  he 
determined  to  make  one  trial  of  what  he  could  do  in  Con 
gress.  Called  at  Sir  John  Temple's  for  letters  to  Boston ; 
bid  my  friends  good-by ;  and,  as  it  was  my  last  day,  Mr. 
Henderson  insisted,  on  my  dining  with  him  and  a  number  of 
his  friends  whom  he  had  invited. 

At  half-past  three,  I  was  informed  that  an  Ordinance  had 
passed  Congress  on  the  terms  stated  in  our  letter,  without 
the  least  variation,  and  that  the  Board  of  Treasury  was 
directed  to  take  Order  and  close  the  contract.  .  .  . 

Manasseh  Cutler,  Life,  Journals,  and  Correspondence  (edited  by 
W.  P.  Cutler  and  Julia  P.  Cutler,  Cincinnati,  1888),  I,  294- 
305  passim. 


By  DELE 
GATE 
GEORGE 
MASON 
(1725-1792), 
fourth  of  the 
name  in  a 
celebrated 
Virginia  fam 
ily.    Among 
other  things 
he  drew  up 
the  Virginia 
Resolutions 
of  1769,  and 
in  1776 
drafted  the 
Virginia 
Declaration 
of  Rights. 
He  was  a 
member  of 
the  Constitu 
tional  Con 
vention,  but 
being  very 
democratic 
and  opposed 
to  extending 
the  powers  of 


68.    Objections  to  the  Constitution  (1787) 

THERE  is  no  Declaration  of  Rights,  and  the  laws  of 
the  general  government  being  paramount  to  the 
laws  and  constitution  of  the  several  States,  the  Declarations 
of  Rights  in  the  separate  States  are  no  security.  Nor  are 
the  people  secured  even  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  benefit  of 
the  common  law. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  there  is  not  the  substance 
but  the  shadow  only  of  representation ;  which  can  never 
produce  proper  information  in  the  legislature,  or  inspire 
confidence  in  the  people ;  the  laws  will  therefore  be  gen 
erally  made  by  men  little  concerned  in,  and  unacquainted 
with  their  effects  and  consequences. 

The  Senate  have  the  power  of  altering  all  money  bills, 
and  of  originating  appropriations  of  money,  and  the  salaries 
of  the  officers  of  their  own  appointment,  in  conjunction 
with  the  president  of  the  United  States,  although  they  are 
not  the  representatives  of  the  people  or  amenable  to  them. 


NO.  68]     Constitution   Criticized     173 


These  with  their  other  great  powers,  viz. :  their  power  in 
the  appointment  of  ambassadors  and  all  public  officers,  in 
making  treaties,  and  in  trying  all  impeachments,  their  in 
fluence  upon  and  connection  with  the  supreme  Executive 
from  these  causes,  their  duration  of  office  and  their  being  a 
constantly  existing  body,  almost  continually  sitting,  joined 
with  their  being  one  complete  branch  of  the  legislature,  will 
destroy  any  balance  in  the  government,  and  enable  them  to 
accomplish  what  usurpations  they  please  upon  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  the  people. 

The  Judiciary  of  the  United  States  is  so  constructed  and 
extended,  as  to  absorb  and  destroy  the  judiciaries  of  the 
several  States ;  thereby  rendering  law  as  tedious,  intricate 
and  expensive,  and  justice  as  unattainable,  by  a  great  part 
of  the  community,  as  in  England,  and  enabling  the  rich  to 
oppress  and  ruin  the  poor.  *•*- 

The  President  of  the  United  States  has  no  Constitutional 
Council,  a  thing  unknown  in  any  safe  and  regular  govern 
ment.  He  will  therefore  be  unsupported  by  proper  infor 
mation  and  advice,  and  will  generally  be  directed  by  minions 
and  favorites ;  or  he  will  become  a  tool  to  the  Senate  —  or 
a  Council  of  State  will  grow  out  of  the  principal  officers  of 
the  great  departments ;  the  worst  and  most  dangerous  of  all 
ingredients  for  such  a  Council  in  a  free  country.  From 
this  fatal  defect  has  arisen  the  improper  power  of  the  Senate 
in  the  appointment  of  public  officers,  and  the  alarming  de 
pendence  and  connection  between  that  branch  of  the  legis 
lature  and  the  supreme  Executive. 

Hence  also  sprung  that  unnecessary  officer  the  Vice- 
President,  who  for  want  of  other  employment  is  made 
president  of  the  Senate,  thereby  dangerously  blending  the 
executive  and  legislative  powers,  besides  always  giving  to 
some  one  of  the  States  an  unnecessary  and  unjust  pre 
eminence  over  the  others. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  has  the  unrestrained 


the  executive 
and  legisla 
tive,  he  de 
clined  to  sign 
the  instru 
ment  framed. 
The  extract 
is  an  example 
of  numerous 
similar  argu 
ments.  —  For 
text  of  the 
Constitution, 
see  American 
History  Leaf 
lets,  No.  8.— 
For  the  Fed 
eral  Conven 
tion,  see  Am. 
Hist.  Studies, 
Nos.  5,6; 
Contempora 
ries, III. 

This  objec 
tion  has  been 
disproved  by 
experience. 

Not  well 
founded. 

This  has  not 
come  to  pass. 

The  cabinet 
has  not  as 
sumed  this 
power. 


The  word 

dangerous, 
as  applied  to 
anything  re 
lating  to  the 
vice-presi 
dential  office 


Confederation 


[1787 


smile  at  the 
present  day. 


The  tariff 
laws  were 
later  a  cause 
of  complaint 
by  the  South. 


The  "  neces 
sary  and 
proper  " 
clause,  ever 
since  much 
disputed. 

The  lack  of  a 
Bill  of  Rights 
was  a  fre 
quent  criti 
cism,  and  led 
to  the  first 
ten  amend 
ments  to  the 
Constitution. 


power  of  granting  pardons  for  treason,  which  may  be  some 
times  exercised  to  screen  from  punishment  those  whom  he 
had  secretly  instigated  to  commit  the  crime,  and  thereby 
prevent  a  discovery  of  his  own  guilt. 

By  declaring  all  treaties  supreme  laws  of  the  land,  the 
Executive, and  the  Senate  have,  in  many  cases,  an  exclusive 
power  of  legislation ;  which  might  have  been  avoided  by 
proper  distinctions  with  respect  to  treaties,  and  requiring  the 
assent  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  where  it  could  be 
done  with  safety. 

By  requiring  only  a  majority  to  make  all  commercial  and 
navigation  laws,  the  five  Southern  States,  whose  produce 
and  circumstances  are  totally  different  from  that  of  the  eight 
Northern  and  Eastern  States,  may  be  ruined,  for  such  rigid 
and  premature  regulations  may  be  made  as  will  enable  the 
merchants  of  the  Northern  and  Eastern  States  not  only  to 
demand  an  exhorbitant  freight,  but  to  monopolize  the  pur 
chase  of  the  commodities  at  their  own  price,  for  many  years, 
to  the  great  injury  of  the  landed  interest,  and  impoverish 
ment  of  the  people;  and  the  danger  is  the  greater  as  the 
gain  on  one  side  will  be  in  proportion  to  the  loss  on  the 
other.  Whereas  requiring  two-thirds  of  the  members  pres 
ent  in  both  Houses  would  have  produced  mutual  moderation, 
promoted  the  general  interest,  and  removed  an  insuperable 
objection  to  the  adoption  of  this  government. 

Under  their  own  construction  of  the  general  clause,  at 
the  end  of  the  enumerated  powers,  the  Congress  may  grant 
monopolies  in  trade  and  commerce,  constitute  new  crimes, 
inflict  unusual  and  severe  punishments,  and  extend  their 
powers  as  far  as  they  shall  think  proper ;  so  that  the  State 
legislatures  have  no  security  for  the  powers  now  presumed 
to  remain  to  them,  or  the  people  for  their  rights. 

There  is  no  declaration  of  any  kind,  for  preserving  the 
liberty  of  the  press,  or  the  trial  by  jury  in  civil  causes ;  nor 
against  the  danger  of  standing  armies  in  time  of  peace. 


NO. 69]     Constitution   Criticized     175 

The  State  legislatures  are  restrained  from  laying  export 
duties  on  their  own  produce. 

Both  the  general  legislature  and  the  State  legislature  are   Laws  made 
expressly  prohibited   making   ex  post  facto  laws ;    though  offences 
there  never  was  nor  can  be  a  legislature  but  must  and  will  committed, 
make  such  laws,  when  necessity  and  the  public  safety  require 
them ;  which  will  hereafter  be  a  breach  of  all  the  constitu 
tions  in  the  Union,  and  afford  precedents  for  other  innova 
tions. 

This  government  will  set  out  a  moderate  aristocracy :  it  is 
at  present  impossible  to  foresee  whether  it  will,  in  its  opera 
tion,  produce  a  monarchy,  or  a  corrupt,  tyrannical  aristoc 
racy  ;  it  will  most  probably  vibrate  some  years  between  the 
two,  and  then  terminate  in  the  one  or  the  other. 

The  general  legislature  is  restrained  from  prohibiting  the   Slave-trade 
further  importation  of  slaves  for  twenty  odd  years ;  though   jSoV 
such  importations  render  the  United  States  weaker,  more 
vulnerable,  and  less  capable  of  defence. 

Draft  of  the  original  manuscript,  in  Kate  Mason  Rowland, 
The  Life  of  George  Mason  (New  York,  etc.,  1892),  II, 
387-390. 


69.    The  Political  Harvest  Time  (1788) 

HON.  Mr.  SMITH.  Mr.  President,  I  am  a  plain  man 
and  get  my  living  by  the  plough.  I  am  not  used  to 
speak  in  publick,  but  I  beg  your  leave  to  say  a  few  words  to 
my  brother  plough -joggers  in  this  house.  I  have  lived  in  a 
part  of  the  country  where  I  have  known  the  worth  of  good 
government  by  the  want  of  it.  There  was  a  black  cloud 
that  rose  in  the  east  last  winter,  and  spread  over  the  west. 
{Here  Mr.  Widgery  interrupted.  Mr.  President,  I  wish  to 
know  what  the  gentleman  means  by  the  east.)  I  mean,  sir, 


By  COLONEL 
JONATHAN 
B.  SMITH,  a 
member  of 
the  Massa 
chusetts  con 
vention  of 
1788,  which 
ratified  the 
Constitution 
of  the  United 
States.    His 
speech  is  a 
good  ex 
ample  of  the 
common- 
sense  argu- 


Confederation 


[1788 


ment  of  the 
plain  practi 
cal  man  in 
favor  of  a 
national  con 
stitution,  be 
sides  being  a 
remarkable 
piece  of  good 
English.  — 
For  the  State 
ratifying  con 
ventions,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  III. 


The  Shays's 
Rebellion  of 
1786-87. 


Adopted  in 
1780. 


the  county  of  Bristol ;  the  cloud  rose  there  and  burst  upon 
us,  and  produced  a  dreadful  effect.  It  brought  on  a  state 
of  anarchy,  and  that  leads  to  tyranny.  I  say  it  brought 
anarchy.  People  that  used  to  live  peaceably,  and  were 
before  good  neighbours,  got  distracted  and  took  up  arms 
against  government.  (Here  Mr.  Kingsley  called  to  order, 
and  asked  what  had  the  history  of  last  winter  to  do  with  the 
Constitution  ?  'Several  gentlemen,  and  among  the  rest  the 
Hon.  Mr,  Adams,  said  the  gentleman  was  in  order — let  him 
go  on  in  his  own  way.}  I  am  a  going,  Mr.  President,  to 
shew  you,  my  brother  farmers,  what. were  the  effects  of 
anarchy,  that  you  may  see  the  reasons  why  I  wish  for  good 
government.  People,  I  say  took  up  arms,  and  then  if  you 
went  to  speak  to  them,  you  had  the  musket  of  death  pre 
sented  to  your  breast.  They  would  rob  you  of  your  property, 
threaten  to  burn  your  houses ;  oblige  you  to  be  on  your 
guard  night  and  day ;  alarms  spread  from  town  to  town ; 
families  were  broke  up ;  the  tender  mother  would  cry,  O  my 
son  is  among  them  !  What  shall  I  do  for  my  child  !  Some 
were  taken  captive,  children  taken  out  of  their  schools  and 
carried  away.  Then  we  should  hear  of  an  action,  and  the 
poor  prisoners  were  set  in  the  front,  to  be  killed  by  their  own 
friends.  How  dreadful,  how  distressing  was  this  !  Our  dis 
tress  was  so  great  that  we  should  have  been  glad  to  catch  at 
any  thing  that  looked  like  a  government  for  protection. 
Had  any  person,  that  was  able  to  protect  us,  come  and  set 
up  his  standard  we  should  all  have  flocked  to  it,  even  if  it 
had  been  a  monarch,  and  that  monarch  might  have  proved 
a  tyrant,  so  that  you  see  that  anarchy  leads  to  tyranny,  and 
better  have  one  tyrant  than  so  many  at  once. 

Now,  Mr.  President,  when  I  saw  this  Constitution,  I  found 
that  it  was  a  cure  for  these  disorders.  It  was  just  such  a 
thing  as  we  wanted.  I  got  a  copy  of  it  and  read  it  over  and 
over.  I  had  been  a  member  of  the  Convention  to  form  our 
own  state  Constitution,  and  had  learnt  something  of  the 


NO.  69]    Constitution   Advocated    177 

checks  and  balances  of  power,  and  I  found  them  all  here. 
I  did  not  go  to  any  lawyer,  to  ask  his  opinion,  we  have  no 
lawyer  in  our  town,  and  we  do  well  enough  without.  I 
formed  my  own  opinion,  and  was  pleased  with  this  Consti 
tution.  My  honourable  old  daddy  there  (^pointing  to  Mr. 
Singletary)  won't  think  that  I  expect  to  be  a  Congress-man, 
and  swallow  up  the  liberties  of  the  people.  I  never  had  any 
post,  nor  do  I  want  one,  and  before  I  am  done  you  will  think 
that  I  don't  deserve  one.  But  I  don't  think  the  worse  of 
the  Constitution  because  lawyers,  and  men  of  learning  and 
monied  men,  are  fond  of  it.  I  don't  suspect  that  they  want 
to  get  into  Congress  and  abuse  their  power.  I  am  not  of 
such  a  jealous  make ;  they  that  are  honest  men  themselves 
are  not  apt  to  suspect  other  people.  I  don't  know  why  our 
constituents  have  not  as  good  a  right  to  be  as  jealous  of  us, 
as  we  seem  to  be  of  the  Congress,  and  I  think  those  gentle 
men  who  are  so  very  suspicious,  that  as  soon  as  a  man  gets 
into  power  he  turns  rogue,  had  better  look  at  home. 

We  are  by  this  Constitution  allowed  to  send  ten  members 
to  Congress.  Have  we  not  more  than  that  number  fit  to 
go  ?  I  dare  say  if  we  pick  out  ten,  we  shall  have  another 
ten  left,  and  I  hope  ten  times  ten,  and  will  not  these  be  a 
check  upon  those  that  go ;  Will  they  go  to  Congress  and 
abuse  their  power  and  do  mischief,  when  they  know  that 
they  must  return  and  look  the  other  ten  in  the  face,  and  be 
called  to  account  for  their  conduct  ?  Some  gentlemen  think 
that  our  liberty  and  property  is  not  safe  in  the  hands  of 
monied  men,  and  men  of  learning,  I  am  not  of  that  mind. 

Brother  farmers,  let  us  suppose  a  case  now  —  suppose  you 
had  a  farm  of  50  acres,  and  your  title  was  disputed,  and  there 
was  a  farm  of  5000  acres  joined  to  you  that  belonged  to  a 
man  of  learning,  and  his  title  was  involved  in  the  same  diffi 
culty  ;  would  not  you  be  glad  to  have  him  for  your  friend, 
rather  than  to  stand  alone  in  the  dispute?  Well,  the  case  is 
the  same,  these  lawyers,  these  monied  men,  these  men  of 


i78 


Confederation 


[1788 


learning,  are  all  embarked  in  the  same  cause  with  us,  and  we 
must  all  swim  or  sink  together ;  and  shall  we  throw  the  Con 
stitution  over-board,  because  it  does  not  please  us  alike? 
Suppose  two  or  three  of  you  had  been  at  the  pains  to  break 
up  a  piece  of  rough  land,  and  sow  it  with  wheat  —  would  you 
let  it  lay  waste,  because  you  could  not  agree  what  sort  of  a 
fence  to  make  ?  would  it  not  be  better  to  put  ap[up]  a  fence 
that  did  not  pleas"e  every  one's  fancy  rather  than  not  fence  it 
at  all,  or  keep  disputing  about  it,  until  the  wild  beast  came 
in  and  devoured  it.  Some  gentlemen  say,  don't  be  in  a 
hurry — take  time  to  consider,  and  don't  take  a  leap  in  the 
dark.  —  I  say  take  things  in  time  —  gather  fruit  when  it  is 
ripe.  There  is  a  time  to  sow  and  a  time  to  reap  ;  we  sowed 
our  seed  when  we  sent  men  to  the  federal  convention,  now 
is  the  harvest,  now  is  the  time  to  reap  the  fruit  of  our  labour, 
and  if  we  don't  do  it  now  I  am  afraid  we  never  shall  have 
another  opportunity. 

Debates,  Resolutions  and  other  Proceedings,  of  the  Convention  of 
the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts,  1788  (reported  by  Ben 
jamin  Russell,  Boston,  1788),  132-134. 


By  FRANCIS 
HOPKINSON 
(1737-1791), 
signer  of  the 
Declaration 
of  Indepen 
dence,  one  of 
the  commit 
tee  to  draft 
the  Articles 
of  Confed 
eration, 
member  of 
the  Conti 
nental  Con 
gress,  and 
later  judge  in 
Pennsylva 
nia.    He  was 


70.    "The  New  Roof"  (1788) 

"A   SONG   FOR    FEDERAL   MECHANICS." 
I. 

COME  muster,  my  lads,  your  mechanical  tools, 
Your  saws  and  your  axes,  your  hammers  and  rules 
Bring  your  mallets  and  planes,  your  level  and  line, 
And  plenty  of  pins  of  American  pine  : 
For  our  roof  we  will  raise,  and  our  song  still  shall  be, 
Our  government  firm,  and  our  citizens  free. 


No.  70] 


The   New   Roof 


179 


ii. 

COME,  up  with  the  plates,  lay  them  firm  on  the  wall, 

Like  the  people  at  large,  they're  the  ground  work  of  all  ; 

Examine  them  well,  and  see  that  they're  sound, 

Let  no  rotten  part  in  our  building  be  found  : 

For  our  roof  we  will  raise,  and  our  song  still  shall  be 

A  government  firm,  and  our  citizens  free. 


III. 

Now  hand  up  the  girders,  lay  each  in  his  place, 
Between  them  \hsjoists,  must  divide  all  the  space; 
Like  assemblymen  these  should  lie  level  along, 
Like  girders,  our  senate  prove  loyal  and  strong  : 
For  our  roof  we  will  raise,  and  our  song  still  shall  be 
A  government  firm  over  citizens  free. 


one  of  the 
earliest 
American 
humorists, 
and  besides 
wrote  much 
in  prose  and 
verse  to  favor 
the  cause  of 
indepen 
dence.     The 
phrase  "  New 
Roof"  was 
popularly 
applied  to 
the  Constitu 
tion. —  For 
Hopkinson, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  II, 
Nos.  96,  196. 
—  For  the 
going  into 
effect  of  the 
Constitution, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  III. 


IV. 

THE  rafters  now  frame ;  your  king-posts  and  braces, 
And  drive  your  pins  home,  to  keep  all  in  their  places ; 
Let  wisdom  and  strength  in  the  fabric  combine, 
And  your  pins  be  all  made  of  American  pine : 
For  our  roof  we  will  raise,  and  our  song  still  shall  be, 
A  government  firm  over  citizens  free. 


V. 

OUR  king-posts  are  judges  ;  how  upright  they  stand, 
Supporting  the  braces ;  the  laws  of  the  land  : 
The  laws  of  the  land,  which  divide  right  from  wrong, 
And  strengthen  the  weak,  by  weak'ning  the  strong : 
For  our  roof  we  will  raise,  and  our  song  still  shall  be, 
Laws  equal  and  just,  for  a  people  thafsfree. 


i8o 


Confederation 


[1788 


The  exact 
date  of  the 
piece  is  in 
cloubt,  but 
the  allusion 
to  "  States  " 
marks  it  as 
written  about 
the  time  of 
the  Federal 
Convention. 


VI. 

UP  !  up  !  with  the  rafters  ;  each  frame  is  a  state : 
How  nobly  they  rise  !  their  span,  too,  how  great ! 
From  the  north  to  the  south,  o'er  the  whole  they  extend, 
And  rest  on  the  walls,  whilst  the  walls  they  defend  : 
For  our  roof  we  will  raise,  and  our  song  still  shall  be 
Combined  in  strength,  yet  as  citizens  free. 

VII. 

Now  enter  the  purlins,  and  drive  your  pins  through; 
And  see  that  your  joints  are  drawn  home  and  all  true. 
The  purlins  will  bind  all  the  rafters  together : 
The  strength  of  the  whole  shall  defy  wind  and  weather : 
For  our  roof  we  will  raise,  and  our  song  still  shall  be, 
United  as  states,  but  as  citizens  free. 

VIII. 

COME,  raise  up  the  turret;  our  glory  and  pride ; 
In  the  centre  it  stands,  o'er  the  whole  to  preside  : 
The  sons  of  Columbia  shall  view  with  delight 
Its  pillar's,  and  arches,  and  towering  height : 
Our  roof  is  now  raised,  and  our  song  still  shall  be, 
A  federal  head  o'er  a  people  that's  free. 

IX. 

HUZZA  !  my  brave  boys,  our  work  is  complete ; 
The  world  shall  admire  Columbia's  fair  seat ; 
Its  strength  against  tempest  and  time  shall  be  proof, 
And  thousands  shall  come  to  dwell  under  our  roof: 
Whilst  we  drain  the  deep  bowl,  our  toast  still  shall  be 
Our  government  firm,  and  our  citizens  free. 

Francis  Hopkinson,  Miscellaneous  Essays  and  Occasional  Writ' 
ings  (Philadelphia,  1792),  II,  320-322. 


CHAPTER   XI  — MAKING   A  GOVERN 
MENT,  1789-1801 

71.     A  Democratic    View    of  Washington 

(1789-1790) 


T 


kHE  President  advanced  between  the  Senate 
and  Representatives,  bowing  to  each.  He 
was  placed  in  the  chair  by  the  Vice-President ;  the  Senate 
with  their  president  on  the  right,  the  Speaker  and  the 
Representatives  on  his  left.  The  Vice-President  rose  and 
addressed  a  short  sentence  to  him.  The  import  of  it  was 
that  he  should  now  take  the  oath  of  office  as  President. 
He  seemed  to  have  forgot  half  what  he  was  to  say,  for  he 
made  a  dead  pause  and  stood  for  some  time,  to  appearance, 
in  a  vacant  mood.  He  finished  with  a  formal  bow,  and  the 
President  was  conducted  out  of  the  middle  window  into  the 
gallery,  and  the  oath  was  administered  by  the  Chancellor. 
Notice  that  the  business  done  was  communicated  to  the 
crowd  by  proclamation,  etc.,  who  gave  three  cheers,  and 
repeated  it  on  the  President's  bowing  to  them. 

As  the  company  returned  into  the  Senate  chamber,  the 
President  took  the  chair  and  the  Senators  and  Representa 
tives  their  seats.  He  rose,  and  all  arose  also,  and  addressed 
them.  This  great  man  was  agitated  and  embarrassed  more 
than  ever  he  was  by  the  leveled  cannon  or  pointed  musket. 
He  trembled,  and  several  times  could  scarce  make  out  to 
read,  though  it  must  be  supposed  he  had  often  read  it  before. 
He  put  part  of  the  fingers  of  his  left  hand  into  the  side  of 
what  I  think  the  tailors  call  the  fall  of  the  breeches,  chang 
ing  the  paper  into  his  left  hand.  After  some  time  he  then 

181 


By  SENATOR 
WILLIAM 
MACLAY 
(1737-1804), 
senator  from 
Pennsylvania 
in  1789-91. 
He  had 
served  both 
in  the  French 
and  Indian 
and  in  the 
Revolution 
ary  war.    In 
Congress  he 
was  noted  for 
extreme 
democratic 
views,  and 
he  soon 
became  a 
leader  of  the 
opposition  to 
Washington. 
His  journal 
presents  a 
graphic 
picture  of  the 
social  and 
political  life 
of  the  period, 
enlivened 
though  some 
what  dis 
torted  by  the 
violent  preju 
dices  of  the 
author.     It  is 
the  only  ac 
count  that  we 
have  of  the 
debates  of  the 
Senate  dur 
ing  the  First 
Congress, 


182     The  New  Government  [1789-1790 

for  it  sat  in      did  the  same  with  some  of  the  fingers  of  his  right  hand. 


This  When  he  came  to  the  words  all  the  world,  he  made  a  nourish 

pieceibes  W^  n*s  ™Snt  hand,  which  left  rather  an  ungainly  impression. 

Washing-  I  sincerely,  for  my  part,  wished  all  set  ceremony  in  the  hands 

ration^Apfil"  of  the  dancing-masters,  and  that  this  first  of  men  had  read 

30,1789.—  On  off  his  address  in  the  plainest  manner,  without  ever  taking 

seeaabove°n>  his  eyes  from  the  paper,  for  I  felt  hurt  that  he  was  not  first 

—  °On3?hl  o'r  *n  everythmg-     He  was  dressed  in  deep  brown,  with  metal 

ganization  of  buttons,  with  an  eagle  on  them,  white  stockings,  a  bag,  and 

the  federal  swor(} 

government,  swora-   •    •    - 

^American       [Aug.  2  7.]     Senate  adjourned  early.     At  a  little  after  four 

I,  75-143  ;  I  called  on  Mr.  Bassett,  of  the  Delaware  State.     We  went  to 
the   President's  to  dinner.  ...     The  President  and  Mrs. 


Washington  sat  opposite  each  otljer  in  the  middle  of  the 
table  ;  the  two  secretaries,  one  at  each  end.  It  was  a  great 
dinner,  and  the  best  of  the  kind  I  ever  was  at.  The  room, 
however,  was  disagreeably  warm. 

First  was  the  soup  ;  fish  roasted  and  boiled  ;  meats,  gam 
mon,  fowls,  etc.  This  was  the  dinner.  The  middle  of  the 
table  was  garnished  in  the  usual  tasty  way,  with  small  images, 
flowers  (artificial),  etc.  The  dessert  was,  first  apple-pies, 
pudding,  etc.  ;  then  iced  creams,  jellies,  etc.  ;  then  water 
melons,  musk-melons,  apples,  peaches,  nuts. 

It  was  the  most  solemn  dinner  ever  I  sat  at.  Not  a  health 
drank  ;  scarce  a  word  said  until  the  cloth  was  taken  away. 
A  usual  cere-  Then  the  President,  filling  a  glass  of  wine,  with  great  formal- 
time7  St  that  ity  drank  to  the  health  of  every  individual  by  name  round  the 
table.  Everybody  imitated  him,  charged  glasses,  and  such 
a  buzz  of  "  health,  sir,"  and  "  health,  madam,"  and  "  thank 
you,  sir,"  and  "  thank  you,  madam,"  never  had  I  heard  be 
fore.  Indeed,  I  had  liked  to  have  been  thrown  out  in  the 
hurry  ;  but  I  got  a  little  wine  in  my  glass,  and  passed  the 
ceremony.  The  ladies  sat  a  good  while,  and  the  bottles 
passed  about  ;  but  there  was  a  dead  silence  almost.  Mrs.  • 
Washington  at  last  withdrew  with  the  ladies. 


NO.  72]      President  Washington       183 

I  expected  the  men  would  now  begin,  but  the  same  still-, 
ness  remained.  The  President  told  of  a  New  England 
clergyman  who  had  lost  a  hat  and  wig  in  passing  a  river 
called  the  Brunks.  He  smiled,  and  everybody  else  laughed. 
He  now  and  then  said  a  sentence  or  two  on  some  common 
subject,  and  what  he  said  was  not  amiss.  .  .  .  The  Presi 
dent  kept  a  fork  in  his  hand,  when  the  cloth  was  taken  away, 
I  thought  for  the  purpose  of  picking  nuts.  He  ate  no  nuts, 
however,  but  played  with  the  fork,  striking  on  the  edge  of 
the  table  with  it.  We  did  not  sit  long  after  the  ladies  re 
tired.  The  President  rose,  went  up-stairs  to  drink  coffee  ; 
the  company  followed.  I  took  my  hat  and  came  home.  .  .  . 

This  was  levee  day,  and  I  accordingly  dressed  and  did 
the  needful.  It  is  an  idle  thing,  but  what  is  the  life  of  men 
but  folly  ?  —  and  this  is  perhaps  as  innocent  as  any  of  them, 
so  far  as  respects  the  persons  acting.  The  practice,  how- 
ever,  considered  as  a  feature  of  royalty,  is  certainly  anti- 
republican.  This  certainly  escapes  nobody.  The  royalists 
glory  in  it  as  a  point  gained.  Republicans  are  borne  down 
by  fashion  and  a  fear  of  being  charged  with  a  want  of  respect 
to  General  Washington.  If  there  is  treason  in  the  wish  I 
retract  it,  but  would  to  God  this  same  General  Washington 
were  in  heaven  !  We  would  not  then  have  him  brought  for- 
ward  as  the  constant  cover  to  ever}-  unconstitutional  and 
irrepublican  act. 

William   Maclay,  Journal  (edited  by  Edgar  S.  Maclay,  New 
York,  1890),  8-351  passim. 


060.14,1790; 

the  LCVCG 

was  the 


tion. 


ece 


Even  Wash- 

not  escape 
calumny* 


72.    Speech  on  the  Tariff  (1789) 


w 


1808),  a 

HEN  it  was  asked,  What  is  the  occasion  of  a  high  eraiist,  for 


duty?  it  was  answered,  that  it  is  necessary  in  order 
to  come  at  the  proper  tax  on  rum  ;  but  I  insist  that  there  is  Congress 


184     The  New  Government       [1789 


from  Massa 
chusetts. 
This  speech 
was  made  in 
a  debate  on 
what  after 
ward  be 
came  the  first 
tariff  act. 
Massachu 
setts  opposed 
the  taxing  of 
hemp,  flax, 
and  molas 
ses,  the  two 
former  being 
used  for  ship 
cordage,  the 
latter  as  a 
"  raw  mate 
rial  "  in  the 
manufacture 
of  New  Eng 
land  rum. — 
For  Ames, 
see  American 
Orations,  I, 
112  (another 
speech),  359. 
—  On  the 
tariff  dis 
cussion,  see 
American 
Orations, 
III,  IV; 
Contempora 
ries,  III,  IV; 
American 
History 
Studies, 
No.  ii. 


no  such  necessity,  while  an  excise  is  within  our  reach ;  and 
it  is  in  this  mode  only  that  you  can  obtain  any  considerable 
revenue.  The  gentleman  from  Virginia  has  said  that  the 
manufacture  of  country  rum  is  in  no  kind  of  danger  from 
the  duty  on  molasses.  He  has  stated  to  the  House  the 
quantity  made  before  the  Revolution,  and  goes  on  to  argue 
that  as  West  India  rum  paid  no  duty,  and  molasses  paid 
some,  if  the  manufacture  thrived  under  these  disadvantages, 
why  should  it  not  continue  to  support  itself  in  future  ?  .  .  . 
Mr.  Speaker,  we  are  not  to  consider  molasses  in  the  same 
light  as  if  it  were  in  the  form  of  rum.  We  are  not  to  tax  a 
necessary  of  life  in  the  same  manner  as  we  do  a  pernicious 
luxury.  I  am  sensible  an  attempt  to  draw  a  critical  line  of 
distinction  in  this  case,  between  what  is  necessary  and  what 
is  a  luxury,  will  be  attended  with  some  difficulty ;  but  I  con 
ceive  the  distinction  sufficient  for  our  present  purpose,  if  it 
prove  molasses  to  be  necessary  for  the  subsistence  of  the 
people.  No  decent  family  can  do  without  something  by 
way  of  sweetening ;  whether  this  arises  from  custom  or 
necessity  of  nature,  is  not  worth  the  inquiry ;  if  it  is  admitted 
to  be  a  requisite  for  the  support  of  life,  a  tax  on  it  will  be 
the  same  as  a  tax  on  bread ;  it  is  repugnant  to  the  first 
principles  of  policy  to  lay  taxes  of  this  nature  in  America. 
What  is  it  that  entitles  the  United  States  to  take  rank  of  all 
the  nations  in  Europe,  but  because  it  is  the  best  country  for 
the  poor  to  live  in  ?  If  we  go  on  taxing  such  articles  as  salt 
and  molasses,  these  advantages  will  not  long  continue  to  be 
ours.  It  may  be  said  that  sugar  is  also  a  necessary  of  life  : 
true,  but  molasses,  inasmuch  as  it  is  cheaper,  can  be  more 
easily  obtained,  and  enters  more  into  consumption,  at  least 
of  the  poor.  They  apply  it  to  various  uses ;  it  is  a  substi 
tute  for  malt,  in  making  beer ;  and  shall  it  be  said  that  the 
General  Government  descends  to  small  beer  for  its  revenue, 
while  strong  beer  remains  duty  free  ?  Why  shall  this  dif 
ference  be  made  between  the  common  drink  of  one  part  of 


NO.  72]          The   First  Tariff  185 

the  continent  and  the  other,  unless  it  be  with  a  view  to 
drive  the  people  to  drinking  simple  water?  The  gentleman 
from  Virginia  contends  that  the  consumers  of  eight  pounds 
of  sugar  pay  more  than  those  who  use  eight  pounds  of 
molasses ;  this  may  be  true,  but  from  the  variety  of  ways  in 
which  molasses  is  used,  eight  pounds  is  sooner  consumed 
than  six  or  four  pounds  of  sugar,  which  makes  up  the  dif 
ference.  But  do  gentlemen  mean  that  the  poorest  and 
weakest  part  of  the  community  shall  pay  as  much  for  what 
they  use  as  the  richer  classes  ?  Is  this  the  reward  of  their 
toil  and  industry?  .  .  . 

The  question  is  plainly  reducible  to  this  :    Shall  we  tax  a 
necessary  of  life  in  the  same  proportion  as  a  luxury  ?     Gen 
tlemen  will  not  contend  for  either  the  justice  or  policy  of 
such  a  measure;   but  they  say  the  necessity  of  the  case 
obliges  them;  they  cannot  come  at  the  luxury  but  through 
the  raw  material.      They  say  they  cannot  lay  an  excise,   i.e.  duty  on 
I   ask,   Why  not?      People   may  justly   think   it   burden-  ^re™" 
some  to  raise  all  our  supplies  from  impost.     Much  can  be  spirits, 
obtained  from  this  source,  to  be   sure,  by  touching  every 
thing ;  but  I  would  recommend  touching  such  things  as  are 
essential  to  subsistence  lightly,  and  bring  in  the  excise  as  a 
means  of  obtaining  the  deficiency ;  it  will  be  the  more  cer 
tain  way  of  making  country  rum  contribute  its  proportion. 
I  am  not  against  a  duty  in  this  shape ;   but  if  the  hand  of 
government  is  stretched  out  to  oppress  the  various  interests 
I  have  enumerated  by  an  unequal  and  oppressive  tax  on  the 
necessaries  of  life,  I  fear  we  shall  destroy  the  fond  hopes 
entertained  by  our  constituents  that  this  government  would 
insure   cheir   rights,    extend  their   commerce,    and    protect 
their  manufactures.     Mothers  will  tell  their  children,  when  A  curious  bit 
they  solicit  their  daily  and  accustomed  nutriment,  that  the   scious'hu- 
new  laws  forbid  them  the  use  of  it ;  and  they  will  grow  up   mor- 
in  a  detestation  of  the  hand  which  proscribes  their  innocent   /-<?-.the  °.c?u- 

pation  or  dis- 

food,  and  the  occupation  of  their  fathers ;  the  language  of  tilling  rum. 


1 86     The  New  Government        [1790 


By  SECRE 
TARY  OF 
STATE 
THOMAS 
JEFFERSON 
(1743-1826), 
later  the  third 
President  of 
the  United 
States.    Alex 
ander  Hamil 
ton  was  at 
this  time  Sec 
retary  of  the 
Treasury. 
The  enmity 
between  the 
two  men  had 
not  reached 
that  acute 
stage  which 
later  would 
have  made 
any  compro 
mise  between 
them  impos 
sible.     The 
issue  was  the 
assumption 


complaint  will  circulate  universally,  and  change  the  favorable 
opinion  now  entertained  to  dislike  and  clamor. 

The  House  will  not  suppose  we  are  actuated  by  local  in 
terests  in  opposing  a  measure  big  with  such  dangerous  con 
sequences  to  the  existence  of  the  Union.  They  will  admit 
we  have  reason  for  persisting  in  our  opposition  to  a  high 
duty,  and  may  be  inclined  to  join  us  in  reducing  it  either  to 
five  per  cent  or,  at  most  to  one  cent  per  gallon.  If  the  ap 
prehensions  we  have  expressed  shall  be  realized,  let  it  rest 
upon  the  advocates  of  the  present  measure ;  we  have  done 
our  duty,  and  it  only  remains  for  us  to  submit  to  that  ruin  in 
which  the  whole  may  be  involved. 

Fisher  Ames,  Speeches  (edited  by  Pelham  W.  Ames,   Boston, 
1871),  13-18  passim. 


73.    A  Question  of  Compromise  (1790) 

r  I  ^HIS  measure  [the  assumption  of  State  debts]  produced 
JL  the  most  bitter  &  angry  contests  ever  known  in  Con 
gress,  before  or  since  the  union  of  the  states.  I  arrived  in 
the  midst  of  it.  But  a  stranger  to  the  ground,  a  stranger  to 
the  actors  on  it,  so  long  absent  as  to  have  lost  all  familiarity 
with  the  subject,  and  as  yet  unaware  of  it's  object,  I  took  no 
concern  in  it.  The  great  and  trying  question  however  was 
lost  in  the  H.  of  Representatives.  So  high  were  the  feuds 
excited  by  this  subject,  that  on  it's  rejection,  business  was 
suspended.  Congress  met  and  adjourned  from  day  to  day 
without  doing  any  thing,  the  parties  being  too  much  out  of 
temper  to  do  business  together.  The  Eastern  members  par 
ticularly,  who,  with  Smith  from  South  Carolina,  were  the 
principal  gamblers  in  these  scenes,  threatened  a  secession 
and  dissolution.  Hamilton  was  in  despair.  As  I  was  going 
to  the  President's  one  day,  I  met  him  in  the  street.  He 


NO.  73]     Assumption  and  Capital    187 

walked  me  backwards   &   forwards  before  the  President's  of  twenty 
door  for  half  an  hour.     He  painted  pathetically  the  temper   stallTebtl 
into  which  the  legislature  had  been  wrought,  the  disgust  of  desired  by 
those  who  were  called  the  Creditor  states,  the  danger  of  the   capitalists, 
secession  of  their  members,  and  the  separation  of  the  states.   o^e  Capital 
He  observed  that  the  members  of  the  administration  ought  on  the  Poto- 
to  act  in  concert,  that  tho'  this  question  was  not  of  my  de- 


partment,  yet  a  common  duty  should  make  it  a  common   The  extract 

,          ,       _       .  ,  .  .  .   .       ,,  was  written 

concern  ;  that  the  President  was  the  center  on  which  all  ad-   by  Jefferson 


ministrative  questions  ultimately  rested,  and  that  all  of  us 

should  rally   around   him,    and   support   with  joint   efforts  event,  and 

measures  approved  by  him  ;  and  that  the  question  having  JX  colored 

been  lost  by  a  small  majority  only,  it  was  probable  that  an  J>y  prejudice. 

'  ,  i  i    T  He  had  just 

appeal  from  me  to  the  judgment  and  discretion  of  some  of  retumedfrom 

my  friends  might  effect  a  change  in  the  vote,  and  the  machine  !^ 


of  government,  now  suspended,   might  be  again  set   into   son,  see 

T         i  i    i  •          i     .    T  11  i        American 

motion.      I   told  him  that  I  was  really  a  stranger  to  the    Orations,  I, 


whole  subject  ;  not  having  yet  informed  myself  of  the  system 

of  finances  adopted,  I  knew  not  how  far  this  was  a  necessary   ch.      .  —  On 

sequence  ;  that  undoubtedly  if  it's  rejection  endangered  a 


dissolution  of  our  union  at  this  incipient  stage,  I  should   tion  of  State 

-    ..  debts,  see 

deem  that  the  most  unfortunate  of  all  consequences,  to  avert    Contempora- 

which  all  partial  and  temporary  evils  should  be  yielded.     I  J*^  ni> 

proposed  to  him  however  to  dine  with  me  the  next  day,  and 

I  would  invite  another  friend  or  two,  bring  them  into  con 

ference  together,  and  I  thought  it  impossible  that  reasonable 

men,  consulting  together  coolly,  could  fail,  by  some  mutual 

sacrifices  of  opinion,  to  form  a  compromise  which  was  to 

save  the  union.     The  discussion  took  place.     I  could  take 

no  part  in  it,  but  an  exhortatory  one,   because   I  was   a 

stranger  to  the  circumstances  which  should  govern  it.     But 

it  was  finally  agreed  that,  whatever  importance  had  been 

attached  to  the  rejection  of  this  proposition,  the  preservation 

of  the  union,  &  and  of  concord  among  the  states  was  more   So  in  the 

important,  and  that  therefore  it  would  be  better  that  the   orisinal- 


Alexander 
White  and 
Richard 
Bland  Lee, 
of  Virginia ; 
Daniel  Car 
roll,  of  Mary 
land,  also 
changed  his 
vote. 


1 88     The  New  Government        [1794 

vote  of  rejection  should  be  rescinded,  to  effect  which  some 
members  should  change  their  votes.  But  it  was  observed 
that  this  pill  would  be  peculiarly  bitter  to  the  Southern 
States,  and  that  some  concomitant  measure  should  be 
adopted  to  sweeten  it  a  little  to  them.  There  had  before 
been  propositions  to  fix  the  seat  of  government  either  at 
Philadelphia,  or  at  Georgetown  on  the  Potomac  ;  and  it  was 
thought  that  by-  giving  it  to  Philadelphia  for  ten  years,  and 
to  Georgetown  permanently  afterwards,  this  might,  as  an 
anodyne,  calm  in  some  degree  the  ferment  which  might  be 
excited  by  the  other  measure  alone.  So  two  of  the  Potomac 
members  (White  &  Lee,  but  White  with  a  revulsion  of 
stomach  almost  convulsive)  agreed  to  change  their  votes,  & 
Hamilton  undertook  to  carry  the  other  point.  In  doing  this 
the  influence  he  had  established  over  the  Eastern  members 
.  .  .  effected  his  side  of  the  engagement.  And  so  the  as 
sumption  was  passed,  and  twenty  millions  of  stock  divided 
among  favored  states  .  .  . 

Thomas  Jefferson,  The  Anas,  in  his  Writings  (edited  by  P.  L. 
Ford,  New  York,  etc.,  1892),  I,  162-164. 


By  CHIEF 

JUSTICE 
OHN  JAY 
1745-1829). 

Jay  had  had 
considerable 
diplomatic 
training,  hav 
ing  been,  in 
1778,  minis 
ter  to  Spain, 
in  1783  one 
of  the  com 
missioners  to 
negotiate  the 
Peace  of  Ver 
sailles,  and, 


74.    Maritime  Grievances  (1794) 

THE  undersigned,  envoy  of  the  United  States  of  Amer 
ica,  has  the  honour  of  representing  to  the  Right  Hon 
orable  Lord  Grenville,  his  Britannic  Majesty's  Secretary  of 
State  for  the  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs  : 

That  a  very  considerable  number  of  American  vessels 
have  been  irregularly  captured,  and  as  improperly  con 
demned  by  certain  of  his  Majesty's  officers  and  judges. 

That,  in  various  instances,  these  captures  and  condem 
nations  were  so  conducted,  and  the  captured  placed  under 


NO.  74]       Maritime    Grievances        189 

such  unfavourable  circumstances,  as  that,  for  want  of  the  under  the 

securities  required,  and  other   obstacles,  no   appeals  were  Jfon^Secre^ 

made  in  certain  cases,  nor  any  claims  in  others.  ^T  ?f 

The  undersigned  presumes  that  these  facts  will  appear  fairs,  an  office 

from  the  documents  which  he  has  had  the  honour  of  sub-  ^gnCehdhto  ^ 

mitting  to  his  Lordship's  consideration  ;   and  that  it  will  not  come  Chief 

be  deemed  necessary,  at  present,  to  particularize  these  cases  l 


and  their  merits,  or  detail  the  circumstances  which  discrim-   I794  the 

country  was 

inate  some  from  others.  on  the  brink 


That  great  and  extensive  injuries  having  thus,  under  colour 

of  his  Majesty's  authority  and  commissions,  been  done  to  a  the  treaty 

numerous  class  of  American  merchants,  the  United  States  negotiated 

can,  for  reparation,  have  recourse  only  to  the  justice,  author-  Qr^nvine? 

ity,  and  interposition  of  his  Majesty.  November 

That   the   vessels   and  property  taken   and   condemned  averSfwa 

nave  been  chiefly  sold,  and  the  proceeds  divided  among  for  some 

i_          r  r     i  j      j  years-    Th 

a  great  number  of  persons,  of  whom  some  are  dead,  some  piece  is  the 


unable  to  make  retribution,  and  others,  from  frequent  remov- 

als  and  their  particular  circumstances,  not  easily  reached  dum  laid  by 

,         ...  Jay  before 

by  civil  process.  &  *  British 

That  as,  for  these  losses  and  injuries,  adequate  compen-  government; 

J  it  does  not 

sation,  by  means  of  judicial  proceedings,  has  become  im-  include  the 

practicable,  and,  considering  the  causes  which  combined  to  fh^retemforf 

produce  them,  the  United  States  confide  in  his  Majesty's  of  the  frontier 

,  .      .  .  .  i  posts  by  Eng- 

justice  and  magnanimity  to  cause  such  compensation  to  be  fand,  the 

made  to  these  innocent  sufferers  as  may  be  consistent  with  carryJng 

J  away  of 

equity  ;  and  the  undersigned  natters  himself  that  such  prin-  slaves,  and 

ciples  may,  without  difficulty,  be  adopted,  as  will  serve  as  £|  $  l]^' 

rules  whereby  to   ascertain  the  cases  and  the  amount  of  with  the 

West  Indies. 

compensation.  —For  jay, 

So  grievous  are  the  expenses  and  delays  attending  litigated  ^<SvwTn 

suits,  to  persons  whose  fortunes  have  been  so  materially  No.      .— 

affected,  and  so  great  is  the  distance  of  Great  Britain  from  grievances"16 

America,  that  the  undersigned  thinks  he  ought  to  express  see  American 

.  Orations,  I, 

his  anxiety  that  a  mode  or   proceeding  as   summary  and  84-130-  Con* 


i  go     The  New  Government       [1794 


temporaries, 
III,  ch. 


The  most 
serious 
grievance 
down  to  1812. 
—  See  below, 
No.  76. 


little  expensive  may  be  devised  as  circumstances  and  the 
peculiar  hardship  of  these  cases  may  appear  to  permit  and 
require. 

And  as  (at  least  in  some  of  these  cases)  it  may  be  expe 
dient  and  necessary,  as  well  as1  just,  that  the  sentences  of  the 
courts  of  vice-admiralty  should  be  revised  and  corrected  by 
the  Court  of  Appeals  here,  the  undersigned  hopes  it  will 
appear  reasonable  to  his  Majesty  to  order  that  the  captured 
in  question  (who  have  not  already  so  done)  be  there  ad 
mitted  to  enter  both  their  appeals  and  their  claims. 

The  undersigned  also  finds  it  to  be  his  duty  to  represent 
that  the  irregularities  before  mentioned  extended  not  only 
to  the  capture  and  condemnation  of  American  vessels  and 
property,  and  to  unusual  personal  severities,  but  even  to  the 
impressment  of  American  citizens  to  serve  on  board  of  armed 
vessels.  He  forbears  to  dwell  on  the  injuries  done  to  the 
unfortunate  individuals,  or  on  the  emotions  which  they  must 
naturally  excite,  either  in  the  breast  of  the  nation  to  whom 
they  belong,  or  of  the  just  and  humane  of  every  country. 
His  reliance  on  the  justice  and  benevolence  of  his  Majesty 
leads  him  to  indulge  a  pleasing  expectation  that  orders  will 
be  given  that  Americans  so  circumstanced  be  immediately 
liberated,  and  that  persons  honoured  with  his  Majesty's 
commissions  do,  in  future,  abstain  from  similar  violences. 

It  is  with  cordial  satisfaction  that  the  undersigned  reflects 
on  the  impressions  which  such  equitable  and  conciliatory 
measures  would  make  on  the  minds  of  the  United  States, 
and  how  naturally  they  would  inspire  and  cherish  those  sen 
timents  and  dispositions  which  never  fail  to  preserve,  as  well 
as  to  produce,  respect,  esteem,  and  friendship. 

JOHN  JAY. 
LONDON,  July  30,  1794. 


John  Jay,  Correspondence  and  Public  Papers  (edited  by  Henry 
P.  Johnston,  New  York,  etc.,  [1893]),  IV,  38-41. 


NO.  75]     X  Y  Z  Correspondence     191 


75.    "The  X  Y  Z   Despatches"    (1797) 


A1 


PARIS,  October  22,  1797. 

LL  of  us  having  arrived  at  Paris  on  the  even 
ing  of  the  4th  instant,  on  the  next  day  we 
verbally,  and  unofficially,  informed  the  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs  therewith,  and  desired  to  know  when  he  would  be  at 
leisure  to  receive  one  of  our  secretaries  with  the  official 
notification.  He  appointed  the  next  day  at  two  o'clock, 
when  Major  Rutledge  waited  on  him  .  .  . 

In  the  evening  .  .  .  Mr.  X.  called  on  General  Pinckney, 
and  after  having  sat  some  time,  *  *  *  whispered  him  that 
he  had  a  message  from  M.  Talleyrand  to  communicate  when 
he  was  at  leisure.  .  .  .  General  Pinckney  said  he  should  be 
glad  to  hear  it.  M.  X.  replied  that  the  Directory,  and 
particularly  two  of  the  members  of  it,  were  exceedingly 
irritated  at  some  passages  of  the  President's  speech,  and 
desired  that  they  should  be  softened ;  and  that  this  step 
would  be  necessary  previous  to  our  reception.  That,  be 
sides  this,  a  sum  of  money  was-  required  for  the  pocket  of 
the  Directory  and  ministers,  which  would  be  at  the  disposal 
of  M.  Talleyrand  ;  and  that  a  loan  would  also  be  insisted  on. 
M.  X.  said  if  we  acceded  to  these  measures,  M.  Talleyrand 
had  no  doubt  that  all  our  differences  with  France  might  be 
accommodated.  .  .  . 

October  the  2ist,  M.  X.  came  before  nine  o'clock;  M. 
Y.  did  not  come  until  ten  :  he  had  passed  the  morning  with 
M.  Talleyrand.  After  breakfast  the  subject  was  immediately 
resumed.  ...  He  [M.  Y.]  said  .  .  .  that  if  we  desired 
him  to  point  out  the  sum  which  he  believed  would  be  satis 
factory  [to  the  Directory],  he  would  do  so.  We  requested 
him  to  proceed;  and  he  said  that  there  were  thirty-two 
millions  of  florins,  of  Dutch  inscriptions,  worth  ten  shillings 
in  the  pound,  which  might  be  assigned  to  us  at  twenty  shil- 


By  C.  C. 

PJNCKNEY 
(1746-1825), 
JOHN 

MARSHALL 
(1755-1835), 
and 

ELBRIDGE 
GERRY 
(1744-1814), 
sent  to 
France  in 
1797  as  joint 
envoys  to 
settle  various 
disputed 
questions 
between  the 
two  govern 
ments. 
Talleyrand, 
French 
Foreign 
Minister,  re 
fused  to  re 
ceive  them, 
but  through 
secret  agents 
("X,"  "  Y," 
and"Z") 
made  an 
unofficial 
demand  for 
bribes  as  a 
necessary 
preliminary 
to  any  settle 
ment.     The 
extracts  are 
from  the  en 
voys'  de 
spatches 
home,  which 
were  made 
public  and 
caused  war 
with  France 
in  1798. 
They  are  an 
example  of 
diplomatic 
correspond 
ence.  —  For 
relations  with 


192      The  New  Government       [1797 


France,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  II,  Nos. 
199,  213,216; 
III,  ch. 


I.e.  a  bribe. 


The  Ameri 
can  grievance 
was  the  ille 
gal  capture  of 
American 
merchant 
men;  the 
French 
grievance 
was  that 
commercial 
privilege  had 
been  allowed 
to  England. 
—  See  No. 
74,  above. 


lings  in  the  pound ;  and  he  proceeded  to  state  to  us  the 
certainty  that,  after  a  peace,  the  Dutch  Government  would 
repay  us  the  money ;  so  that  we  should  ultimately  lose 
nothing,  and  the  only  operation  of  the  measure  would  be, 
an  advance  from  us  to  France  of  thirty-two  millions,  on  the 
credit  of,  the  Government  of  Holland.  We  asked  him 
whether  the  fifty  thousand  pounds  sterling,  as  a  douceur  to 
the  Directory,  must  be  in  addition  to  this  sum.  He  an 
swered  in  the  affirmative.  .  .  . 

We  committed  immediately  to  writing  the  answer  we 
proposed,  in  the  following  words  :  "  Our  powers  respecting 
a  treaty  are  ample ;  but  the  proposition  of  a  loan,  in  the 
form  of  Dutch  inscriptions,  or  in  any  other  form,  is  not 
within  the  limits  of  our  instructions ;  upon  this  point,  there 
fore,  the  Government  must  be  consulted  ;  one  of  the  Ameri 
can  ministers  will,  for  the  purpose,  forthwith  embark  for 
America ;  provided  the  Directory  will  suspend  all  further 
captures  on  American  vessels,  and  will  suspend  proceedings 
on  those  already  captured,  as  well  where  they  have  been 
already  condemned,  as  where  the  decisions  have  not  yet 
been  rendered ;  and  that  where  sales  have  been  made,  but 
the  money  not  yet  received  by  the  captors,  it  shall  not  be 
paid  until  the  preliminary  questions,  proposed  to  the  minis 
ters  of  the  United  States,  be  discussed  and  decided  :  " 
which  was  read  as  a  verbal  answer ;  and  we  told  them  they 
might  copy  it  if  they  pleased.  M.  Y.  refused  to  do  so  ;  his 
disappointment  was  apparent ;  he  said  we  treated  the  money 
part  of  the  proposition  as  if  it  had  proceeded  from  the 
Directory;  whereas,  in  fact,  it  did  not  proceed  even  from 
the  minister,  but  was  only  a  suggestion  from  himself,  as  a 
substitute  to  be  proposed  by  us,  in  order  to  avoid  the  pain 
ful  acknowledgment  that  the  Directory  had  determined  to 
demand  of  us.  It  was  told  him  that  we  understood  that 
matter  perfectly ;  that  we  knew  the  proposition  was  in  form 
to  be  ours ;  but  that  it  came  substantially  from  the  minister. 


wo. 75]     X  Y  Z  Correspondence     193 

We  asked  what  had  led  to  our  present  conversation  ?  And 
General  Pinckney  then  repeated  the  first  communication 
from  M.  X.  .  .  . 

OCTOBER,  27,  1797. 

About  twelve  we  received  another  visit  from  M.  X.  ... 
He  mentioned  the  change  in  the  state  of  things  which  had 
been  produced  by  the  peace  with  the  emperor,  as  warrant 
ing  an  expectation  of  a  change  in  our  system  ;  to  which  we 
only  replied,  that  this  event  had  been  expected  by  us,  and 
would  not,  in  any  degree,  affect  our  conduct.  M.  X.  urged, 
that  the  Directory  had,  since  this  peace,  taken  a  higher  and 
more  decided  tone  with  respect  to  us,  and  all  other  neutral 
nations,  than  had  been  before  taken ;  that  it  had  been 
determined,  that  all  nations  should  aid  them,  or  be  con 
sidered  and  treated  as  their  enemies.  We  answered,  that 
such  an  effect  had  already  been  contemplated  by  us,  as 
probable,  and  had  not  been  overlooked  when  we  gave  to 
this  proposition  our  decided  answer ;  and  further,  that  we 
had  no  powers  to  negotiate  for  a  loan  of  money ;  that  our 
Government  had  not  contemplated  such  a  circumstance  in 
any  degree  whatever ;  that  if  we  should  stipulate  a  loan,  it 
would  be  a  perfectly  void  thing,  and  would  only  deceive 
France,  and  expose  ourselves.  M.  X.  again  expatiated  on 
the  power  and  violence  of  France  :  he  urged  the  danger  of 
our  situation,  and  pressed  the  policy  of  softening  them,  and 
of  thereby  obtaining  time.  The  present  men,  he  said, 
would  very  probably  not  continue  long  in  power,  and  it 
would  be  very  unfortunate  if  those  who  might  succeed,  with 
better  dispositions  towards  us,  should  find  the  two  nations 
in  actual  war.  We  answered,  that  if  war  should  be  made  on 
us  by  France,  it  would  be  so  obviously  forced  on  us,  that,  on 
a  change  of  men,  peace  might  be  made  with  as  much 
facility  as  the  present  differences  could  be  accommodated. 
We  added,  that  all  America  deprecated  a  war  with  France ; 
but  that  our  present  situation  was  more  ruinous  to  us  than 


194     The  New  Government       [1799 


The  French 
were  furious 
because  the 
Jay  treaty 
had  averted 
war.  —  See 
above,  No.  74. 


Pinckney 
and  Mar 
shall  soon 
withdrew ; 
Gerry  re 
mained,  but 
was  speedily 
ordered 
home. 


a  declared  war  could  be  ;  that  at  present  our  commerce  was 
plundered  unprotected ;  but  that  if  war  was  declared,  we 
should  seek  the  means  of  protection.  M.  X.  said,  he  hoped 
we  should  not  form  a  connexion  with  Britain ;  and  we 
answered,  that  we  hoped  so  too ;  that  we  had  all  been 
engaged  in  our  Revolutionary  war,  and  felt  its  injuries ; 
that  it  had  made  the  deepest  impression  on  us ;  but  that  if 
France  should  attack  us,  we  must  seek  the  best  means  of 
self-defence.  M.  X.  again  returned  to  the  subject  of 
money :  Said  he,  gentlemen,  you  do  not  speak  to  the 
point ;  it  is  money  :  it  is  expected  that  you  will  offer  money. 
We  said  that  we  had  spoken  to  that  point  very  explicitly : 
we  had  given  an  answer.  No,  said  he,  you  have  not :  what 
is  your  answer?  We  replied,  it  is  no;  no;  not  a  six 
pence.  .  .  . 


American  State  Papers,  Foreign  Relations  (edited  by  Walter 
Lowrie  and  Matthew  St.  Clair  Clarke,  Washington,  1832), 
II,  157-161  passim. 


By  RICHARD 
CARTER 
(born  1774). 
By  ancient 
custom  the 
English  navy 
had  the  right 
to  compel 
English  sail 
ors  to  serve; 
after  the 
Revolution 
it  insisted 
that  men 
born  in  Eng 
land  but 
naturalized  in 
the  United 
States  were 
also  liable, 
and  took 


76.    A  Case  of  Impressment  (1799) 

JAMAICA,  ss. 

RICHARD  CARTER,  mariner,  one  of  the  seamen  of 
and  belonging  to  the  ship  called  the  Pomona,  of  the 
port  of  Portsmouth,  in  New  Hampshire,  one  of  the  United 
States  of  North  America,  being  duly  sworn,  maketh  oath  and 
saith,  that  he,  this  deponent,  was  born  in  Kittery  in  the  State 
of  Massachusetts,  in  North  America,  on  or  about  the  twelfth 
day  of  June,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy-four, 
and  is  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  of  North  America,  and 
had  a  regular  certificate  thereof,  signed  by  the  proper  officer, 
a  true  copy  whereof  is  hereunto  annexed ;  and  this  deponent 


No.  76] 


Impressment 


saith,  on  or  about  the  twenty-third  day  of  April  last,  he 
shipped  as  a  seaman  on  board  the  said  ship  Pomona,  at 
Portsmouth  aforesaid,  for  a  voyage  from  thence  to  Jamaica, 
and  back,  and  accordingly  departed  in  the  said  ship  on  the 
said  voyage,  and  arrived  in  Kingston,  Jamaica,  on  or  about 
the  seventh  day  of  June  instant,  where  the  cargo  was  to  be 
discharged ;  and  this  deponent  saith,  that  while  he  was  em 
ployed  in  his  duty  as  a  seaman,  assisting  in  discharging  the 
cargo  of  the  said  ship  Pomona,  on  the  eleventh  day  of  this 
instant,  June,  he  was  taken  and  seized  by  a  press-gang, 
belonging  to  His  Britannic  Majesty's  ship  of  war  the  Bruns 
wick,  and  forcibly  carried  away,  notwithstanding  this  depo 
nent  represented  to  the  officer  who  commanded  the  said 
press  gang,  that  he  was  an  American  citizen,  and  had  a  reg 
ular  certificate  thereof  on  board  the  said  ship  Pomona ;  and 
this  deponent  saith  he  was  violently  forced  into  a  boat  and 
struck  twice  with  a  drawn  cutlass,  by  one  of  the  officers  with 
the  said  press  gang,  and  two  men  with  pistols  and  hangers 
placed  over  this  deponent,  who  loaded  their  pistols  in  the 
presence  of  deponent,  and  threatened  to  blow  out  his  brains 
if  he  attempted  to  move  or  to  speak ;  and  then  they  carried 
this  deponent,  and  also  John  Edes,  one  of  the  seamen  of 
the  ship  Thomas  and  Sarah,  an  American  citizen  whom  they 
had  also  seized,  on  board  the  said  ship  of  war  the  Bruns 
wick  :  and  this  deponent  saith,  on  getting  on  board  the 
Brunswick,  this  deponent,  and  the  said  John  Edes,  were 
ordered  to  go  on  the  quarter  deck,  where  Mr.  Harris^  the 
first  lieutenant  of  the  said  ship,  abused  this  deponent  and 
the  said  John  Edes,  and  gave  them  in  charge  to  the  master 
of  the  said  ship,  while  he  went  to  look  for  the  boatswain's 
mate,  and  soon  after  returned  with  the  boatswain's  mate, 
whom  he  ordered  to  take  this  deponent  and  the  said  John 
Edes,  and  to  beat  them  ;  in  obedience  to  which  orders,  the 
said  John  Edes  and  this  deponent  were  severely  beaten, 
particularly  this  deponent,  the  said  boatswain's  mate  doub- 


them  off  mer 
chant  ships 
on  the  open 
seas.     When 
war  broke 
out  between 
France  and 
England,  in 
1793,  the 
practice 
began  on  a 
large  scale. 
This  account 
describes  one 
case  out  of 
hundreds  of 
violence  and 
hardship. 
Impressment 
was  the  main 
cause  of  the 
war  of  1812, 
but  was  not 
mentioned  in 
the  Treaty  of 
Ghent.  —  On 
this  and 
other  aggres 
sions  on  neu 
tral  trade,  see 
above,  No. 
74;  below, 
Nos.  79,  81, 
83- 

Carter  could 
not  properly 
be  taken  even 
on  the  ex 
treme  British 
ground. 

Certificates 
were  issued 
to  undoubted 
citizens,  as  a 
means  of 
protection. 


196     The  New  Government       [1799 


This  is  a 
good  exam 
ple  of  sworn 
affidavits  as 
historical 
material. 


ling  a  rope  of  about  three  inches  and  a  half  thick,  and  beat 
ing  this  deponent  with  great  violence  over  the  head,  face, 
neck,  shoulders,  back,  and  stomach,  until  he  had  tired  him 
self,  and  then  he  gave  the  same  rope  to  one  of  the  mariners 
of  the  said  ship  Brunswick,  and  he  also  severely  beat  this 
deponent  in  the  same  manner;  and  this  deponent  saith,  he 
received  upwards  of  a  hundred  blows,  and  was  thereby 
greatly  bruised,  and -his  face  cut,  and  his  stomach  as  well 
externally  as  internally  much  injured,  so  that  this  deponent 
brought  up  a  quantity  of  blood  for  several  days  after ;  and 
this  deponent  saith,  that  notwithstanding  he  had  been  so 
cruelly  treated,  he  was  compelled  to  assist  in  hoisting  in  the 
boats  belonging  to  the  said  ship ;  and  this  deponent  saith, 
that  Nathaniel  Kennerd,  the  master  of  the  said  ship  Pomona, 
immediately  after  this  deponent  was  seized  by  the  press 
gang,  went  to  the  said  ship  Brunswick,  and  arrived  on  board 
just  before  this  deponent ;  and  the  said  Nathaniel  Kennerd 
took  with  him  the  certificate  of  this  deponent  being  an 
American  citizen,  and  submitted  the  same  to  the  said  Lieu 
tenant  Harris  ;  and  this  deponent  saith,  he  did  not  give  any 
provocation  or  commit  any  offence  whatever  to  authorize  or 
induce  the  treatment  which  he  received  as  above  stated  ; 
and  this  deponent  saith,  he  was  forcibly  detained  on  board 
the  said  ship  Brunswick  for  the  space  of  ten  days,  when  he 
was  brought  back  to  the  Pomona,  in  consequence  of  a  writ 
of  habeas  corpus  having  been  sued  forth  on  behalf  of  this 
deponent. 

RICHARD  CARTER. 

Sworn  before  me  (being  first  duly  stamped)  this  25th  day 
of  June,  1799.  WM>  SAVAGE. 


American  State  Papers,  Foreign  Relations  (edited  by  Walter 
Lowrie  and  Matthew  St.  Clair  Clarke,  Washington,  1832). 
II,  273. 


CHAPTER    XII— JEFFERSON'S 
POLICY,    1801-1808 

77.    Election  of  Jefferson   (1801) 

IT  is  probable,  that  the  persons  who  compose  this  audience, 
have  never  met  to  celebrate  the  anniversary  of  American 
Independence,  with  sensations,  similar  to  those  which  they 
experience  this  day.  Since  the  last  year,  the  administration 
of  our  national  government  has  gone  into  the  hands  of  men, 
whom  the  generality  of  the  people  of  New-England  have 
long  viewed  as  its  enemies  —  men,  whose  principles,  and 
practices,  we  have  both  feared,  and  reprobated.  A  change 
of  this  sort,  in  a  country  like  this,  could  not  have  been 
wrought  without  a  violent  struggle.  One  side  grasping  at 
power,  and  emolument;  the  other  eagerly  endeavouring  to 
save  their  constitution,  and  country,  exhibit  to  our  view  a 
state  of  things  which  presupposes  passion,  strife  and  tumult. 
Success  having  crowned  the  exertions  of  the  party,  which 
with  no  small  share  of  parade  assumes  the  title  of  Rupubli- 
can*;  but  which,  in  more  correct,  and  definite  phraseology, 
is  called  Jacobinical ;  the  Federalists,  a  class  of  men,  to 
which  I  trust  the  most  of  us  are  still  proud  to  belong, 
prudently,  and  justly  yielded  to  a  Constitutional  Election  of 
Chief  Magistrates,  and  resolved  to  wait  for  events,  which  to 
the  eye  of  reason,  and  common  foresight,  could  not  be  far 
distant.  The  inaugural  speech  of  the  new  President,  was,  I 
believe,  very  consonant  to  the  feelings,  and  wishes,  of  his 
political  opponents.  For  tho'  it  contained  no  specific 
engagements,  relative  to  the  course  which  the  administration 
intended  to  pursue ;  yet  it  approached  so  near  to  this  point, 

*  So  in  the  original. 
197 


By  THEO 
DORE 
DWIGHT 
(1764-1846), 
brother  of 
Timothy 
Dwight,  who 
was  president 
of  Yale  Col 
lege.   Dwight 
was  at  one 
time  editor  of 
the  Connecti 
cut  Mirror, 
the  leading 
Federalist 
organ  of 
Connecticut. 
This  ex 
tract,  from 
his  Fourth  of 
July  oration 
before  the 
Connecticut 
Society  of  the 
Cincinnati, 
is  an  ex 
treme  ex 
pression  of 
the  feelings 
with  which 
the  New 
England 
Federalists 
regarded  the 
advent  to 
office  of  Jef 
ferson  and 
his  party. 
It  is  also 
an  example 
of  a  political 
speech, 
which  must 


198          Jefferson's    Policy 


be  accepted 
as  evidence 
not  of  facts, 
but  of  the 
temper  and 
opinions  of 
the  times. — 
For  Jeffer 
son,  see 
above,  No. 
73.  —  For  his 
policy,  see 
American 
Orations,  I, 
147-163 ; 
Contempora 
ries,  III, 
ch. 

The  Federal 
ists  looked 
on  the  elec 
tion  of 
Jefferson  as 
another 
revolution, 
and  all  but 
elected  Burr 
over  him. 


Jefferson  was 

disinclined  to 
make  politi 
cal  removals, 
but,  under 
party  press- 
ure.dis- 
placed  about 
half  his 
officials. 


The  Federal 
ists  used  the 
term  "  Jaco 
bin  "  con- 


as  that  most  people  would  consider  a  violent  departure  from 
the  Federal  principles,  as  a  breach  of  faith.  In  this  situa 
tion,  it  was  easy  to  foresee,  that  if  Mr.  Jefferson  fulfilled  the 
seeming  promises  in  his  speech,  he  would  be  deserted  by  the 
furious  of  his  own  party  ;  if  he  failed  to  fulfil  them,  the  more 
moderate  of  both  parties  would  charge  him  with  hypocrisy  : 
A  dilemma,  not  the  most  enviable  for  a  man,  burthened  with 
duties  of  a  new  and  difficult  nature  ;  duties,  from  which 
many  minds  of  more  skill  and  firmness  than  his,  would  have 
shrunk  with  dismay.  The  Federalists  are,  therefore,  quietly 
waiting  for  the  disclosure  of  the  principles,  which  are  to 
govern  the  new  administration.  This  disclosure,  must,  in 
the  nature  of  things,  be  near  at  hand.  Those,  who  hav^ 
heretofore,  with  all  their  skill,  and  labours,  opposed,  anr* 
embarrassed,  the  operations  of  the  government,  will  now 
have  its  duties  to  perform,  its  measures  to  originate,  and  its 
influence  and  dignity  to  uphold.  Although  we  are  now  in 
the  midst  of  that  period,  which,  after  such  turbulence,  and 
convulsion,  is  usually  settled,  and  serene;  yet  we  have  re 
ceived  some  samples  of  what  we  may  hereafter  expect  from 
the  hands  of  our  rulers,  when  thoroughly  fixed  in  their 
stations.  On  this  subject,  I  forbear  to  comment.  It  is  not 
expedient,  at  present,  to  examine,  how  far  the  powers  of  the 
President  to  remove  from  Office,  and  to  supply  the  vacan 
cies  made  by  himself,  "  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate," 
extend  ;  and  it  will  be  difficult  to  deprive  him  of  the  power 
of  construing  his  own  declarations  in  his  own  manner.  It 
is  with  the  result  of  the  administration  ;  that  we  are  more 
immediately  concerned.  For  that,  we  must  patiently  wait. 
I  trust,  however,  that,  if  driven  into  an  opposition,  the  Fed 
eralists  will  not  degrade  themselves,  nor  their  cause,  by  a 
sullen,  indecorous,  unprincipled,  and  indiscriminate  oppo 
sition  ;  but  will  shew,  that  they  are  actuated  by  higher 
motives  than  those,  by  which  a  Jacobinical  opposition  has 
heretofore  been  influenced.  They  will  doubtless  remember, 


NO.  77]  Criticism  199 

that  they  have  a  cause  to  support,  a  government  at  stake;  tinually,  in 
and  will  conduct  [themselves]  like  men,  in  so  interesting 


and  responsible  a  situation.    -  versaries 

T        ,  ,  -    ,        ,       .  i  .   ,      ,        with  the  ultra- 

In  the  mean  time,  let  us  profit  by  the  lessons  which  the   doctrines  of 


Jacobins  have  taught  us.     We  have  learned  from  experience, 

what  great  things  may  be  accomplished  by  a  spirit  of  union, 

vigilance,  and  activity.     We  have  seen  a  vicious  combina-   Le.  the  jef- 

tion,  composed  of  the  most  discordant  materials,  agreeing 

to  bury  their  individual,  and  separate  interests,  and  passions, 

and  uniting,  with  one  heart,  and  hand,  to  forward  by  every 

mean,  and  at  all  hazards,  the  general  plans  of  the  party. 

We  have   also   seen  them  succeeed.       That  government,   So  in  the 

which  the  collected  wisdom,  virtue  and  patriotism  of  the  °«%taal« 

United  States  originally  planned,  and,  which  we  flattered 

ourselves,  was  established  in  its  operation,  under  the  auspices, 

the  skill  the  pre-eminent  virtues,  and  singular  talents,  of 

THE  FATHER  OF  HIS  COUNTRY  is  now  the  sport  of  popular 

commotion  —  is  adrift,  without  helm  or  compass,  in  a  turbid 

and  boisterous  ocean.     To  be  prepared  against  the  hour  of 

its  shipwreck,  or  to  bring  it  back  in  safety  to  its  wonted 

haven,  the  Federal  party  must  also  unite,  be  watchful,  and 

active.     Confident  as  we  are,  that  the  present  administration 

is  not  competent  to  the  management  of  the  government, 

upon  Jacobinical  principles,  it  is  the  indispensible  duty  of  So  in  the 

the    Federalists   to  be  prepared  for   any   event   that  may  onsmal- 

happen.     For  this  purpose,  they  must  move  in  a  firm,  com 

pact,  &  formidable  phalanx,  which  no  common  force  can 

resist,  &  no  ordinary  danger  intimidate.     .     .     . 

Let  the  people  of  New-England,  and  especially  the  people 
of  Connecticut,  enslaved  and  deluded  as  they  are,  contrast 
this  Tartarean  state,  with  their  own  real,  and  substantial 
blessings.  However  flattered  they  may  be  with  the  arts, 
and  fawnings  of  Jacobinism  ;  however  secure  they  may  feel, 
in  the  hour  of  revolution,  from  the  tender  care,  and  affection 
of  those  who  profess  so  much  anxiety  for  their  good  ;  let 


2OO          Jefferson's   Policy  [1803 

them  remember,  that  the  people  of  many  countries  have 
made  the  same  experiment  which  is  now  offered  to  them, 
and  trusting  to  the  same  security,  have  been  irretrievably 
enslaved,  and  ruined.  When  the  reigns  [reins]  of  power 
are  in  their  hands,  then  these  friends  of  the  people,  convince 
those  whom  they  have  seduced,  that  all  dependence  on  their 
engagements,  and  promises,  is  vain.  Then  "  your  covenant 
with  death  shall  be  disannulled,  and  your  agreement  with 
hell  shall  not  stand :  when  the  overflowing  scourge  shall  pass 
through  then  ye  shall  be  trodden  down  by  it.  From  the 
time  that  it  goeth  forth,  it  shall  take  you  :  for  morning  by 
morning  it  shall  pass  over,  by  day  and  by  night :  and  it  shall 
be  a  vexation  only  to  understand  the  report.  For  the  bed 
is  shorter  than  that  a  man  can  stretch  himself  on  it ;  and  the 
Isaiah  xxviii,  covering  is  narrower  than  that  he  can  wrap  himself  in  it." 

On  the  contrary,  how  glorious  will  it  be  for  Connecticut  to 
stand  firmly  amidst  the  convulsions,  and  downfal  of  the 
nations  of  the  world.  Trusting  in  God,  and  adhering  more 
closely  than  ever  to  her  government,  her  morals,  and  her 
religion, — 

"High  o'er  the  wrecks  of  man  she'll  stand  sublime, 
A  COLUMN  in  the  melancholy  waste, 
(Its  cities  humbled,  and  its  glories  past) 
MAJESTIC  'MID  THE  SOLITUDE  OF  TIME." 

Theodore  Dwight,  An  Oration,  delivered  at  New-Haven  on  the 
Jth  of  July ',  A.D.  1801,  before  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati, 
for  .  .  .  Connecticut  (Suffield,  1801),  ^-^  passim. 


18-20. 


By  PRESI 
DENT 
THOMAS 
JEFFERSON. 
It  is  one  of 
the  curious 
anomalies  in 
our  history, 


78.    Acquisition  of  Louisiana   (1803) 

THE  acquisition  of  New  Orleans  would  of  itself 
have  been  a  great  thing,  as  it  would  have  en 
sured  to  our  western  brethren  the  means  of  exporting  their 


No.  78] 


Louisiana 


201 


produce  :  but  that  of  Louisiana  is  inappreciable,  because, 
giving  us  the  sole  dominion  of  the  Mississippi,  it  excludes 
those  bickerings  with  foreign  powers,  which  we  know  of  a 
certainty  would  have  put  us  at  war  with  France  immediately  : 
and  it  secures  to  us  the  course  of  a  peaceable  nation. 

The  unquestioned  bounds  of  Louisiana  are  the  Iberville  & 
Mississippi  on  the  east,  the  Mexicana,  or  the  Highlands  east 
of  it,  on  the  west ;  then  from  the  head  of  the  Mexicana  gain 
ing  the  highlands  which  include  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  following  those  highlands  round  the  head  springs  of  the 
western  waters  of  the  Mississippi  to  its  source  where  we 
join  the  English  or  perhaps  to  the  Lake  of  the  Woods. 
This  may  be  considered  as  a  triangle,  one  leg  of  which  is 
the  length  of  the  Missouri,  the  other  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
the  hypothenuse  running  from  the  source  of  the  Missouri  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi.  I  should  be  averse  to  ex 
changing  any  part  of  this  for  the  Floridas,  because  it  would 
let  Spain  into  the  Mississippi  on  the  principle  of  natural 
right,  [which]  we  have  always  urged  &  are  now  urging  to 
her,  [namely]  that  a  nation  inhabiting  the  upper  part  of  a 
stream  has  a  right  of  innocent  passage  down  that  stream  to 
the  ocean  :  and  because  the  Floridas  will  fall  to  us  peace 
ably  the  first  war  Spain  is  engaged  in.  We  have  some  pre 
tensions  to  extend  the  western  territory  of  Louisiana  to  the 
Rio  Norte,  or  Bravo  ;  and  still  stronger  [pretensions  to  ex 
tend]  the  eastern  boundary  to  the  Rio  Perdido  between  the 
rivers  Mobile  &  Pensacola.  These  last  are  so  strong  that 
France  had  not  relinquished  them  &  our  negotiator  expressly 
declared  we  should  claim  them  [  :  ],  by  properly  availing 
ourselves  of  these  with  offers  of  a  price,  and  our  peace,  we 
shall  get  the  Floridas  in  good  time.  But  in  the  meantime 
we  shall  enter  on  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  passing  down 
all  the  rivers  which  rising  in  our  territory,  run  thro'  the 
Floridas.  Spain  will  not  oppose  it  by  force.  But  there  is  a 
difficulty  in  this  acquisition  which  presents  a  handle  to  the 


that  our  first 
acquisition 
of  territory 
should  have 
been  secured 
by  our  first 
strict  con- 
structionist 
President. 
The  greatest 
event  in  Jef 
ferson's  ad 
ministration 
was  the  an 
nexation  of 
Louisiana, 
which  was 
unexpect 
edly  trans 
ferred  by  Na 
poleon,  and 
eagerly  ac 
cepted  by 
Jefferson 
notwith 
standing  his 
scruples 
against 
national  acts 
not  distinctly 
authorized  in 
the  text  of 
the  Constitu 
tion. —  On 
Jefferson,  see 
above,  No. 
73-  — On 
Louisiana, 
see  American 
Orations,  I, 
205-218 ; 
Contempora 
ries,  III,  ch. 


I.e.  we  will 
offer  to  Spain 
money  and 


if  that 
power  will 
admit  our 
pretensions 
to  West 
Florida. 


In  1791, 
Jefferson  op 
posed  the 
United 
States  Bank, 
on  the 
ground  that 
Congress 
had  no  ex 
press  power 
to  charter  it. 


Made  a  state 
in  1812. 

This  policy 
was  carried 
out  about 
1830. 

We  had 
good  title  to 
Texas, 
though 
Jefferson  did 
not  know  it, 
and  weak 
title  to  West 
Florida. 


202          Jefferson's   Policy  [1804 

malcontents  among  us,  though  they  have  not  yet  discovered 
it.  Our  confederation  is  certainly  confined  to  the  limits  es 
tablished  by  the  revolution.  The  general  government  has 
no  powers  but  such  as  the  constitution  has  given  it ;  and  it 
has  not  given  it  a  power  of  holding  foreign  territory,  &  still 
less  of  incorporating  it  into  the  Union.  An  amendment  of 
the  Constitution  seems  necessary  for  this.  In  the  mean 
time  we  must  ratify  &  pay  our  money,  as  we  have  treated, 
for  a  thing  beyond  the  constitution,  and  rely  on  the  nation 
to  sanction  an  act  done  for  its  great  good,  without  its  pre 
vious  authority.  With  respect  to  the  disposal  of  the  country, 
we  must  take  the  island  of  New  Orleans  and  west  side  of  the 
river  as  high  up  as  Point  Coupee,  containing  nearly  the 
whole  inhabitants,  say  about  50,000,  and  erect  it  into  a 
state,  or  annex  it  to  the  Mississippi  territory  :  and  shut  up 
all  the  rest  from  settlement  for  a  long  time  to  come,  endeav 
oring  to  exchange  some  of  the  country  there  unoccupied 
by  Indians  for  the  lands  held  by  the  Indians  on  this  side 
the  Mississippi,  who  will  be  glad  to  cede  us  their  country 
here  for  an  equivalent  there  :  and  we  may  sell  out  our  lands 
here  &  pay  the  whole  debt  contracted  before  it  comes 
due.  The  impost  which  will  be  paid  by  the  inhabitants 
ceded  will  pay  half  the  interest  of  the  price  we  give  :  so  that 
we  really  add  only  half  the  price  to  our  debt.  .  .  . 

Thomas  Jefferson,  Writings  (edited  by  Paul  Leicester  Ford,  New 
York,  etc.,  1897),  VIII,  261-263. 


Written  In 
1831  by 
MIDSHIP 
MAN  BASIL 
HALL  (1788- 
1844)  •    Hall 
entered  the 
British 
service  in 


79.    "Blockading  a  Neutral  Port"  (1804) 

IN  the   summer  of  1804,  His  Majesty's  ships  Leander 
and  Cambrian  were  ordered  to  proceed  off  New  York, 
to  watch  the  motions  of  two  French  frigates  lying  in  that 
harbour.  .  .  . 


NO. 79]       Maritime   Aggressions       203 


The  blockading  service  at  any  time  is  a  tedious  one ;  but 
upon  this  occasion  we  contrived  to  enliven  it  in  a  manner, 
which,  whether  legitimate  or  not,  was  certainly  highly  ex 
citing,  and  sometimes  rather  profitable  to  us. 

New  York,  every  one  knows,  is  the  great  sea-port  of 
America,  into  which,  and  out  of  which,  many  dozens  of  ships 
sail  daily.  With  the  outward-bound  vessels  we  had  little  or 
nothing  to  do  ;  but  with  those  which  came  from  foreign  parts, 
especially  from  France,  then  our  bitter  enemy,  we  took  the  lib 
erty —  the  Americans  said  the  improper  liberty  —  to  interfere. 
I  speak  not  of  French  ships,  or  those  which  avowed  them 
selves  to  be  such,  and  hoisted  enemy's  colours ;  for  of  these 
we,  of  course,  made  prize,  without  scruple,  whenever  we 
could  catch  them  beyond  the  limits  of  the  American  neu 
trality.  But  this  very  rarely  happened ;  and  the  ships  we 
meddled  with,  so  much  to  the  displeasure  of  the  Americans, 
were  those  which,  to  outward  appearance,  belonged  to  citi 
zens  of  the  United  States,  but  on  board  which,  we  had  reason, 
good  or  bad,  to  suspect  there  was  cargo  owned  by  the 
enemy.  Nothing  seems  to  be  so  easy  as  to  forge  a  ship's 
papers,  or  to  swear  false  oaths ;  and  accordingly,  a  great 
deal  of  French  property  was  imported  into  America,  in  vessels 
certainly  belonging  to  the  United  States,  but  covered,  as  it 
was  called,  by  documents  implying  an  American  or  neutral 
right  in  it.  ...  During  the  period  of  Buonaparte's  conti 
nental  system,  especially,  about  the  year  1810,  many  persons 
in  England  engaged  largely  in  what  was  called  the  licensed 
trade,  the  very  essence  of  which  was  false  swearing,  false 
papers,  and  the  most  unprincipled  collusion  of  every  kind. 
A  horrible  way  of  making  money,  of  which  the  base  contam 
ination,  in  the  opinion  of  some  of  our  best  merchants,  is  not 
yet  quite  washed  away.  So  that  poor  Bony,  directly  and 
indirectly,  has  enough  to  answer  for  ! .  .  . 

Every  morning,  at  daybreak,  during  our  stay  off  New  York, 
we  set  about  arresting  the  progress  of  all  the  vessels  we  saw, 


1802  as  a 
midshipman 
on  board  the 
"  Leander"; 
in  1806  he 
was  trans 
ferred  to  the 
"  Leopard." 
His  work, 
largely  auto 
biographical, 
contains 
much  inter 
esting  matter 
on  the  inter 
nal  state  of 
the  navy  in 
the  early  part 
of  the  cen 
tury.     The 
English 
practice  of 
lying  off  a 
neutral  port 
gave  just 
offence  to  the 
United 
States,  and 
was  one  of 
the  causes  of 
the  war  of 
1812.  —  For 
maritime 
grievances, 
see  above, 
No.  74.—  For 
the  principles 
of  neutral 
trade,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  III,  ch. 


The  use  of 
false  papers 
by  many 
American 
vessels  was  a 
standing 
English 
grievance. 


204          Jefferson's   Policy  [1804 

firing  off  guns  to  the  right  and  left,  to  make  every  ship  that 
was  running  in,  heave  to,  or  wait,  until  we  had  leisure  to 
send  a  boat  on  board,  "  to  see,"  in  our  lingo,  "  what  she  was 
made  of."  I  have  frequently  known  a  dozen,  and  some 
times  a  couple  of  dozen  ships,  lying  a  league  or  two  off  the 
port,  losing  their  fair  wind,  their  tide,  and  worse  than  all, 
their  market,  for  many  hours,  sometimes  the  whole  day, 
before  our  search  was  completed.  I  am  not  now  inquiring 
whether  all  this  w,as  right,  or  whether  it  was  even  necessary, 
but  simply  describing  the  fact. 

When  any  circumstance  in  the  ship's  papers  looked  sus 
picious,  the  boarding  officer  brought  the  master  and  his 
documents  to  the  Leander,  where  they  were  further  ex 
amined  by  the  captain  ;  and  if  any  thing  more  important  was 
then  elicited,  by  an  examination  of  the  parties  or  their 
papers,  to  justify  the  idea  that  the  cargo  was  French,  and 
not  American,  as  was  pretended,  the  ship  was  forthwith  de 
tained.  She  was  then  manned  with  an  English  crew  from 
the  ships  of  war,  and  ordered  off  to  Halifax,  to  be  there  tried 
in  the  Admiralty  Court,  or  adjudicated,  as  the  term  is ;  and 
Demurrage  either  released  with  or  without  demurrage,  if  proved  to  be 
forPdetention  truty  neutral  property,  or  condemned,  if  it  were  shewn  to 
belong  to  the  enemy. 

One  can  easily  conceive  that  this  sort  of  proceeding,  in 
every  possible  case,  must  be  vexatious  to  the  neutral.  If, 
in  point  of  fact,  the  whole,  or  a  portion  of  the  ship's  cargo, 
really  belong  to  that  ship's  belligerent  party,  whose  enemy 
is  investigating  the  case,  and  this  be  clearly  made  out,  it  is 
still  mortifying  to  the  neutral  to  see  the  property  taken  away 
which  he  has  undertaken  to  cover  so  effectually  as  to  guard 
it  from  capture.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  cargo  be  all  the 
while,  bona  fide,  the  property  of  the  neutral  under  whose 
flag  it  is  sailing,  the  vexation  caused  by  this  interruption  to 
the  voyage  is  excessive.  In  the  event  of  restoration  or  ac 
quittal,  the  owner's  loss,  it  is  said,  is  seldom,  if  ever,  ad- 


NO. 79]      Maritime   Aggressions       205 

equately  compensated  for  by  the  awarded  damages.  In 
most  cases  there  are  found  a  number  of  suspicious  circum 
stances,  sufficient  to  justify  the  detention,  but  not  enough 
to  lead  to  a  condemnation ;  and  in  these  instances  the  re 
muneration  is  not  great. 

If  the  case,  then,  be  annoying  in  any  view  of  it,  supposing 
the  neutral  ship  to  have  been  met  with  on  the  wide  ocean, 
what  must  be  the  aggravation  when  the  vessel  is  laid  hold  of 
•at  the  instant  she  has  all  but  reached  her  own  home?  when 
half  an  hour's  further  sailing  would  have  ended  the  voyage 
successfully,  and  put  it  beyond  the  power  of  either  of  the 
belligerents  to  have  asked  any  questions  about  the  nature  of 
her  objects,  or  the  ownership  of  her  cargo? 

We  detained,  at  that  period,  a  good  many  American 
vessels,  on  the  ground  of  having  French  or  Spanish  property 
on  board.  One  of  these,  a  very  large  ship  from  Lima,  filled 
with  cocoa,  was  clearly  made  out  to  be  a  good  prize,  and 
was  condemned  accordingly.  Three  or  four  others,  I  re 
member,  were  restored  to  their  owners  by  the  decision  of 
the  Admiralty  Court;  and  two  of  them  were  forcibly  recap 
tured  by  the  Americans,  on  their  way  to  Halifax.  On  board 
one  of  these  ships,  the  master,  and  the  few  hands  left  in  her 
to  give  evidence  at  the  trial,  rose  in  the  night,  overpowered 
the  prize-master  and  his  crew,  nailed  down  the  hatches, 
and  having  put  the  helm  up,  with  the  wind  on  land,  gained 
the  coast  before  the  scale  of  authority  could  be  turned.  In 
the  other  ship,  the  English  officer  in  charge  imprudently 
allowed  himself  to  be  drifted  so  near  the  land,  that  the 
people  on  the  beach,  suspecting  what  had  happened,  sent 
off  armed  boats  in  sufficient  number  to  repossess  themselves 
of  the  property.  Possession  in  such  cases  being  not  nine, 
but  ten  points  of  the  law,  we  were  left  to  whistle  for  our 
prizes  ! 

Captain  Basil  Hall,  Fragments  of  Voyages  and  Travels  (Edin 
burgh,  etc.,  1831),  I,  284-292  passim. 


206          Jefferson's    Policy       [1804-1805 


By  PATRICK 
GASS,  one  of 
the  persons 
employed  in 
the  expedi 
tion  sent  out 
by  President 
Jefferson  in 
1804,  under 
Captain 
Meriwether 
Lewis  and 
Captain 
William 
Clark,  to 
explore  the 
new  Louisi 
ana  Pur 
chase.     Sev 
eral  persons 
of  the  explor 
ing  corps 
were  en 
joined  to 
keep  jour 
nals,  which 
were  from 
time  to  time 
corrected 
and  com 
pared;  the 
journal  after 
ward  pub 
lished  by 
Gass  was  one 
of  these.  The 
extract  is  a 
good  exam 
ple  of  an 
explorer's 
records,  and 
throws  light 
on  the 
Indians  of 
the  North 
west.  —  On 
Oregon,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  III,  ch. 


80.   Lewis  and    Clark's  Oregon  Expedition 

(1804-1805) 

THE  corps  consisted  of  forty-three  men  (including  Cap 
tain  Lewis  and  Captain  Clarke,  who  were  to  command 
the  expedition)  part  of  the  regular  troops  of  the  United 
States,  and  part  engaged  for  this  particular  enterprize.  The 
expedition  was1  embarked  on  board  a  batteau  and  two  peri- 
ogues.  The  day  was  showery  and  in  the  evening  we  en 
camped  on  the  north  bank  six  miles  up  the  river.  Here  we 
had  leisure  to  reflect  on  our  situation,  and  the  nature  of  our 
engagements  :  and,  as  we  had  all  entered  this  service  as 
volunteers,  to  consider  how  far  we  stood  pledged  for  the 
success  of  an  expedition,  which  the  government  had  pro 
jected  ;  and  which  had  been  undertaken  for  the  benefit  and 
at  the  expence  of  the  Union :  of  course  of  much  interest 
and  high  expectation. 

The  best  authenticated  accounts  informed  us,  that  we 
were  to  pass  through  a  country  possessed  by  numerous, 
powerful  and  warlike  nations  of  savages,  of  gigantic  stature, 
fierce,  treacherous  and  cruel ;  and  particularly  hostile  to 
white  men.  And  fame  had  united  with  tradition  in  opposing 
mountains  to  our  course,  which  human  enterprize  and  exer 
tion  would  attempt  in  vain  to  pass.  .  .  . 

Friday  \st  June,  1804.  Before  daylight  we  embarked 
and  proceeded  on  our  voyage  ;  passed  Big  Muddy  creek  on 
the  north  side ;  and  on  the  opposite  side  saw  high  banks. 
Two  and  an  half  miles  higher  up,  we  passed  Bear  creek ;  and 
at  4  o'clock  P.  M.  arrived  at  the  Osage  river  ;  where  we 
remained  during  the  evening  and  the  next  day.  The  Osage 
river  is  197  yards  wide  at  its  confluence  with  the  Missouri, 
which,  at  this  place,  is  875  yards  broad.  The  country  on 
the  south  side  is  broken,  but  rich  :  and  the  land  on  the 
other  of  a  most  excellent  quality.  The  two  men  who  went 


NO. so]         Oregon    Expedition         207 

by  land  with  the  horses  came  to  us  here  :  they  represented 
the  land  they  had  passed  through  as  the  best  they  had. ever 
seen,  and  the  timber  good,  consisting  chiefly  of  oak,  ash, 
hickory  and  black  walnut.  They  had  killed  in  their  way  five 
deer.  The  periogue  left  at  the  mouth  of  Gaskenade  river 
came  up  with  the  man,  who  had  been  lost.  .  .  . 

Monday  24^.  .  .  .  This  evening  we  finished  our  forti 
fication.  Flour,  dried  apples,  pepper  and  other  articles 
were  distributed  in  the  different  messes  to  enable  them  to 
celebrate  Christmas  in  a  proper  and  social  manner. 

Tuesday  2$th.  The  morning  was  ushered  in  by  two  dis 
charges  of  a  swivel,  and  a  round  of  small  arms  by  the  whole 
corps.  Captain  Clarke  then  presented  to  each  man  a  glass 
of  brandy,  and  we  hoisted  the  American  flag  in  the  garrison, 
and  its  first  waving  in  fort  Mandan  was  celebrated  with 
another  glass.  —  The  men  then  cleared  out  one  of  the  rooms 
and  commenced  dancing.  At  10  o'clock  we  had  another 
glass  of  brandy,  and  at  i  a  gun  was  fired  as  a  signal  for  din 
ner.  At  half  past  2  another  gun  was  fired,  as  a  notice  to 
assemble  at  the  dance,  which  was  continued  in  a  jovial 
manner  till  8  at  night ;  and  without  the  presence  of  any 
females,  except  three  squaws,  wives  to  our  interpreter,  who 
took  no  other  part  than  the  amusement  of  looking  on.  None 
of  the  natives  came  to  the  garrison  this  day  ;  the  command 
ing  officers  having  requested  they  should  not,  which  was 
strictly  attended  to.  ... 

Thursday  i2th.  We  started  early  on  our  journey  and  had 
a  fine  morning.  Having  travelled  2  miles  we  reached  the 
mountains  which  are  very  steep ;  but  the  road  over  them 
pretty  good,  as  it  is  much  travelled  by  the  natives,  who  come 
across  to  the  Flathead  river  to  gather  cherries  and  berries. 
Our  hunters  in  a  short  time  killed  4  deer.  At  noon  we 
halted  at  a  branch  of  the  creek,  on  the  banks  of  which  are  a 
number  of  strawberry  vines,  haws,  and  service  berry  bushes. 
At  2  we  proceeded  on  over  a  large  mountain,  where  there  is 


Gasconade 
River,  in 
Missouri. 

December, 

1804. 


The  winter 
quarters  of 
the  expedi 
tion  ;  it  was 
on  the  nortb 
side  of  the 
Missouri,  in 
what  is  now 
McLean 
county, 
North 
Dakota. 


September, 
1805. 


Service- 
berry  = 
June-berry. 


The  conti 
nental  divide. 


This  was  the 
first  public 
expedition  in 
Oregon,  and 
it  made  the 
most  impor 
tant  link  in 
the  chain  of 
claims  of  the 
United  States 
to  the  North 
west  coast. 

"  Bore- 
tree  "  = 
bourtree,  or 
elder. 


November, 
1805. 


208          Jefferson's   Policy       [1804-1805 

no  water,  and  we  could  find  no  place  to  encamp  until  late  at 
night,  when  we  arrived  at  a  small  branch,  and  encamped  by 
it,  in  a  very  inconvenient  place,  having  come  23  miles. 

Friday  i^fh.  A  cloudy  morning.  Capt.  Lewis's  horse 
could  not  be  found ;  but  some  of  the  men  were  left  to  hunt 
for  him  and  we  proceeded  on.  .  .  .  We  passed  over  a 
dividing  ridge  to  the  waters  of  another  creek,  and  after 
travelling  12  miles  we  encamped  on  the  creek,  up  which 
there  are  some  prairies  or  plains. 

Saturday  \^th.  We  set  out  early  in  a  cloudy  morning; 
passed  over  a  large  mountain,  crossed  Stony  creek,  about  30 
yards  wide,  and  then  went  over  another  large  mountain,  on 
which  I  saw  service-berry  bushes  hanging  full  of  fruit ;  but 
not  yet  ripe,  owing  to  the  coldness  of  the  climate  on  these 
mountains  :  I  also  saw  a  number  of  other  shrubs,  which  bear 
fruit,  but  for  which  I  know  no  names.  There  are  black 
elder  and  bore-tree,  pitch  and  spruce  pine  all  growing 
together  on  these  mountains.  Being  here  unable  to  find  a 
place  to  halt  at,  where  our  horses  could  feed,  we  went  on  to 
the  junction  of  Stony  creek,  with  another  large  creek,  which 
a  short  distance  down  becomes  a  considerable  river,  and 
encamped  for  the  night,  as  it  rained  and  was  disagreeable 
travelling.  The  two  hunters,  that  had  gone  back  here 
joined  us  with  Capt.  Lewis's  horse,  but  none  of  the  hunters 
killed  any  thing  except  2  or  3  pheasants ;  on  which,  without 
a  miracle  it  was  impossible  to  feed  30  hungry  men  and  up 
wards,  besides  some  Indians.  So  Capt.  Lewis  gave  out  some 
portable  soup,  which  he  had  along,  to  be  used  in  cases  of 
necessity.  Some  of  the  men  did  not  relish  this  soup,  and 
agreed  to  kill  a  colt ;  which  they  immediately  did,  and  set 
about  roasting  it  >  and  which  appeared  to  me  to  be  good 
eating.  This  day  we  travelled  1 7  miles.  .  .  . 

Friday  \$th.  This  morning  the  weather  appeared  to 
settle  and  clear  off,  but  the  river  remained  still  rough.  So 
we  were  obliged  to  continue  here  until  about  i  o'clock. 


NO.  si]        Oregon    Expedition         209 

when  the  weather  became  more  calm,  and  we  loaded  and 
set  out  from  our  disagreeable  camp ;  went  about  3  miles, 
when  we  came  to  the  mouth  of  the  river,  where  it  empties 
into  a  handsome  bay.  Here  we  halted  on  a  sand  beach, 
formed  a  comfortable  camp,  and  remained  in  full  view  of  the 
ocean,  at  this  time  more  raging  than  pacific.  One  of  the 
two  men  who  first  went  out  came  to  us  here,  the  other  had 
joined  Capt.  Lewis's  party.  Last  night  the  Indians  had  stolen 
their  arms  and  accoutrements,  but  restored  them  on  the 
arrival  of  Captain  Lewis  and  his  men  in  the  morning. 

Saturday  i6//z.  This  was  a  clear  morning  and  the  wind 
pretty  high.  We  could  see  the  waves,  like  small  mountains, 
rolling  out  in  the  ocean,  and  pretty  bad  in  the  bay. 

WE  are  now  at  the  end  of  our  voyage,  which  has  been 
completely  accomplished  according  to  the  intention  of  the 
expedition,  the  object  of  which  was  to  discover  a  passage  by 
the  way  of  the  Missouri  and  Columbia  rivers  to  the  Pacific 
ocean ;  notwithstanding  the  difficulties,  privations  and  dan 
gers,  which  we  had  to  encounter,  endure  and  surmount. 

Patrick  Gass,  A  Journal  of  the  Voyages  and  Travels  of  a  Corps 
of  Discovery,  under  the  command  of  Capt.  Lewis  and  Capt. 
Clarke  .  .  .  (Pittsburgh,  1807),  12-165  passim. 


At  the  mouth 
of  the  Colum 
bia,  discov 
ered  in  1792 
by  the  Ameri 
can  ship 
"  Columbia." 
Here  in  1810 
John  Jacob 
Astor 
founded 
Astoria. 
About  1830 
settlers  began 
to  come  in. 


8 1.    Effect  of  the  Embargo  (1808) 


r 


"T  is  certain  some  provision  must  be  made  touch 
ing  the  embargo  previous  to  our  adjournment. 
A  whole  people  is  laboring  under  a  most  grievous  oppres 
sion.  All  the  business  of  the  nation  is  deranged.  All  its 
active  hopes  are  frustrated.  All  its  industry  stagnant.  Its 
numerous  products  hastening  to  their  market,  are  stopped  in 
their  course.  A  dam  is  thrown  across  the  current,  and  every 


By  JOSIAH 

QUINCY 
(1722-1864), 
member  of 
Congress 
from  Massa 
chusetts,  and 
one  of  the 
party  of  ex 
treme  Feder 
alists  known 
as  the  "  Essex 
Junto  " ;  he 
was  a  great 


2  1  o  Jefferson's   Policy  [1808 

opponent  of  hour  the  strength  and  the  tendency  towards  resistance  is 
IdnSnS?ra-  accumulating.  The  scene  we  are  now  witnessing  is  alto- 
tion.  In  a  gether  unparalleled  in  history.  The  tales  of  fiction  have  no 

speech  Tanu- 

ary  4,  1811,  parallel  for  it.  A  new  writ  is  executed  upon  a  whole  people. 
Sfe^firsttoan*  Not,  indeed,  the  old  monarchial  writ,  ne  exeat  regiw,  but  a 
nounce  on  new  republican  writ,  ne  exeat  republicd.  Freemen,  in  the 
Congress  the  pride  of  their  liberty,  have  restraints  imposed  on  them  which 
secess?on°f  despotism  never  exercised.  They  are  fastened  down  to  the 
and  he  soil  by  the  enchantment  of  law  ;  and  their  property  vanishes 

opposed  the  *n  tne  verv  Process  °f  preservation.  It  is  impossible  for  us 
war.  The  to  separate  and  leave  such  a  people  at  such  a  moment  as 

this,  without  administering  some  opiate  to   their  distress. 

Some  hope,  however  distant,  of  alleviation  must  be  prof- 
parture  of  fered  ;  some  prospect  of  relief  opened.  Otherwise,  justly 
whVcargoes  niight  we  fear  f°r  tne  result  of  such  an  unexampled  pressure. 

for  foreign  Who  can  say  what  counsels  despair  might  suggest,  or  what 
ports,  and  .  .  ,  r  .  ,  _ 

was  meant  to   weapons  it  might  furnish  ? 


ndS"  '  '  '  ^e  em^ar§°  power,  which  now  holds  in  its  palsy- 

France  to  ing  gripe  all  the  hopes  of  this  nation,  is  distinguished  by 

Qumcy's  two  characteristics  of  material  import,  in  deciding  what  con- 

speech,  in  trol  shall  be  left  over  it  during  our  recess.     I  allude  to  its 

spite  of  the 

fact  that  he  greatness  and  its  novelty. 

san  nTre-1"  ^s  to  *ts  greatness>  nothing-  is  like  it.     Every  class  of  men 

sents  the  feels  it.     Every  interest  in  the  nation  is  affected  by  it.     The 

tkm  ofC°     "  merchant,  the  farmer,  the  planter,  the  mechanic,  the  labor- 

things.—  On  jng  poor,  —  all  are  sinking  under  its  weight.     But  there  is 

Qumcy,  see 

Contempora-  this  that  is  peculiar  to  it,  that  there  is  no  equality  in  its 

^^llo'nVhe  nature-     ^  i§  not  nke  taxation,  which  raises  revenue  accord- 

Embargo,  ing  to  the  average  of  wealth  ;  burdening  the  rich  and  letting 

see  Content-  ,                           -              -^                                             ,               .      ,           , 

poraries,  III,  the  poor  go  free.     But  it  presses  upon  the  particular  classes 

ch-  of  society,  in  an  inverse  ratio  to  the  capacity  of  each  to  bear 

The  Em-  it.     From  those  who  have  much,  it  takes  indeed  something. 

repeaieoffn  But  from  those  who  have  little,  it  takes  all.     For  what  hope 

comit'of  the  ^s  ^e^  to  t^ie  mdustrious  poor  when  enterprise,  activity,  and 

clamor  of  capital  are  proscribed  their  legitimate  exercise  ?  .  .  .     The 


NO.  si]  The   Embargo  211 

regulations  of  society  forbid  what  was  once  property  to  be  Southern 
so  any  longer.      For  property  depends  on  circulation,  on 
exchange  ;    on  ideal  value.     The  power  of  property  is  all 
relative.    It  depends  not  merely  upon  opinion  here,  but  upon  the  threats  of 
opinion  in  other  countries.    If  it  be  cut  off  from  its  destined   ^d  s*hip- 
market,  much  of  it  is  worth  nothing,  and  all  of  it  is  worth   owners, 
infinitely  less  than  when  circulation  is  unobstructed. 

This  embargo  power  is,  therefore,  of  all  powers  the  most 
enormous,  in  the  manner  in  which  it  affects  the  hopes  and   whether  the 
interests  of  a  nation.     But  its  magnitude  is  not  more  remark-   was^consti- 
able  than  its  novelty.     An  experiment,  such  as  is  now  mak-   tutional 
ing,  was  never  before  —  I  will  not  say  tried  —  it  never  before 
entered  into  the  human  imagination.     There  is  nothing  like 
it  in  the  narrations  of  history  or  in  the  tales  of  fiction.     All 
the  habits  of  a  mighty  nation  are  at  once  counteracted.     All  The  Em- 
their  property  depreciated.     All  their  external  connections   grlfnosTto 
violated.     Five  millions  of  people  are  encaged.     They  can-  ^Tittle' and 
not  go  beyond  the  limits  of  that  once  free  country ;  now  effect  on 
they  are  not  even  permitted  to  thrust  their  own  property 
through  the  grates.     I  am  not  now  questioning  its  policy,  its 
wisdom,  or  its  practicability :  I  am  merely  stating  the  fact. 
And  I  ask  if  such  a  power  as  this,  thus  great,  thus  novel, 
thus  interfering  with  all  the  great  passions  and  interests  of 
a  whole  people,  ought  to  be  left  for  six  months  in  operation, 
without  any  power  of  control,  except  upon  the  occurrence 
of  certain  specified  and  arbitrary  contingencies  ?     Who  can 
foretell  when   the  spirit  of  endurance   will  cease?     Who, 
when  the  strength  of  nature  shall  outgrow  the  strength  of 
your  bonds?     Or  if  they  do,  who  can  give  a  pledge  that  the 
patience  of  the  people  will  not  first  be  exhausted.  .  .  . 

Josiah  Quincy,  Speeches  delivered  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  (edited  by  Edmund  Quincy,  Boston,  1874),  37-45 
passim. 


By  FRANCIS 
JAMES  JACK 
SON  (1770- 
1814),  a  dip 
lomat  of  wide 
and  extended 
experience. 
He  was  sent, 
in  1809,  by 
the  British 
government 
as  minister 
plenipotenti 
ary  to  Wash 
ington.     He 
began  by  as 
suming  that 
his  predeces 
sor,  Erskine, 
had  been 
tricked,  and 
soon  came  to 
a  flat  as 
sertion 
that  the  Sec 
retary  of 
State  was  de 
nying  the 
truth,  and 
that  the 
President 
was  involved. 
His  relations 
were  closed 
by  a  note 
from  the 
American 
government, 
to  the  effect 
that,  owing  to 
his  insulting 
language,  it 
could  have 
nothing  fur 
ther  to  do 
with  him. 
After  that  he 
made  a  tour 
of  the  Eastern 


CHAPTER  XIII  — THE  WAR  OF   1812 
82.    Impressions  of  America   (1810) 

NEW  YORK,  May  ist,  1810. 
serve  an  immediate  electioneering  purpose 
a  story  was  circulated,  on  the  arrival  of  the 
packet,  of  Lord  Wellesley  having  declared  to  Mr.  Pinckney 
his  disapprobation  of  my  conduct.   .  .  . 

In  fact  if  Lord  W.  had  even  made  such  a  declaration,  he 
would  have  hurt  his  own  and  his  country's  interests  much 
more  than  mine ;  for  the  minds  of  men  in  this  country  are 
now  so  completely  made  up  for  me  and  against  the  Gov 
ernment  that,  in  the  end,  I  shall  have  little  reason  to  care 
what  his  Lordship  says  or  thinks  on  the  subject;  though  I 
look  forward  with  full  confidence  to  the  next  arrivals  for  a 
full  approbation  of  what  I  have  done.  Ministers  cannot 
disapprove  of,  though  they  may  be  sorry  for  it ;  and  if  they 
are  sorry  it  must  be  for  the  trouble  it  occasions  them,  for  as 
I  have  told  them,  there  is  no  loss  of  any  adjustment  of 
differences  —  that  being  impracticable  with  this  country  upon 
the  principles  of  my  instructions.  I  hope  they  [the  Eng 
lish  ministry]  are  adopting  the  line  that  I  recommended  to 
them  —  that  of  procrastinating  any  negotiation  whatever  — 
but  they  might  as  well  have  told  me  so  for  my  own  guidance 
and  information,  instead  of  leaving  me  a  prey  to  all  the  lies 
and  misrepresentations  which  the  Democrats  have  found  it 
necessary  to  propagate  on  the  subject  for  election  purposes. 
It  would  be  an  absolute  disgrace  to  the  country,  and  would 
produce  an  impression  never  to  be  got  over  here  —  the  ill 
effects  of  which  in  all  future  transactions  we  should  not  fail 


2X2 


NO.  82]        Previous   Diplomacy        213 

to  be  made  sensible  of  —  if  another  minister  were  to  be  sent  States.    His 

out  without  some  sort  of  satisfaction  being  taken  or  received  ancUhos^o? 

for  the  treatment  I  have  experienced.     They  ought  to  in-  his  wife. 

written  dur- 

sist  on  my  being  reinstated  ;  though  God  knows  1  0,000  /.  a  ing  this  time, 

year  and  all  the  ribands,  blue,  green,  or  red  that  ever  were  comment^on 

manufactured    should    not   induce    me    to    continue    here.  '  existing  con- 

However,  if  ministers  have  acted  at  all  upon  my  predications,  diplomacy 

as  the  Yankees  say,  they  are  now  at  liberty,  from  the  course  wltl]  Ens- 

.    *  •  land-  see 

things  have  progressively  taken,  to  do    exactly    what  they  Contempora- 

please,  even  to  turning  out  the  democratic  party  altogether,  ^J'_lo'ncthe 

if  it  were  otherwise  desirable.     But  this  may  be  doubted  :  war  of  1812, 

f  j         •      i  i  T  i_r  •  i  11  see  Contem- 

for  a  more  despicable  set  I  never  before  met  with,  and  they  poranes,  ill, 

can  do  neither  England  nor  any  other  country  any  harm.  ch-     • 

They  are  as  deficient  in  talent  as  in  principle,  which  sur-  This  was  not 

priced  me  on  comparing  them  with  our  European  Democrats,  ^  Americans 

amongst  whom  talent  is  not  wanting  ;  and  the  mob  is  by  tnen  current 

r  i  among  edu- 

many  degrees  more  blackguard  and  ferocious  than  the  mob  cated  Eng- 

in  other  countries.  lishmen. 

To  show  what  they  are  capable  of  and  the  little  safety  or 
satisfaction  there  is  in  living  amongst  them,  I  send  you  a 
cutting  from  a  New  York  paper,  giving  an  account  of  a  dis 
graceful  outrage  that  took  place  in  that  dirty  nest  of  philos 
ophy,  Philadelphia,  on  the  occasion  of  an  entertainment 
given  by  the  Russian  Charge"  d'  Affaires,  on  the  anniversary 
of  the  Emperor's  coronation.  .  .  . 

Of  the  political  system  pursued  by  the  present  Govern 
ment,  I,  of  course,  can  have  nothing  good  to  say,  but  for 
the  rest,  enough  has  been  done  by  the  most  respectable 

part  of  the  American  people  to  prove  to  me  that  they  in  no  J.e.the 

.        ,  .  r    ,       ™T     ,  •  Federalists. 

way  participate  in  the  sentiments  of  the  Washington  party, 


or  approve  of  the  treatment  I  have  received  from  them.  .  .  . 

the  country 
about  a  year, 

The  Bath  Archives.     A  Further  Selection  from  the  Diaries  and  and  was  not 
Letters   of  Sir   George  Jackson,   K.C.H.    (edited    by    Lady    bytheBrftish 
Jackson,  London,  1873),  I?  108-121  passim.  government. 


214  War   of  1812  [1812 

87.    Causes  of  the  War   (1812) 

DENT  JAMES 

^75™-i°836)  T^RANCE   has  done   nothing  towards  adjusting 

in  succession  '    ±       OUT  differences  with  her.     It  is  understood 

Congress?       tnat  the  Berlin  and  Milan  Decrees  are  not  in  force  against 
t^ie  United  States,  and  no  contravention  of  them  can  be 


President.  established  against  her.     On  the  contrary,  positive   cases 

mano^7  a  rebut  the  allegation.     Still,  the  manner  of  the  French  Gov- 

peace,  he  was  ernment  betrays  the  design  of  leaving  G.  Britain  a  pretext 

fuTinUhisCSS  f°r  enforcing  her  Orders  in  Council.     And  in  all  other  re- 

management  Spects,  the  grounds  for  our  complaints  remain  the  same.  . 
of  the  war  ; 

and  his  argu-  In  the  mean  time,  the  business  is  become  more  than  ever 

FranV^had  puzzling.     To  go  to  war  with  England  and  not  with  France 

respected  arms  the  Federalists  with  new  matter,  and  divides  the  Re- 

ami  that  Eng-  publicans,  some  of  whom,  with  the  Quids,  make  a  display 

the?eforeUld  of  imPartian'ty.     To  go  to  war  against  both  presents  a  thou- 

withdraw  her  sand  difficulties  ;  above  all,  that  of  shutting  all  the  ports  of 
tne  Continent  of  Europe  against  our  cruisers,  who  can  do 


untenable.  little  without  the  use  of  them.     It  is  pretty  certain,  also, 

did  not  have  that  it  would  not  gain  over  the  Federalists,  who  would  turn 

country  be-  a11  those  difficulties  against  the  administration.     The  only 

hind  him,  for  consideration  of  weight  in  favor  of  this  triangular  war,  as 

New-Eng-  it  is  called,  is,  that  it  might  hasten  through  a  peace  with 

landers  pre-  Q    Britain  or  France  :  a  termination,  for  a  while,  at  least, 

ferred  the  * .                                                    .            ' 

British  side  of  the  obstinate  questions  now  depending  with  both. 

French  The  But  even  tn*s  a^vantage  is  not  certain.     For  a  prolonga- 

extractis  tion  of  such  a  war  might  be  viewed  by  both  belligerents  as 

vatTletter'to  desirable,  with  as  little  reason  for  the  opinion  as  has  pre- 

jefferson  vailed  in  the  past  conduct  of  both. 

May  25, 1812. 

—  For  Madi-  [June  22.]     I  inclose  a  paper  containing  the  Declaration 
of  war  .           It  is  understood  that  the  Federalists  in  Con- 


in,^  ch.  gress  are  to  put  all  the  strength  of  their  talents   into  a 

of  the  war,       protest  against  the  war,  and  that  the  party  at  large  are  to 

be  brought  out  in  a11  their  force-  •  •  • 

[July  25.]     The  conduct  of  the  nation  against  whom  this 


NO.  83]  Causes  215 

resort  has  been  proclaimed  left  no  choice  but  between  that  205;  Contem* 

and  the  greater  evil  of  a  surrender  of  our  Sovereignty  on  the  £JJ/* 

Element  on  which  all  nations  have  equal  rights,  and  in  the  The  "Quids" 

free  use  of  which  the  United  States,  as  a  nation  whose  agri-  were  extreme 

.,...,.  .    ,  Democrats. 

culture  and  commerce  are  so  closely  allied,  have  an  essential 

The  absurd 

interest.  idea  of  fight- 

The  appeal  to  force  in  opposition  to  the  force  so  long  ing  both 

rr  3  powers  was 

continued  against  us  had  become  the  more  urgent,  as  every  much  dis- 


endeavor  short  of  it  had  not  only  been  fruitless,  but  had 
been  followed  by  fresh  usurpations  and  oppressions.  The 
intolerable  outrages  committed  against  the  crews  of  our  ves 
sels,  which,  at  one  time,  were  the  result  of  alleged  searches 
for  deserters  from  British  ships  of  war,  had  grown  into  a 
like  pretension,  first,  as  to  all  British  seamen,  and  next,  as  to 
all  British  subjects  ;  with  the  invariable  practice  of  seizing 
on  all  neutral  seamen  of  every  Nation,  and  on  all  such  of 
our  own  seamen  as  British  officers  interested  in  the  abuse 
might  please  to  demand. 

The  Blockading  orders  in  Council,  commencing  on  the  Began  in 
plea  of  retaliating  injuries  indirectly  done  to  G.  Britain,  I 
through  the  direct  operation  of  French  Decrees  against  the 
trade  of  the  United  States  with  her,  and  on  a  professed  dis 
position  to  proceed  step  by  step  with  France  in  revoking 
them,  have  been  since  bottomed  on  pretensions  more  and 
more  extended  and  arbitrary,  till  at  length  it  is  openly 
avowed  as  indispensable  to  a  repeal  of  the  Orders  as  they 
affect  the  U.  States,  that  the  French  Decrees  be  repealed  as 
they  affect  G.  Britain  directly,  and  all  other  neutrals,  as  well 
as  the  United  States.  To  this  extraordinary  avowal  is  super- 
added  abundant  evidence  that  the  real  object  of  the  Orders 
is,  not  to  restore  freedom  to  the  American  Commerce  with 
G.  Britain,  which  could,  indeed,  be  little  interrupted  by  the 
Decrees  of  France,  but  to  destroy  our  lawful  commerce,  as 
interfering  with  her  own  unlawful  commerce  with  her 
enemies.  The  only  foundation  of  this  attempt  to  banish 


I 

2 1 6  War   of  1812  [1812 

the  American  flag  from  the  highway  of  Nations,  or  to  render 
it  wholly  subservient  to  the  commercial  views  of  the  British 
Government,  is  the  absurd  and  exploded  doctrine  that  the 
ocean,  not  less  than  the  land,  is  susceptible  of  occupancy  and 
dominion  ;  that  this  dominion  is  in  the  hands  of  G.  Britain  ; 
and  that  her  laws,  not  the  law  of  Nations,  which  is  ours  as 
well  as  hers,  are  to  regulate  our  maritime  intercourse  with 
the  rest  of  the  world. 

When  the  l/nited  States  assumed  and  established  their 
rank  among  the  nations  of  the  Earth,  they  assumed  and  es 
tablished  a  common  Sovereignty  on  the  high  seas,  as  well  as 
an  exclusive  sovereignty  within  their  territorial  limits.  The 
one  is  as  essential  as  the  other  to  their  character  as  an  Inde 
pendent  Nation.  However  conceding  they  may  have  been 
on  controvertible  points,  or  forbearing  under  casual  and 
limited  injuries,  they  can  never  submit  to  wrongs  irreparable 
in  their  kind,  enormous  in  their  amount,  and  indefinite  in  their 
duration ;  and  which  are  avowed  and  justified  on  principles 
degrading  the  United  States  from  the  rank  of  a  sovereign  and 
independent  power.  In  attaining  this  high  rank,  and  the 
inestimable  blessings  attached  to  it,  no  part  of  the  American 
people  had  a  more  meritorious  share  than  the  people  of  New 
Jersey.  From  none,  therefore,  may  more  reasonably  be  ex 
pected  a  patriotic  zeal  in  maintaining  by  the  sword  the  un 
questionable  and  unalienable  rights  acquired  by  it  ... 

James   Madison,    Letters  and  Other   Writings   (Philadelphia, 
1865),  II,  535-538  passim. 


By  CAPTAIN       84.    Capture  of  the  Guerriere  (1812) 

ISAAC  HULL 

(1773-1843).  (j  s  frigate,  Constitution,  off  Boston  Light, 

Hull  began  J    6 

his  naval  QIR,  **&***  3°>  lSl2' 

aTafourtri798  ^  *  ^ave  t^G  ^OnOur  tO  m^orm  you>  tnat  on  tne 

lieutenant  on  inst.  at  2  P.M.  being  in  lat.  41°  42'  and  long.  55°  48',  with 


NO.  84]          A   Naval   Capture          217 

the  Constitution  under  my  command,  a  sail  was  discovered 
from  the  mast-head  bearing  E.  by  S.  or  E.  S.  E.  but  at  such 
a  distance  we  could  not  tell  what  she  was.  All  sail  was 
instantly  made  in  chase,  and  soon  found  we  came  up  with 
her.  At  3  P.M.  could  plainly  see,  that  she  was  a  ship  on  the 
starboard  tack  under  easy  sail,  close  on  a  wind  ;  at  half  past 
3  P.M.  made  her  out  to  be  a  frigate;  continued  the  chase 
until  we  were  within  about  three  miles,  when  I  ordered  the 
light  sails  to  be  taken  in,  the  courses  hauled  up,  and  the 
ship  cleared  for  action.  At  this  time  the  chase  had  backed 
his  maintop-sail,  waiting  for  us  to  come  down.  As  soon  as 
the  Constitution  was  ready  for  action,  I  bore  down  with  in 
tention  to  bring  him  to  close  action  immediately ;  but  on 
our  coming  within  gun-shot  she  gave  us  a  broadside  and 
fil[l]ed  away,  and  wore,  giving  us  a  broadside  on  the  other 
tack,  but  without  effect ;  her  shot  falling  short.  She  con 
tinued  wearing  and  maneuvering  for  about  three  quarters 
of  an  hour,  to  get  a  raking  position,  but  rinding  she  could 
not,  she  bore  up,  and  run  under  her  top-sails  and  gib,  with 
the  wind  on  her  quarter.  I  immediately  made  sail  to  bring 
the  ship  up  with  her,  and  five  minutes  before  6  P.M.  being 
along  side  within  half  pistol-shot,  we  commenced  a  heavy 
fire  from  all  our  guns,  double  shotted  with  round  and  grape, 
and  so  well  directed  were  they,  and  so  warmly  kept  up,  that 
in  15  minutes  his  mizen-mast  went  by  the  board  and  his 
main  yard  in  the  slings,  and  the  hull,  rigging,  and  sails  very 
much  torn  to  pieces.  The  fire  was  kept  up  with  equal 
warmth  for  15  minutes  longer,  when  his  mainmast  and  fore 
mast  went,  taking  with  them  every  spar,  excepting  the  bow 
sprit.  On  seeing  this  we  ceased  firing,  so  that  in  thirty  min 
utes  after,  we  got  fairly  along  side  the  enemy ;  she  surren 
dered,  and  had  not  a  spar  standing,  and  her  hull  below  and 
above  water  so  shattered,  that  a  few  more  broadsides  must 
have  carried  her  down. 

After  informing  you,  that  so  fine  a  ship  as  the  Guerriere, 


the  "  Consti. 
tution," 
and  at  the 
outbreak  of 
the  war  of 
1812  he  had 
risen  to  be 
commander 
of  the  vessel. 
Soon  after 
the  famous 
action  with 
the  "  Guerri- 
ere,"  he  gen 
erously  re 
signed  his 
command^in 
order  to  give 
the  other 
naval  officers 
a  chance,  for 
at  this  time 
there  were 
more  men 
than  ships. 
This  piece  is 
part  of  his 
official  re 
port  to  the 
Secretary  of 
the  Navy.  — 
On  naval 
battles  in 
the  war,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  III,  ch. 

The  gunnery 
of  the  Ameri 
cans  was  far 
superior  to 
that  of  the 
British  in 
most  of  the 
naval  battles. 

This  was  the 
first  time  for 
many  years 
that  a  British 
man-of-war 
had  surren 
dered  to 
about  equal 
force. 


2l8 


War   of  1812 


[1814 


Those  miss 
ing  were  sup 
posed  to 
have  gone 
overboard 
with  the 
masts. 


commanded  by  an  able  and  experienced  officer,  had  been 
totally  dismasted,  and  otherwise  cut  to  pieces  so  as  to  make 
her  not  worth  towing  into  port,  in  the  short  space  of  thirty 
minutes,  you  can  have  no  doubt  of  the  gallantry  and  good 
conduct  of  the  officers  and  ship's  company  I  have  the  honour 
to  command ;  it  only  remains  therefore  for  me  to  assure 
you,  that  they  all  fought  with  great  bravery ;  and  it  gives  me 
great  pleasure  to  say,  that  from  the  smallest  boy  in  the  ship 
to  the  oldest  seaman,  riot  a  look  of  fear  was  seen.  They  all 
went  into  action,  giving  three  cheers,  and  requested  to  be 
laid  close  along  side  the  enemy. 

Enclosed  I  have  the  honour  to  send  you  a  list  of  killed 
and  wounded  on  board  the  Constitution  [total,  14],  and  a 
report  of  the  damages  she  has  sustained  ;  also  a  list  of  killed 
and  wounded  on  board  the  enemy  [total  77,  and  24  miss 
ing],  with  his  quarter  bill,  &c.  .  .  . 

[Abel  Bowen,]  The  Naval  Monument  (Boston,  1816),  7-9. 


By  REVER 
END 

GEORGE 
ROBERT  - 
GLEIG 
(1796-1888), 
who  served 
in  the  British 
army  during 
the  war  of 
1812,  and  was 
present  at 
Bladensburg, 
the  capture 
of  Washing 
ton,  Balti-. 
more,  and 
New  Orleans. 
In  1820  he 
published  a. 
book  on  his 
American  ex 
periences; 
it  is  based  on 


85.    Capture  of  Washington   (1814) 


T 


HOWARDS  morning,  a  violent  storm  of  rain, 
accompanied  with  thunder  and  lightning, 
came  on,  which  disturbed  the  rest  of  all  those  who  were  ex 
posed  to  it.  Yet,  in  spite  of  the  disagreeableness  of  getting 
wet,  I  cannot  say  that  I  felt  disposed  to  grumble  at  the  in 
terruption,  for  it  appeared  that  what  I  had  before  considered 
as  superlatively  sublime,  still  wanted  this  to  render  it  com 
plete.  The  flashes  of  lightning  seemed  to  vie  in  brilliancy, 
with  the  flames  which  burst  from  the  roofs  of  burning 
houses,  while  the  thunder  drowned  the  noise  of  crumbling 
walls,  and  was  only  interrupted  by  the  occasional  roar  of 
cannon,  and  of  large  depots  of  gunpowder,  as  they  one  by 
one  exploded. 


NO.  85]      Taking  of  Washington      219 

.  .  .  the  consternation  of  the  inhabitants  was  complete,  his  journal, 

and  ...  to  them  this  was  a  night  of  terror.     So  confident  best  among 

had  they  been  of  the  success  of  their  troops,  that   few  of  the  English 

.    .  11-  accounts, 

them  had  dreamt  of  quitting  their  houses,  or  abandoning  being  impar« 

the  city  ;  nor  was  it  till  the  fugitives  from  the  battle  began 


to  rush  in,  filling  every  place  as  they  came  with  dismay,  that  curate;  the 

the  President  himself  thought  of  providing  for  his  safety.  Ind^nterest- 

That  gentleman,  as  I  was  credibly  informed,  had  gone  forth  |"g\  ,Trhe 

J     .    .      .  British  force 

in  the  morning  with  the  army,  and  had  continued  among  numbered 

his   troops   till   the    British  forces   began    to    make    their  ^"en^n? 

appearance.     Whether  the  sight  of  his  enemies  cooled  his  marched 

T  ,  .  .    -  fifty  miles 

courage  or  not,  I  cannot  say,  but,  according  to  my  informer,  up  into  a 

no  sooner  was  the  glittering  of  our  arms  discernible,  than  he  c°untry 

began  to  discover  that  his  presence  was  more  wanted  in  the  were  at  least 
senate  than  with  the  army  ;  and  having  ridden  through  the 


ranks,  and  exhorted  every  man  to  do  his  duty,  he  hurried   available. 

11  i  •  i  11  -1  f  r        i        An  unsuc- 

back  to  his  own  house,  that  he  might  prepare  a  feast  for  the   cessml  at- 


entertainment  of  his  officers,  when  they  should  return  vie- 

torious.     For  the  truth  of  these  details,  I  will  not  be  answer-  the  British  at 

able;   but  this  much  I  know,  that  the  feast  was  actually  ?!^ornth  "rg"  ' 

prepared,  though,  instead  of  being  devoured  by  American  land  cam- 

*  paigns  of  the 

officers,  it  went  to  satisfy  the  less  delicate   appetites  of  a  war,  see  Con- 


party  of  English  soldiers.     When  the  detachment,  sent  out 

to  destroy  Mr.  Maddison's  house,  entered  his  dining  parlour,   Madison  ^d 

they  found  a  dinner-table  spread,  and  covers  laid  for  forty  been  gone 

some  hours 
guests.    .    .    .  before  the 

.  .  .  They  sat  down  to  it,  therefore,  not  indeed  in  the  British  came, 
most  orderly  manner,  but  with  countenances  which  would 
not  have  disgraced  a  party  of  aldermen  at  a  civic  feast  ;  and 
having  satisfied  their  appetites  with  fewer  complaints  than 
would  have  probably  escaped  their  rival  gourmands,  and 
partaken  pretty  freely  of  the  wines,  they  finished  by  setting 
fire  to  the  house  which  had  so  liberally  entertained-  them. 

But,  as  I  have  just  observed,  this  was  a  night  of  dismay 
to  the  inhabitants  of  Washington.     They  were  taken  com- 


220 


War  of  1812 


This  is 
apocryphal. 


The  pretext 
for  this  de 
struction  was 
the  burning 
of  some  pub 
lic  buildings 
by  American 
troops  at 
York  (now 
Toronto). 


pletely  by  surprise ;  nor  could  the  arrival  of  the  flood  be 
more  unexpected  to  the  natives  of  the  antediluvian  world, 
than  the  arrival  of  the  British  army  to  them.  The  first  im 
pulse  of  course  tempted  them  to  fly,  and  the  streets  were  in 
consequence  crowded  with  soldiers  and  senators,  men,  women 
and  children,  horses,  carriages,  and  carts  loaded  with  house 
hold  furniture,  all  hastening  towards  a  wooden  bridge  which 
crosses  the  Potomac.  The  confusion  thus  occasioned  was 
terrible,  and  the  crowd  upon  the  bridge  was  such  as  to 
endanger  its  giving  away.  But  Mr.  Maddison,  having  es 
caped  among  the  first,  was  no  sooner  safe  on  the  opposite 
bank  of  the  river,  than  he  gave  orders  that  the  bridge  should 
be  broken  down;  which  being  obeyed,  the  rest  were  obliged 
to  return,  and  to  trust  to  the  clemency  of  the  victors. 

In  this  manner  was  the  night  passed  by  both  parties; 
and  at  day-break  next  morning,  the  light  brigade  moved 
into  the  city,  while  the  reserve  fell  back  to  a  height,  about 
half  a  mile  in  the  rear.  Little,  however,  now  remained  to 
be  done,  because  every  thing  marked  out  for  destruction, 
was  already  consumed.  Of  the  senate-house,  the  Presi 
dent's  palace,  the  barracks,  the  dock-yard,  &c.  nothing 
could  be  seen,  except  heaps  of  smoking  ruins ;  and  even 
the  bridge,  a  noble  structure  upwards  of  a  mile  in  length, 
was  almost  wholly  demolished.  There  was,  therefore,  no 
farther  occasion  to  scatter  the  troops,  and  they  were  accord 
ingly  kept  together  as  much  as  possible  on  the  Capitol  hill. 

[George  Robert  Gleig,]  A  Narrative  of  the  Campaigns  of  the 
British  Army  at  Washington  and  New  Orleans  (London,  1821), 
128-132  passim. 


By  MAJOR 
ARSENE  LA- 

LATOUR, 


neer.    A 


86.    Battle  of  New  Orleans   (1815) 

LITTLE    before    daybreak,    our    outpost    came    in 
without  noise,  having  perceived  the  enemy  moving 
forward  in  great  force. 


NO.  86]     Battle  of  New  Orleans     221 


At  last  the  dawn  of  day  discovered  to  us  the  enemy 
occupying  two-  thirds  of  the  space  between  the  wood  and 
the  Mississippi.  Immediately  a  Congreve  rocket  went  off 
from  the  skirt  of  the  wood,  in  the  direction  of  the  river, 
This  was  the  signal  for  the  attack.  At  the  same  instant,  the 
tvvelve-pounder  of  battery  No.  6,  whose  gunners  had  per- 
ceived  the  enemy's  movement,  discharged  a  shot.  On  this 
all  his  troops  gave  three  cheers,  formed  in  close  column  of 
about  sixty  men  in  front,  in  very  good  order,  and  advanced 
nearly  in  the  direction  of  battery  No.  7,  the  men  shoulder- 
ing  their  muskets,  and  all  carrying  fascines,  and  some  with 
ladders.  A  cloud  of  rockets  preceded  them,  and  continued 
to  fall  in  showers  during  the  whole  attack.  Batteries  Nos. 
6,  7  and  8,  now  opened  an  incessant  fire  on  the  column, 
which  continued  to  advance  in  pretty  good  order,  until,  in  a 
few  minutes,  the  musketry  of  the  troops  of  Tennessee  and 
Kentucky,  joining  their  fire  with  that  of  the  artillery,  began 
to  make  an  impression  on  it,  which  soon  threw  it  into  con- 
fusion.  It  was  at  that  moment  that  was  heard  that  constant 
rolling  fire,  whose  tremendous  noise  resembled  rattling  peals 
of  thunder.  For  some  time  the  British  officers  succeeded 
in  animating  the  courage  of  their  troops,  and  making  them 
advance,  obliqueing  to  the  left,  to  avoid  the  fire  of  battery 
No.  7,  from  which  every  discharge  opened  the  column,  and 
mowed  down  whole  files,  which  were  almost  instantaneously 

-          ,        _  , 

replaced  by  new  troops  coming  up  close  after  the  first  :  but 
these  also  shared  the  same  fate,  until  at  last,  after  twenty- 
five  minutes  continual  firing,  through  which  a  few  platoons 
advanced  to  the  edge  of  the  ditch,  the  column  entirely 
broke,  and  part  of  the  troops  dispersed,  and  ran  to  take 
shelter  among  the  bushes  on  the  right.  The  rest  retired  to 
the  ditch  where  they  had  been  when  first  perceived,  four 
hundred  yards  from  our  lines. 

There  the  officers  with  some  difficulty  rallied  their  troops, 
and  again  drew  them  up  for  a  second  attack,  the  soldiers 


good  author- 


"theonly 
contempo- 


ana  cam- 
s?ositicra 


his  task,  and 


unbiassed 
The  battle 


1815.  —  On 

campaign,6" 
see  Contem- 

ch. 

Jackson  had 


ganizing  his 
and  had  for- 


between  the 


which  the 

British  must 

pass.  —  On 

^i™'  See 
below. 


222 


War   of  1812 


Pakenham 
was  one  of 
Wellington's 
command 
ers,  and  the 
troops  were 
veterans,  re 
cently  victo 
rious  over 
Napoleon. 


having  laid  down  their  knapsacks  at  the  edge  of  the  ditch, 
that  they  might  be  less  incumbered.  And  now,  for  the 
second  time,  the  column,  recruited  with  the  troops  that 
formed  the  rear,  advanced.  Again  it  was  received  with  the 
same  rolling  fire  of  musketry  and  artillery,  till,  having  ad 
vanced  without  much  order  very  near  our  lines,  it  at  last 
broke  again,  and  retired  in  the  utmost  confusion.  .  .  . 

The  attack  on  our  lines  had  hardly  begun,  when  the 
British  commander-in- chief,  the  honourable  sir  Edward 
Packenham,  fell  a  victim  to  his  own  intrepidity,  while  en 
deavouring  to  animate  his  troops  with  ardour  for  the  assault. 
Soon  after  his  fall,  two  other  generals,  Keane  and  Gibbs, 
were  carried  off  the  field  of  battle,  dangerously  wounded. 
A  great  number  of  officers  of  rank  had  fallen  :  the  ground 
over  which  the  column  had  marched,  was  strewed  with  the 
dead  and  the  wounded.  Such  slaughter  on  their  side,  with 
no  loss  on  ours,  spread  consternation  through  their  ranks,  as 
they  were  now  convinced  of  the  impossibility  of  carrying  our 
lines,  and  saw  that  even  to  advance  was  certain  death.  In  a 
word,  notwithstanding  the  repeated  efforts  of  some  officers  to 
make  the  troops  form  a  third  time,  they  would  not  advance, 
and  all  that  could  be  obtained  from  them,  was  to  draw  them 
up  in  the  ditch,  where  they  passed  the  rest  of  the  day.  .  .  . 

I  deem  it  my  indispensable  duty  to  do  justice  to  the 
intrepid  bravery  displayed  in  that  attack  by  the  British 
troops,  especially  by  the  officers.  .  .  .  The  British  soldiers 
showed,  on  this  occasion,  that  it  is  not  without  reason  they 
are  said  to  be  deficient  in  agility.  The  enormous  load  they 
had  to  carry  contributed  indeed  not  a  little  to  the  difficulty 
of  their  movement.  Besides  their  knapsacks,  usually  weigh 
ing  nearly  thirty  pounds,  and  their  musket,  too  heavy  by  at 
least  one  third,  almost  all  of  them  had  to  carry  a  fascine 
from  nine  to  ten  inches  in  diameter,  and  four  feet  long, 
made  of  sugar-canes  perfectly  ripe,  and  consequently  very 
heavy,  or  a  ladder  from  ten  to  twelve  feet  long. 


No.  87] 


Peace 


223 


The  duty  of  impartiality,  incumbent  on  him  who  relates 
military  events,  obliges  me  to  observe  that  the  attack  made 
on  Jackson's  lines,  by  the  British,  on  the  8th  of  January, 
must  have  been  determined  on  by  their  generals,  without 
any  consideration  of  the  ground,  the  weather,  or  the  diffi 
culties  to  be  surmounted,  before  they  could  storm  lines, 
defended  by  militia  indeed,  but  by  militia  whose  valour  they 
had  already  witnessed,  with  soldiers  bending  under  the 
weight  of  their  load,  when  a  man,  unincumbered  and  un 
opposed,  would  that  day  have  found  it  difficult  to  mount 
our  breastwork  at  leisure  and  with  circumspection,  so  ex 
tremely  slippery  was  the  soil.  .  .  . 

Major  A.  Lacarriere  Latour,  Historical  Memoir  of  the  War  in 
West  Florida  and  Louisiana  in  1814-15  (translated  by  H.  P. 
Nugent,  Philadelphia,  1816),  154-161  passim. 


87.    Discussion  of  the  Peace   (1814) 


T 


GHENT,  December  25,  1814. 

3E  treaty  of  peace  we  signed  yesterday  with 
the  British  ministers  is,  in  my  opinion,  as 
favorable  as  could  be  expected  under  existing  circumstances, 
so  far  as  they  were  known  to  us.  The  attitude  taken  by 
the  State  of  Massachusets,  and  the  appearances  in  some  of 
the  neighboring  States,  had  a  most  unfavorable  effect.  Of  the 
probable  result  of  the  congress  at  Vienna  we  had  no  correct 
information.  The  views  of  all  the  European  powers  were 
precisely  known  from  day  to  day  to  the  British  Ministry. 
From  neither  of  them  did  we  in  any  shape  receive  any  inti 
mation  of  their  intentions,  of  the  general  prospect  of  Europe, 
or  of  the  interest  they  took  in  our  contest  with  Great  Britain. 
I  have  some  reason  to  believe  that  all  of  them  were  desirous 
that  it  might  continue.  They  did  not  intend  to  assist  us*; 


By  ALBERT 
GALLATIN 
(1761-1849), 
one  of  the 
five  commis 
sioners 
chosen  to 
represent  the 
United  States 
in  the  peace 
negotiations 
at  Ghent. 
His  biogra 
pher,  Henry 
Adams,  says, 
"The  Treaty 
of  Ghent  was 
the  special 
work  and 
peculiar  tri 
umph  of  Mr. 
Gallatin." 
Madison  was 
forced  to  con 
sent  to  the 
omission 
from  the 


224 


War   of  1812 


treaty  of  the 
point  of  im 
pressments. 
The  follow 
ing  official 
letter,  dis 
cussing  the 
results  ob 
tained,  was 
written,  on 
the  day  after 
the  signing, 
to  James 
Monroe,  then 
Secretary  of 
State.  — On 
Gallatin,  see 
American 
Orations, 

1,84,353.— 
On  the  peace 
of  1814,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  III,  ch. 


Massachu 
setts  opposed 
the  war  and 
joined  in  the 
Hartford 
Convention. 

Wellington 
gave  it  as  his 
opinion  that 
the  Ameri 
cans  were 
very  strong 
behind 
breastworks. 

The  "  Indian 
article"  was 
an  agreement 
to  make 
peace  with 
the  Western 
and  South 
ern  Indians. 

Moose 
Island  is  in 
Passama- 
quoddy  Bay. 

A  separate 


they  appeared  indifferent  about  our  difficulties ;  but  they 
rejoiced  at  anything  which  might  occupy  and  eventually 
weaken  our  enemy.  The  manner  in  which  the  campaign 
has  terminated,  the  evidence  afforded  by  its  events  of  our 
ability  to  resist  alone  the  now  very  formidable  military 
power  of  England,  and  our  having  been  able,  without  any 
foreign  assistance,  and  after  she  had  made  such  an  effort, 
to  obtain  peace  on  equal  terms,  will  raise  our  character  and 
consequence.,  in  Europe.  This,  joined  with  the  naval  vic 
tories  and  the  belief  that  we  alone  can  fight  the  English  on 
their  element,  will  make  us  to  be  courted  as  much  as  we 
have  been  neglected  by  foreign  governments.  As  to  the 
people  of  Europe,  public  opinion  was  most  decidedly  in  our 
favor.  ...  I  have  little  to  add  to  our  public  despatch 
on  the  subject  of  the  terms  of  the  treaty.  I  really  think 
that  there  is  nothing  but  nominal  in  the  Indian  article  as 
adopted.  .  .  .  You  know  that  there  was  no  alternative 
between  breaking  off  the  negotiations  and  accepting  the 
article,  and  that  we  accepted  it  only  as  provisional  and  sub 
ject  to  your  approbation  or  rejection.  The  exception  of 
Moose  Island  from  the  general  restoration  of  territory  is 
the  only  point  on  which  it  is  possible  that  we  might  have 
obtained  an  alteration  if  we  had  adhered  to  our  opposition 
to  it.  The  British  government  had  long  fluctuated  on  the 
question  of  peace  :  .  .  .  We  thought  it  too  hazardous  to  risk 
the  peace  on  the  question  of  the  temporary  possession  of  that 
small  island,  since  the  question  of  title  was  fully  reserved,  and 
it  was  therefore  no  cession  of  territory.  On  the  subject  of  the 
fisheries  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Great  Britain,  we  have 
certainly  done  all  that  could  be  done.  If,  according  to  the 
construction  of  the  treaty  of  1783,  which  we  assumed,  the 
right  was  not  abrogated  by  the  war,  it  remains  entire,  since 
we  most  explicitly  refused  to  renounce  it  directly  or  indi 
rectly.  In  that  case  it  is  only  an  unsettled  subject  of  differ 
ence  between  the  two  countries.  If  the  right  must  be  con 


NO.  87]  Peace  225 

sidered  as  abrogated  by  the  war,  we  cannot  regain  it  without  convention 
an  equivalent.  We  had  none  to  give  but  the  recognition  of  w^wL?11 
their  right  to  navigate  the  Mississippi,  and  we  offered  it  on  madeimSxa 
this  last  supposition.  This  right  is  also  lost  to  them,  and  in 
a  general  point  of  view  we  have  certainly  lost  nothing.  But 
we  have  done  all  that  was  practicable  in  support  of  the  right 
to  those  fisheries,  i,  by  the  ground  we  assumed  respecting 
the  construction  of  the  treaty  of  1783;  2,  by  the  offer  to 
recognize  the  British  right  to  the  navigation  of  the  Missis 
sippi  ;  3,  by  refusing  to  accept  from  Great  Britain  both  her 
implied  renunciation  to  the  right  of  that  navigation  and  the 
convenient  boundary  of  49  degrees  for  the  whole  extent  of 
our  and  her  territories  west  of  the  Lake  of  the  Woods,  rather 
than  to  make  an  implied  renunciation  on  our  own  part  to 
the  right  of  America  to  those  particular  fisheries.  I  believe 
that  Great  Britain  is  very  desirous  of  obtaining  the  northern 
part  of  Maine,  say  from  about  47  north  latitude  to  the 
northern  extremity  of  that  district  as  claimed  by  us.  ... 
[On  the  question  of]  the  foundation  of  their  disputing  our 
claim  to  the  northern  part  of  that  territory  .  .  .  feeling 
that  it  is  not  very  solid,  I  am  apt  to  think  that  they  will  be 
disposed  to  offer  the  whole  of  Passamaquoddy  Bay  and  the 
disputed  fisheries  as  an  equivalent  for  this  portion  of  north 
ern  territory,  which  they  want  in  order  to  connect  New  The  United 
Brunswick  and  Quebec.  This  may  account  for  their  tenacity  heredtoVts 

with  respect  to  the  temporary  possession  of  Moose  Island,   claims  until 
,  r        ,     .         -     .  .  .  ......       1842,  when 

and  for  their  refusing  to  accept  the  recognition  of  their  right   they  were 

to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  provided  they  recog- 
nized  ours  to  the  fisheries.  That  northern  territory  is  of  no 
importance  to  us,  and  belongs  to  the  United  States,  and  not 
to  Massachusetts  .  .  . 

Albert  Gallatin,  H'rt'fittgs  (edited  by  Henry  Adams,  Philadelphia, 
1879),  1-  645-647  passim. 
Q 


By  JOHN 
MELISH 
(1771-1822), 
a  Scotchman, 
who  travelled 
extensively  in 
the  United 
States  and 
published  ac 
counts  of  his 
journeys. 
His  state 
ments  are 
based  on 
careful  ob 
servation, and 
his  attitude 
is  unpreju 
diced,  though 
he  was  very 
favorably 
disposed 
toward  the 
United  States 
and  its  insti 
tutions.     He 
regarded  this 
country  as 
the  most 
favorable 
place  for  de 
veloping 
British  ideas 
of  govern 
ment  un 
trammelled 
by  traces  of 
feudalism ; 
and,  by 
reason  of  its 
resources 
and  the 
character  of 
its  inhab 
itants,  as  as- 


CHAPTER    XIV  — CONDITIONS    OF 
NATIONAL   GROWTH,  1815-1830 

88.   Boston  and  Neighboring  Towns  (1806) 

BOSTON  is  built  on  a  peninsula,  at  the  head  of  Massa 
chusetts  Bay.  ...  A  great  part  of  the  town  lies  low 
along  the  bay ;  but  the  ground  rises  to  a  considerable  eleva 
tion  in  the  middle,  where  the  State-House  is  built,  which 
gives  it  a  very  handsome  appearance  at  a  distance.  The 
town  partakes  of  the  nature  of  the  old  towns  in  England, 
and  is  irregularly  built,  many  of  the  streets  being  crooked 
and  narrow ;  but  the  more  modern  part  is  regular,  and  the 
streets  broad  and  well  paved.  .  .  .  there  are  five  public 
squares ;  but  none  of  them  are  of  great  extent,  except  the 
Mall,  which  is  a  very  elegant  piece  of  public  ground,  in 
front  of  the  State- House. 

The  number  of  dwelling-houses  is  above  3500,  and,  by 
the  census  of  1800,  the  inhabitants  were  24,937  ;  from  the 
increase  that  has  since  taken  place,  it  is  presumed  that  the 
number  is  now  upwards  of  30,000.  The  greater  part  of 
the  houses  are  built  of  brick,  and  many  of  them  are  spacious 
and  elegant. 

The  public  buildings  are  the  State-House,  Court-House, 
Jail,  Concert- Hall,  Faneuil-Hall,  Alms- House,  Work- House, 
and  Bridewell ;  the  Museum,  Library,  Theatre,  and  nine 
congregational,  three  episcopal,  and  two  baptist  churches, 
with  one  each  for  Roman  catholics,  methodists,  and  univer- 
salists.  The  public  buildings  are  in  general  very  handsome, 
and  the  greater  part  of  the  churches  are  ornamented  with 
spires. 

226 


NO. 


New   England  227 


The  markets  of  Boston  are  well  supplied  with  every  kind  sured  of  a 
of  country  provisions,  fruit,  and  fish.     The  prices  are  not 


materially  different  from  those  of  New  York.     Flour  is  gen-   and  political 

i  1^1          1-1-1  -i    future.  —  On 

erally  a  little  higher  ;   but  cod-fish,  which  is  the  universal  colonial 

Saturday  dinner,  is  lower.  .  .  .  abov^Nos 

.  .  .  Public  education  is  on  an  excellent  footing.     There  17,52,53.— 

are  eight  or  nine  public  schools,  supported  at  the  expence  ditions  of"" 

of  the  town,  which  are  accessible  to  all  the  members  of  the  ,Ne™  .Ens- 

land  in  1815, 

community,  free  of  expence.     Ihey  are  managed  by  a  com-   seeContem- 
mittee  of  twenty-one  gentlemen,  chosen  annually,  and  are   ££rartes>  nl< 
under  good  regulations.     Besides  these,  there  are  a  number 
of  private  seminaries,  at  which  all  the  various  branches  of 
education  are  taught  ;  and,  upon  the  whole,  I  believe  Bos 
ton  may  challenge  a  competition  on  this  branch  with  any 
city  in  Europe,  Edinburgh,  in  Scotland,  perhaps,  excepted. 

The  fruits  of  this  attention  to  the  improvement  of  the 
mind,  and  the  cultivation  of  the  benevolent  affections,  are 
very  apparent  in  the  deportment  of  the  citizens  of  Boston, 
who  are  intelligent,  sober,  and  industrious;  and,  though 
much  attached  to  the  subject  of  religion,  they  are  more 
liberal,  generally  speaking,  than  any  people  I  have  yet  been 
amongst.  The  ladies  of  Boston  are  generally  handsome, 
with  fine  complexions  ;  and,  judging  from  the  sample  which 
I  saw,  they  have  a  richness  of  intellect,  and  a  cheerfulness 
of  deportment,  that  makes  them  truly  interesting.  Alto 
gether,  Boston  is  really  a  fine  place.  .  .  . 

...  I  went  to  a  number  of  the  public  places;  among 
others,  the  State-House,  from  whence  there  is  a  most  elegant 
view  of  the  town,  bay,  shipping,  neck,  bridges,  and  the  whole 
country  round,  to  the  distance  of  from  twelve  to  fifteen  miles, 
in  each  direction,  presenting  most  picturesque  scenery  .  .  . 

The  bridges  of  Boston  merit  particular  attention,  being 
works  of  great  extent  and  utility,  and  constructed  at  a  vast 
expence  ;  a  proof  of  the  sagacity  and  persevering  industry 
of  this  people.  .  .  . 


228  National   Growth 


.  .  .  Lynn  is  a  pretty  little  town,  remarkable  for  its  exten 
sive  manufacture  of  shoes.  From  thence  we  travelled  to 
Salem,  about  seven  miles,  through  a  very  rugged,  stony 
country,  but  by  an  excellent  turnpike  road,  made,  I  was  in 
formed,  mostly  by  Irishmen.  I  may  here  take  occasion  to 
remark,  that  the  Irish  emigrants  are  exceedingly  useful  in 
this  country,  and  a  great  portion  of  the  most  rugged  labour 
in  it  is  performed  by  them.  The  lower  orders  of  the  Irish 
are  generally  strong,  robust  men,  without  money,  and  with  a 
very  slender  education.  Hence  they  are  generally  unfit  for 
any  kind  of  mercantile  employment,  and  those  who  have  not 
learned  some  mechanical  profession  get  employment  in  va 
rious  branches  of  labour,  for  which  they  are  well  adapted  ; 
and,  getting  good  wages,  they  soon  become  independent 
and  happy.  Hence  the  Irish  are  remarkable  for  their 
attachment  to  the  American  government,  while  many  other 
foreigners,  particularly  those  engaged  in  commerce,  are  dis 
contented  and  fretful. 

John  Melish,  Travels  in  the  United  States  of  America,  1806-1811 
(Philadelphia,  1812),  I,  89-94  passim. 


89.  The  Virginia  Gentleman  (1801-1809) 

By  COLONEL 

JEFFERSON  T  JIS  [Jeiferson's]  manners  were  of  that  polished  school 

RANDOLPH  X  JL    of  the  Colonial  Government,  so  remarkable  in  its 

the  eldest  day —  under  no  circumstances  violating  any  of  those  minor 

fefferson  °f  conventi°nal   observances   which   constitute   the   well-bred 

He  was  born  gentleman,  courteous  and  considerate  to  all  persons.     On 

ceiio,°and  riding  out  with  him  when  a  lad,  we  met  a  negro  who  bowed 

brought  up  to  us ;  he  returned  his  bow ;  I  did  not.     Turning  to  me,  he 

in  the  house, 

and  there-  asked, 

fromSmtimate  "  Do  you  Permit  a  negr<>  to  be  more  of  a  gentleman  than 

personal  yourself  ?  " 


NO.  89]  The   South  229 

Mr.  Jefferson's  hair,  when  young,  was  of  a  reddish  cast  ;  knowledge. 

sandy  as  he  advanced  in  years  ;  his  eye,  hazel.     Dying  in  his  °vTr??o  *thT 

84th  year,  he  had  not  lost  a  tooth,  nor  had  one  defective  :  very  natural 

,.,.,.  ,.         -  i  •     r  i  veneration 

his  skin  thin,  peeling  from  his  face  on  exposure  to  the  sun,  which  he  had 

and  giving  it  a  tettered  appearance;  the  superficial  veins  so  reLtive^his* 

weak,  as  upon  the  slightest  blow  to  cause  extensive  suffu-  characteriza- 

sions  of  blood  —  in  early  life,  upon  standing  to  write  for  any  hardly^e 

length  of  time,  bursting  beneath  the  skin  ;  it,  however,  gave  hueld  *<>  cover 

the  whole 

him  no  inconvenience.     His  countenance  was  mild  and  be-  ground.— 
nignant,  and  attractive  to  strangers. 


While  President,  returning  on  horseback  from  Charlottes-   Jefferson,  see 
ville  with  company  whom  he  had  invited  to  dinner,  and  who  58  amici^xi. 

were,  all  but  one  or  two,  riding  ahead  of  him,  on  reaching  a  r"Onthe 

&        South,  see 
stream  over  which  there  was  no  bridge,  a  man  asked  him  to    Contempora- 

take  him  up  behind  him  and  carry  him  over.     The  gentle-  rtes>  III>ch' 
men  in  the  rear  coming  up  just  as  Mr.  Jefferson  had  put  him 
down  and  ridden  on,  asked  the  man  how  it  happened  that  he 
had  permitted  the  others  to  pass  without  asking  them  ?     He 
replied, 

"  From  their  looks,  I  did  not  like  to  ask  them  ;  the  old 
gentleman  looked  as  if  he  would  do  it,  and  I  asked  him." 

He  was  very  much  surprised  to  hear  that  he  had  ridden 
behind  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  stature  was  commanding  —  six  feet  two- 
and-a-half  inches  in  height,  well  formed,  indicating  strength, 
activity,  and  robust  health  ;  his  carriage  erect  ;  step  firm  and 
elastic,  which  he  preserved  to  his  death  ;  his  temper,  natu 
rally  strong,  under  perfect  control  ;  his  courage  cool  and 
impassive.  No  one  ever  knew  him  exhibit  trepidation.  His 
moral  courage  of  the  highest  order  —  his  will  firm  and  in 
flexible  —  it  was  remarked  of  him  that  he  never  abandoned  a 
plan,  a  principle,  or  a  friend. 

A  bold  and  fearless  rider,  you  saw  at  a  glance,  from  his 
easy  and  confident  seat,  that  he  was  master  of  his  horse, 
which  was  usually  the  fine  blood-horse  of  Virginia.  The 


230          National   Growth       [1801-1809 

only  impatience  of  temper  he  ever  exhibited  was  with  his 
horse,  which  he  subdued  to  his  will  by  a  fearless  application 
of  the  whip  on  the  slightest  manifestation  of  restiveness. 
He  retained  to  the  last  his  fondness  for  riding  on  horseback  ; 
he  rode  within  three  weeks  of  his  death,  when,  from  disease, 
debility,  and  age,  he  mounted  with  difficulty.  He  rode  with 
confidence,  and  never  permitted  a  servant  to  accompany  him  ; 
he  was  fond  of  solitary  rides  and  musing,  and  said  that  the 
presence  of  a  servant  annoyed  him. 

He  held  in  little  esteem  the  education  which  made  men 
ignorant  and  helpless  as  to  the  common  necessities  of  life ; 
and  he  exemplified  it  by  an  incident  which  occurred  to  a 
young  gentleman  returned  from  Europe,  where  he  had  been 
educated.  On  riding  out  with  his  companions,  the  strap  of 
his  girth  broke  at  the  hole  for  the  buckle;  and  they,  perceiv 
ing  it  an  accident  easily  remedied,  rode  on  and  left  him.  A 
plain  man  coming  up,  and  seeing  that  his  horse  had  made  a 
circular  path  in  the  road  in  his  impatience  to  get  on,  asked 
if  he  could  aid  him. 

"Oh,  sir,"  replied  the  young  man,  "if  you  could  only  as 
sist  me  to  get  it  up  to  the  next  hole." 

"  Suppose  you  let  it  out  a  hole  or  two  on  the  other  side," 
said  the  man. 

His  habits  were  regular  and  systematic.  He  was  a  miser 
of  his  time,  rose  always  at  dawn,  wrote  and  read  until  break 
fast,  breakfasted  early,  and  dined  from  three  to  four  .  .  . 
retired  at  nine,  and  to  bed  from  ten  to  eleven.  He  said,  in 
his  last  illness,  that  the  sun  had  not  caught  him  in  bed  for 
fifty  years. 

He  always  made  his  own  fire.  He  drank  water  but  once  a 
day,  a  single  glass,  when  he  returned  from  his  ride.  He  ate 
heartily,  and  much  vegetable  food,  preferring  French  cook 
ery,  because  it  made  the  meats  more  tender.  He  never 
drank  ardent  spirits  or  strong  wines.  Such  was  his  aversion 
to  ardent  spirits,  that  when,  in  his  last  illness,  his  physician 


No.  go] 


The  West 


231 


desired  him  to  use  brandy  as  an  astringent,  he  could  not 
induce  him  to  take  it  strong  enough. 

Sarah  N.  Randolph,  The  Domestic  Life  of  Thomas  Jefferson, 
(New  York,  Harper  &  Brothers,  1872),  337-339. 


90.    Religious  tife  in  the  West  (1828) 

VXCEPT  among  the  Catholics,  there  are  very 
few  settled  pastors,  in  the  sense  in  which  that 
phrase  is  understood  in  New  England  and  the  Atlantic 
cities.  Most  of  the  ministers,  that  are  in  some  sense  per 
manent,  discharge  pastoral  duties  not  only  in  their  individ 
ual  societies,  but  in  a  wide  district  about  them.  The  range 
of  duties,  the  emolument,  the  estimation,  and  in  fact  the 
whole  condition  of  a  western  pastor,  are  widely  different 
from  an  Atlantic  minister.  ...  A  circulating  phalanx  of 
Methodists,  Baptists  and  Cumberland  Presbyterians,  of  At 
lantic  missionaries,  and  of  young  eleves  of  the  Catholic 
theological  seminaries,  from  the  redundant  mass  of  unoccu 
pied  ministers,  both  in  the  Protestant  and  Catholic  countries, 
pervades  this  great  valley  with  its  numerous  detachments, 
from  Pittsburg,  the  mountains,  the  lakes,  and  the  Missouri, 
to  the  gulf  of  Mexico.  They  all  pursue  the  interests  of 
their  several  denominations  in  their  own  way,  and  generally 
in  profound  peace.  .  .  . 

...  If  we  except  Arkansas  and  Louisiana,  there  is  every 
where  else  an  abundance  of  some  kind  of  preaching.  The 
village  papers  on  all  sides  contain  printed  notices,  and  writ 
ten  ones  are  affixed  to  the  public  places,  notifying  what  are 
called  '  meetings.'  A  traveller  in  a  clerical  dress  does  not 
fail  to  be  asked,  at  the  public  houses,  where  he  stops,  if  he 
is  a  preacher,  and  if  he  wishes  to  notify  a  meeting. 


By  REVER 
END  TIMO 
THY  FLINT 
(1780-1840), 
a  Massachu 
setts  clergy 
man,  who 
spent  some 
years  as  a 
missionary  in 
the  Missis 
sippi  and 
Ohio  valleys. 
The  account 
irom  which 
this  piece  is 
taken,  written 
about  two 
years  after 
his  return,  is 
an  example 
of  a  contem 
porary  narra 
tive,  com 
posed  while 
the  events  de 
scribed  were 
fresh  in  mem 
ory,  but  from 
a  perspective 
sufficiently 
removed. 
As  in  colo 
nial  times,  re 
ligious  con 
cerns  were 
one  of  the 
chief  inter 
ests  of  the 
frontiersmen. 
—  For  other 
accounts  of 
the  West,  see 


232          National   Growth  [1828 

Contempora-  There  are  stationary  preachers  in  the  towns,  particularly 
,  c  .  m  oni0  gut  jn  tne  rura}  congregations  through  the  western 
"  Eleves,"  i.e.  country  beyond  Ohio,  it  is  seldom  that  a  minister  is  station- 
pupils,  ary  for  more  than  a  few  months.  A  ministry  of  a  year  in 
one  place  may  be  considered  beyond  the  common  duration. 
Nine  tenths  of  the  religious  instruction  of  the  country  is 
given  by  people,  who  itinerate,  and  who  are,  with  very  few 
exceptions,  notwithstanding  all  that  has  been  said  to  the 
contrary,  men  of  great  zeal  and  sanctity.  .  .  .  Travelling 
from  month  to  month  through  dark  forests,  with  such  ample 
time  and  range  for  deep  thought,  as  they  amble  slowly  on 
horseback  along  their  peregrinations,  the  men  naturally  ac 
quire  a  pensive  and  romantic  turn  of  thought  and  expression, 
as  we  think,  favorable  to  eloquence.  Hence  the  preaching 
is  of  a  highly  popular  cast,  and  its  first  aim  is  to  excite  the 
feelings.  —  Hence,  too,  excitements,  or  in  religious  parlance 
'  awakenings,'  are  common  in  all  this  region.  .  .  . 

None,  but  one  who  has  seen,  can  imagine  the  interest, 
excited  in  a  district  of  country,  perhaps,  fifty  miles  in  ex 
tent,  by  the  awaited  approach  of  the  time  for  a  camp  meet 
ing;  and  none,  but  one  who  has  seen,  can  imagine  how 
profoundly  the  preachers  have  understood  what  produces 
effect,  and  how  well  they  have  practised  upon  it.  ...  The 
notice  has  been  circulated  two  or  three  months.  On  the 
appointed  day,  coaches,  chaises,  wagons,  carts,  people  on 
horseback,  and  multitudes  travelling  from  a  distance  on 
foot,  wagons  with  provisions,  mattresses,  tents,  and  arrange 
ments  for  the  stay  of  a  week,  are  seen  hurrying  from  every 
point  towards  the  central  spot.  .  .  . 

The  ambitious  and  wealthy  are  there,  because  in  this 
region  opinion  is  all-powerful ;  and  they  are  there,  either  to 
extend  their  influence,  or  that  their  absence  may  not  be 
noted,  to  diminish  it.  Aspirants  for  office  are  there,  to 
electioneer,  and  gain  popularity.  Vast  numbers  are  there 
from  simple  curiosity,  and  merely  to  enjoy  a  spectacle.  The 


NO. go]          Frontier    Religion          233 

young  and  the  beautiful  are  there,  with  mixed  motives,  which 
it  were  best  not  severely  to  scrutinize.  Children  are  there, 
their  young  eyes  glistening  with  the  intense  interest  of  eager 
curiosity.  The  middle  aged  fathers  and  mothers  of  families 
are  there,  with  the  sober  views  of  people,  whose  plans  in 
life  are  fixed,  and  waiting  calmly  to  hear.  Men  and  women 
of  hoary  hairs  are  there,  with  such  thoughts,  it  may  be 
hoped,  as  their  years  invite.  —  Such  is  the  congregation  con 
sisting  of  thousands.  .  .  . 

The  line  of  tents  is  pitched  ;  and  the  religious  city  grows 
up  in  a  few  hours  under  the  trees,  beside  the  stream. 
Lamps  are  hung  in  lines  among  the  branches ;  and  the 
effect  of  their  glare  upon  the  surrounding  forest  is,  as  of 
magic.  .  .  .  Meantime  the  multitudes,  with  the  highest 
excitement  of  social  feeling  added  to  the  general  enthusiasm 
of  expectation,  pass  from  tent  to  tent,  and  interchange  apos 
tolic  greetings  and  embraces,  and  talk  of  the  coming  so 
lemnities.  ...  An  old  man,  in  a  dress  of  the  quaintest 
simplicity,  ascends  a  platform,  wipes  the  dust  from  his 
spectacles,  and  in  a  voice  of  suppressed  emotion,  gives  out 
the  hymn,  of  which  the  whole  assembled  multitude  can  re 
cite  the  words,  —  and  an  air,  in  which  every  voice  can  join. 
.  .  .  The  hoary  orator  talks  of  God,  of  eternity,  a  judgment 
to  come,  and  all  that  is  impressive  beyond.  He  speaks  of 
his  '  experiences,'  his  toils  and  travels,  his  persecutions  and 
welcomes,  and  how  many  he  has  seen  in  hope,  in  peace  and 
triumph,  gathered  to  their  fathers ;  and  when  he  speaks  of 
the  short  space  that  remains  to  him,  his  only  regret  is,  that 
he  can  no  more  proclaim,  in  the  silence  of  death,  the 
mercies  of  his  crucified  Redeemer. 

There  is  no  need  of  the  studied  trick  of  oratory,  to  pro 
duce  in  such  a  place  the  deepest  movements  of  the 
heart.  .  .  . 

Whatever  be  the  cause,  the  effect  is  certain,  that  through 
the  state  of  Tennessee,  parts  of  Mississippi,  Missouri,  Ken- 


234 


National   Growth 


[1820 


By  SECRE 
TARY  OF 
STATE 
JOHN 
QUINCY 
ADAMS 
(1767-1848), 
under  dates 
of  February 
24  and 
March  3, 
1820. 
He  went 
farther  than 
his  col 
leagues  in 


tucky,  Ohio,  Indiana  and  Illinois,  these  excitements  have 
produced  a  palpable  change  in  the  habits  and  manners  of 
the  people.  The  gambling  and  drinking  shops  are  deserted  ; 
and  the  people,  that  used  to  congregate  there,  now  go  to 
the  religious  meetings.  The  Methodists,  too,  have  done 
great  and  incalculable  good.  They  are  generally  of  a  char 
acter,  education  and  training,  that  prepare  them  for  the 
elements,  upon  which  they  are  destined  to  operate.  They 
speak  the  dialect,  understand  the  interests,  and  enter  into 
the  feelings  of  their  audience.  They  exert  a  prodigious 
and  incalculable  bearing  upon  the  rough  backwoods  men  ; 
and  do  good,  where  more  polished,  and  trained  ministers 
would  preach  without  effect.  .  .  . 

That  part  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  west  of  the  moun 
tains  has  a  predominance  of  Presbyterians.  The  great  state 
of  Ohio  is  made  up  of  such  mixed  elements,  that  it  would 
be  difficult  to  say,  which  of  all  the  sects  prevails.  As  a 
general  characteristic,  the  people  are  strongly  inclined  to  at 
tend  on  some  kind  of  religious  worship.  .  .  .  Methodists, 
Presbyterians  and  Catholics  are  the  prevailing  denomina 
tions  of  the  West. 

Timothy  Flint,  A  Condensed  Geography  and  History  of  the 
Western  States,  or  the  Mississippi  Valley  (Cincinnati,  1828), 
I,  217-224  passim. 


91.    Missouri  Compromise  (1820) 

I   HAD  some  conversation  with  Calhoun  on   the   slave 
question  pending  in  Congress.      He  said  he  did  not 
think  it  would  produce  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  but,  if 
it  should,  the  South  would  be  from  necessity  compelled  tc 
form  an  alliance,  offensive  and  defensive,  with  Great  Britain. 
I  said  that  would  be  returning  to  the  colonial  state. 
He  said,  yes,  pretty  much,  but  it  would  be  forced  upon 


No.  91] 


Slavery 


235 


them.  I  asked  him  whether  he  thought,  if  by  the  effect  of 
this  alliance,  offensive  and  defensive,  the  population  of  the 
North  should  be  cut  off  from  its  natural  outlet  upon  the 
ocean,  it  would  fall  back  upon  its  rocks  bound  hand  and 
foot,  to  starve,  or  whether  it  would  not  retain  its  powers  of 
locomotion  to  move  southward  by  land.  Then,  he  said, 
they  would  find  it  necessary  to  make  their  communities  all 
military.  I  pressed  the  conversation  no  further ;  but  if  the 
dissolution  of  the  Union  should  result  from  the  slave  ques 
tion,  it  is  as  obvious  as  anything  that  can  be  foreseen  of 
futurity,  that  it  must  shortly  afterwards  be  followed  by  the 
universal  emancipation  of  the  slaves.  .  .  . 

After  this  meeting,  I  walked  home  with  Calhoun,  who 
said  that  the  principles  which  I  had  avowed  were  just  and 
noble ;  but  that  in  the  Southern  country,  whenever  they 
were  mentioned,  they  were  always  understood  as  applying 
only  to  white  men.  Domestic  labor  was  confined  to  the 
blacks,  and  such  was  the  prejudice,  that  if  he,  who  was  the 
most  popular  man  in  his  district,  were  to  keep  a  white  ser 
vant  in  his  house,  his  character  and  reputation  would  be 
irretrievably  ruined. 

I  said  that  this  confounding  of  the  ideas  of  servitude  and 
labor  was  one  of  the  bad  effects  of  slavery  ;  but  he  thought 
it  attended  with  many  excellent  consequences.  It  did  not 
apply  to  all  kinds  of  labor  —  not,  for  example,  to  farming. 
He  himself  had  often  held  the  plough ;  so  had  his  father. 
Manufacturing  and  mechanical  labor  was  not  degrading.  It 
was  only  manual  labor  —  the  proper  work  of  slaves.  No 
white  person  could  descend  to  that.  And  it  was  the  best 
guarantee  to  equality  among  the  whites.  It  produced  an 
unvarying  level  among  them.  It  not  only  did  not  excite, 
but  did  not  even  admit  of  inequalities,  by  which  one  white 
man  could  domineer  over  another. 

I  told  Calhoun  I  could  not  see  things  in  the  same  light. 
It  is,  in  truth,  all  perverted  sentiment  —  mistaking  labor  for 


the  cabinet     ' 
(who  all 
agreed  that 
Congress 
had  the  con 
stitutional 
right  to  pro 
hibit  slavery 
in  the  Terri 
tories),  in 
asserting 
that  that  pro 
hibition 
applied  not 
only  to  the 
Territory  as 
such,  but  to 
all  future 
States  which 
might  be 
carved  out 
of  it.    The 
following  is  a 
striking  illus 
tration  of  a 
practice 
which  the 
Southern 
leaders  had 
begun,  of 
threatening 
secession 
whenever 
their  wishes 
regarding  the 
extension  of 
slavery  were 
opposed. 
The  extract 
is  from  one 
of  the  most 
valuable  of 
all  the 
sources  on 
American 
history,  the 
journal  of 
Adams. — 
On  Adams, 
see  American 
Orations,  II, 
H5.372; 
Contempora 
ries,  III,  No. 
.  —  On  the 
Compro- 


236 


National   Growth 


[1820 


mise,  see 
American 
Orations,  II, 
33-101 ;   Con 
temporaries, 
III,  ch. 

Adams's 
prophecy  of 
civil  war  in 
the  third 
paragraph 
was  fulfilled 
in  1861. 

The  "  meet 
ing  "  men 
tioned  in  the 
fourth  para 
graph  was  a 
cabinet  meet 
ing  held 
March  3, 
1820,  to  con 
sider  the 
Compromise 
bill. 


"  Double 
representa 
tion  "  by  the 
Federal  or 
three-fifths 
ratio. 


slavery,  and  dominion  for  freedom.  The  discussion  of  this 
Missouri  question  has  betrayed  the  secret  of  their  souls.  In 
the  abstract  they  admit  that  slavery  is  an  evil,  they  disclaim 
all  participation  in  the  introduction  of  it,  and  cast  it  all  upon 
the  shoulders  of  our  old  Grandam  Britain.  But  when  probed 
to  the  quick  upon  it,  they  show  at  the  bottom  of  their  souls 
pride  and, vainglory  in  their  condition  of  masterdom.  They 
fancy  themselves  more  generous  and  noble-hearted  than  the 
plain  freemen  who  labor  for  subsistence.  They  look  down 
upon  the  simplicity  of  a  Yankee's  manners,  because  he  has 
no  habits  of  overbearing  like  theirs  and  cannot  treat  negroes 
like  dogs.  .  .  .  The  impression  produced  upon  my  mind  by 
the  progress  of  this  discussion  is,  that  the  bargain  between 
freedom  and  slavery  contained  in  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  is  morally  and  politically  vicious,  inconsistent 
with  the  principles  upon  which  alone  our  Revolution  can  be 
justified ;  cruel  and  oppressive,  by  riveting  the  chains  of 
slavery,  by  pledging  the  faith  of  freedom  to  maintain  and 
perpetuate  the  tyranny  of  the  master ;  and  grossly  unequal 
and  impolitic,  by  admitting  that  slaves  are  at  once  enemies 
to  be  kept  in  subjection,  property  to  be  secured  or  restored 
to  their  owners,  and  persons  not  to  be  represented  them 
selves,  but  for  whom  their  masters  are  privileged  with  nearly 
a  double  share  of  representation.  The  consequence  has  been 
that  this  slave  representation  has  governed  the  Union. 
Benjamin  portioned  above  his  brethren  has  ravined  as  a 
wolf.  In  the  morning  he  has  devoured  the  prey,  and  at 
night  he  has  divided  the  spoil.  It  would  be  no  difficult 
matter  to  prove,  by  reviewing  the  history  of  the  Union 
under  this  Constitution,  that  almost  everything  which  has 
contributed  to  the  honor  and  welfare  of  the  nation  has  been 
accomplished  in  despite  of  them  or  forced  upon  them,  and 
that  everything  unpropitious  and  dishonorable,  including  the 
blunders  and  follies  of  their  adversaries,  may  be  traced  to 
them.  I  have  favored  this  Missouri  compromise,  believing 


NO. 92]      Missouri   Compromise      237 

it  to  be  all  that  could  be  effected  under  the  present  Consti 
tution,  and  from  extreme  unwillingness  to  put  the  Union  at 
hazard.     But  perhaps  it  would  have  been  a  wiser  as  well  as 
a  bolder  course  to  have  persisted  in  the    restriction  upon 
Missouri,  till  it  should  have  terminated  in  a  convention  of 
the  States  to  revise  and  amend  the  Constitution.     This  would   Not  till  1836 
have  produced  a  new  Union  of  thirteen  or  fourteen  States  awakerfon 
unpolluted  with  slavery,  with  a  great  and  glorious  object  to  this  question, 
effect,  namely,  that  of  rallying  to  their  standard  the  other 
States  by  the  universal  emancipation  of  their  slaves.     If  the 
Union  must  be  dissolved,  slavery  is  precisely  the  question 
upon  which  it  ought  to  break.     For  the  present,  however, 
this  contest  is  laid  asleep. 

John   Quincy   Adams,   Memoirs   (edited    by    Charles    Francis 
Adams,  Philadelphia,  1875),  IV?  S3°~S3l  5  V>  10-12  passim. 


92.    A  Settler  in  Illinois   (1817)  ByMoRRIS 

BlRKBECK 


I 


AM  now  going  to  take  you  to  the  prairies,  to 

shew  you   the  very  beginning  of  our    settle-  who  settled 
ment.     Having  fixed  on  the  north-western  portion  of  our  a^d'  founded 

prairie  for  our  future  residence  and  farm,  the  first  act  was   the  town  of 
i     -i  T  1-1  i      r  ,  New  Albion. 

building  a  cabin,  about  two  hundred  yards  from  the  spot   His  account 

where  the  house  is  to  stand.     This  cabin  is  built  of  round 


straight  logs,  about  a  foot  in  diameter,  lying  upon  each  optimistic, 
other,   and   notched   in   at   the   corners,  forming   a   room   pears  to  have 


eighteen  feet  long  by  sixteen  ;    the  intervals  between  the 

logs  "  chunked,"  that  is,  filled  in  with  slips  of  wood  ;  and  diced  against 

"mudded,"    that   is,   daubed  with    a   plaister   of  mud:    a 


spacious  chimney,  built  also  of  logs,  stands  like  a  bastion  whence  he 

at  one  end  :    the  roof  is  well  covered  with  four  hundred  grated  to  get 

"  clap  boards  "  of  cleft  oak,  very  much  like  the  pales  used  ™°£j  ellj°^- 

in  England  for  fencing  parks.     A  hole  is  cut  through  the  book  is  made 


National   Growth 


[1817 


up  of  letters 
to  friends  and 
others  who 
had  applied 
to  him  for 
information 
and  advice 
relative  to 
emigration. 
He  presents 
his  informa 
tion  in  a 
specific, 
sprightly,  and 
interesting 
form.  —  On 
other  English 
travellers,  see 
above,  Nos. 
26,  55,  82.  — 
On  the  West, 
see  above, 
Nos.  66,  90; 
Contempora 
ries,  III,  ch. 


side,  called,  very  properly,  the  "door,  (the  through,)"  for 
which  there  is  a  "  shutter,"  made  also  of  cleft  oak,  and 
hung  on  wooden  hinges.  All  this  has  been  executed  by 
contract,  and  well  executed,  for  twenty  dollars.  I  have 
since  added  ten  dollars  to  the  cost,  for  the  luxury  of  a  floor 
and  ceiling  of  sawn  boards,  and  it  is  now  a  comfortable 
habitation. 

.  .  .  We  arrived  in  the  evening,  our  horses  heavily  laden 
with  our  guns,  and  provisions,  and  cooking  utensils,  and 
blankets,  not  forgetting  the  all-important  axe.  This  was 
immediately  put  in  requisition,  and  we  soon  kindled  a 
famous  fire,  before  which  we  spread  our  pallets,  and,  after  a 
hearty  supper,  soon  forgot  that  besides  ourselves,  our  horses 
and  our  dogs,  the  wild  animals  of  the  forest  were  the  only 
inhabitants  of  our  wide  domain.  Our  cabin  stands  at  the 
edge  of  the  prairie,  just  within  the  wood,  so  as  to  be  con 
cealed  from  the  view  until  you  are  at  the  very  door.  Thirty 
paces  to  the  east  the  prospect  opens  from  a  commanding 
eminence  over  the  prairie,  which  extends  four  miles  to  the 
south  and  south-east,  and  over  the  woods  beyond  to  a  great 
distance ;  whilst  the  high  timber  behind,  and  on  each  side, 
to  the  west,  north,  and  east,  forms  a  sheltered  cove  about 
five  hundred  yards  in  width.  It  is  about  the  middle  of  this 
cove,  two  hundred  and  fifty  yards  from  the  wood  each  way, 
but  open  to  the  south,  that  we  propose  building  our  house. 

Well,  having  thus  established  myself  as  a  resident  pro 
prietor,  in  the  morning  my  boy  and  I  (our  friend  having 
left  us)  sallied  forth  in  quest  of  neighbours,  having  heard  of 
two  new  settlements  at  no  great  distance.  Our  first  visit 
was  to  Mr.  Emberson,  who  had  just  established  himself  in  a 
cabin  similar  to  our  own,  at  the  edge  of  a  small  prairie  two 
miles  north-west  of  us.  We  found  him  a  respectable  young 
man,  more  farmer  than  hunter,  surrounded  by  a  numerous 
family,  and  making  the  most  of  a  rainy  day  by  mending  the 
shoes  of  his  household.  We  then  proceeded  to  Mr.  Wood- 


V 


U 

°F 


NO.  92]  A    Frontiersman  239 

land's,  about  the  same  distance  south-west  :  he  is  an  inhab 
itant  of  longer  standing,  for  he  arrived  in  April,  Mr.  E.  in 
August.  He  has  since  built  for  us  a  second  cabin,  connected 
with  the  first  by  a  covered  roof  or  porch,  which  is  very  con 
venient,  forming  together  a  commodious  dwelling.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  Our  township  is  a  square  of  six  miles  each  side,  or 
thirty-six  square  miles  ;  and  what  may  properly  be  called 
our  neighbourhood,  extends  about  six  miles  round  this  town 
ship  in  every  direction.  Six  miles  to  the  north  is  the 
boundary  of  surveyed  lands.  .  .  . 

There  are  many  other  prairies,  or  natural  meadows,  of 
various  dimensions  and  qualities,  scattered  over  this  surface, 
which  consists  of  about  two  hundred  square  miles,  contain 
ing  perhaps  twelve  human  habitations,  all  erected,  I  believe, 
within  one  year  of  our  first  visit  —  most  of  them  within 
three  months.  At  or  near  the  mouth  of  the  Bonpas,  where 
it  falls  into  the  Big  Wabash,  we  project  a  shipping  port: 
a  ridge  of  high  land,  without  any  intervening  creek, 
will  afford  an  easy  communication  with  the  river  at  that 
place.  .  .  . 

There  are  no  very  good  mill-seats  on  the  streams  in  our 
neighbourhood,  but  our  prairie  affords  a  most  eligible  site 
for  a  windmill  ;  we  are  therefore  going  to  erect  one  imme 
diately  :  the  materials  are  in  great  forwardness,  and  we 
hope  to  have  it  in  order  to  grind  the  fruits  of  the  ensuing 
harvest. 

Two  brothers,  and  the  wife  of  one  of  them,  started  from 
the  village  of  Puttenham,  close  to  our  old  Wanborough,  and  English 
have  made  their  way  out  to  us  :  they  are  carpenters,  and   towns« 
are  now  very  usefully  employed  in  preparing  the  scantlings 
for  the  mill,  and  other  purposes.     You  may  suppose  how 
cordially  we  received  these  good  people.     They  landed  at 
Philadelphia,  not  knowing  where  on  this  vast  continent  they 
should  find  us  :   from  thence  they  were  directed  to  Pitts- 
burg,  a  wearisome  journey  over   the   mountains  of  more 


240          National   Growth 


than  300  miles  ;  at  Pittsburgh  they  bought  a  little  boat  for 
six  or  seven  dollars,  and  came  gently  down  the  Ohio,  1,200 
miles,  to  Shawnee-town  ;  from  thence  they  proceeded  on 
foot  till  they  found  us.  ... 

By  the  first  of  March  I  hope  to  have  two  ploughs  at 
work,  and  may  possibly  put  in  100  acres  of  corn  this  spring. 
Early  in  May,  I  think,  we  shall  be  all  settled  in  a  convenient 
temporary  dwelling,  formed  of  a  range  of  cabins  of  ten 
rooms,  until  we  can  accomplish  our  purpose  of  building  a 
more  substantial  house.  .  .  . 

Morris  Birkbeck,  Letters  from  Illinois  (London,  1818),  30-35 
passim. 


By  SURGEON 
HENRY 
BRADSHAW 
FEARON 
(born  about 
1770),  a 
London  sur 
geon,  sent  to 
the  United 
States  in  1817 
by  a  number 
of  English 
families,  for 
the  purpose 
of  ascertain 
ing  what  part 
of  the  coun 
try,  if  any, 
would  be 
suitable  for 
settlement. 
He  writes 
from  a  some 
what  un; 
friendly  point 
of  view  and 
with  a  slight 
tendency 
toward  hasti 
ness  and  ex 
aggeration. 


93.    Amusements  in    New  Orleans    (1818) 

'  I  ^HE  French  language  is  still  predominant  in  New 
JL  Orleans.  The  population  is  said  to  be  30,000 ;  two 
thirds  of  which  do  not  speak  English.  The  appearance  of 
the  people  too  was  French,  and  even  the  negroes  evinced, 
by  their  antics,  in  rather  a  ludicrous  manner,  their  previous 
connection  with  that  nation. 

The  general  manners  and  habits  are  very  relaxed.  The 
first  day  of  my  residence  here  was  Sunday,  and  I  was  not  a 
little  surprised  to  find  in  the  United  States  the  markets, 
shops,  theatre,  circus,  and  public  ball-rooms  open.  Gam 
bling  houses  throng  the  city  :  all  coffee-houses,  together  with 
the  exchange,  are  occupied  from  morning  until  night,  by 
gamesters.  It  is  said,  that  when  the  Kentuckians  arrive  at 
this  place,  they  are  in  their  glory,  finding  neither  limit  to, 
nor  punishment  of  their  excesses.  The  general  style  of 
living  is  luxurious.  Houses  are  elegantly  furnished.  The 
ball-room,  at  Davis's  hotel,  I  have  never  seen  exceeded  in 
splendour.  Private  dwellings  partake  of  the  same  character  ; 


wo.  93]  Louisiana  241 

and  the  ladies  dress  with  expensive  elegance.    The  sources  in  this  piece 
of  public  amusement  are  numerous  and  varied ;  among  them  j^vmd S 
I  remark  the  following :  picture  of 

certain  as 
pects  of  life 

« INTERESTING  EXHIBITION.  in  a  South-  • 

western  pio- 

"On  Sunday  the  gth  inst.  will  be  represented  in  the  place   neertownof 
where  Fire-works  are  generally  exhibited,  near  the  Circus,  an   days.*11 
extraordinary  fight  of  Furious  Animals.     The  place  where  the   There  is  no 
animals  will  fight  is  a  rotunda  of  160  feet  in  circumference,  with   JJoubuhat 
a  railing  1 7  feet  in  height,  and  a  circular  gallery  well  condi-   the  handbill 
tioned  and  strong,  inspected  by  the  Mayor  and  surveyors  by  him 
appointed. 

"  ist  Fight—  A  strong  Attakapas  Bull,  attacked  and  subdued   Southwest, 
,        .       r  T(  7~tT  see  Contem- 

by  six  of  the  strongest  dogs  of  the  country.  porarUs,  III, 

"  2d  Fight  —  Six  Bull-dogs  against  a  Canadian  Bear.  ch. 

"3d  Fight  —  A  beautiful  Tiger  against  a  black  Bear. 

"  4th  Fight  —  Twelve  dogs  against  a  strong  and  furious  Ope- 
loussas  Bull. 

"  If  the  Tiger  is  not  vanquished  in  his  fight  with  the  Bear,  he 
will  be  sent  alone  against  the  last  Bull,  and  if  the  latter  conquers 
all  his  enemies,  several  pieces  of  fire-works  will  be  placed  on  his 
back,  which  will  produce  a  very  entertaining  amusement. 

"In  the  Circus  will  be  placed  two  Manakins,  which,  notwith 
standing  the  efforts  of  the  Bulls,  to  throw  them  down,  will  always 
rise  again,  whereby  the  animals  will  get  furious. 

"  The  doors  will  be  opened  at  three  and  the  Exhibition  begin 
at  four  o'clock  precisely. 

"  Admittance,  one  dollar  for  grown  persons  and  50  cents  for 
children. 

"A  military  band  will  perform  during  the  Exhibition. 

"  If  Mr.  Renault  is  so  happy  as  to  amuse  the  spectators  by  that 
new  spectacle,  he  will  use  every  exertion  to  diversify  and  augment 
it,  in  order  to  prove  to  a  generous  public,  whose  patronage  has 
been  hitherto  so  kindly  bestowed  upon  him,  how  anxious  he  is  to 
please  them." 

Henry  Bradshaw  Fearon,  Sketches  of  America.  A  Narrative  of 
a  Journey  of  Five  Thousand  Miles  through  the  Eastern  and 
Western  States  of  America  (London,  1818),  275-277. 


CHAPTER    XV—  ABOLITIONISTS, 

1835-1841 

94*  A  Western  Abolition    Argument 

RANKIN  /T  Q«  j  \ 

(1793-1886),  I1  tf24) 

Presbyterian 

founder  of  an  r  I  ^HESE  difficulties,  however,  should  be  considered  as 

sode^In17  -•-     so  manv  arguments  in  favor  of  the  work.     If  but  a 

Carlisle,  little  good  can  be  done,  it  is  the  more  necessary  that  that 

1818  "later  he  little  should  be  done.     That  involuntary  slavery  is  a  very 

removed  to  dangerous  evil,  and  that  our  nation  is  involved  in  it,  none 

Ripley,  Ohio,  ' 

and  became     can,  with  truth,  deny.     And  that  the  safety  of  our  govern- 


ment>  an^  the  happiness  of  its  subjects,  depend  upon  the 

he  was  extermination  of  this  evil,  must  be  obvious  to  every  enlight- 

as°many  as  ened  mind.     Nor  is  it  less  evident,  that  it  is  the  duty  of 

was^co1™65'  everv  citizen,  according  to  his  station,  talents  and  oppor- 

ductor  on  the  tunity,  to  use  suitable  exertions  for  the  abolition  of  an  evil 

ground  Rail-  which   is   pregnant   with   the   growing    principles   of  ruin. 

road,  and  as-  Surely,  no  station  should  be  unimproved,  no  talent,  however 

and  her  small,  should  be  buried  ;    nor   should   any  opportunity  of 

orMnai^of  doing  good  be  lost,  when  the  safety  of  a  vast  nation,  and 

Uncle  Tom's  the  happiness  of  millions   of  the    human    family,  demand 

escape.  °  prompt  and  powerful  exertions.     Every  thing  that  can  be 

About  1824  done,  either  by  fair  discussion,  or  by  any  other  lawful  means. 

he  addressed  *  *  '     \ 

a  series  of  let-  ought  to  be  done,  and  done  speedily,  in  order  to  avert  the 

in-other  in  hastening  ruin  that  must  otherwise  soon  overtake  us  ! 
Virginia,  to          Let  all  the  friends  of  justice  and  suffering  humanity,  do 

from'beconv1  what  little  they  can,  in  their  several  circles,  and  according 

ownerSlaRan-  to  t*ie"'  var*ous  stations,  capacities  and  opportunities  ;  and 

kin  is  a  type  all  their  little  streams  of  exertion  will,  in  process  of  time, 

242 


NO.  94]      A   Western   Argument     243 


flow  together,  and  constitute  a  mighty  river  that  shall  sweep 
away  the  yoke  of  oppression,  and  purge  our  nation  from  the 
abominations  of  slavery.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  And  here  I  must  remark  upon  one  main  objection  to 
the  emancipation  of  slaves ;  it  is  that  they  are,  in  conse 
quence  of  the  want  of  informaticn,  incapacitated  for  freedom, 
and  that  it  is  necessary  to  detain  them  in  bondage  until 
they  may  be  better  prepared  for  liberation ;  but  from  the 
preceding  remarks  it  is  abundantly  evident  that  they  are 
now  better  prepared  with  respect  to  information,  for  eman 
cipation  than  they  will  be  at  any  future  period,  and  that  less 
inconvenience  and  danger  would  attend  their  liberation  at 
the  present,  than  at  any  future  time.  It  must  be  obvious  to 
every  one,  capable  of  discernment,  that  the  inconvenience 
and  danger  of  emancipation  will  increase  in  proportion  as 
slaves  become  more  numerous.  Indeed  all  the  difficulties 
that  attend  emancipation  are  rapidly  increasing ;  and  they 
must  certainly  be  endured  at  some  period,  sooner  or  later ; 
for  it  is  most  absurd  to  imagine  that  such  an  immense  body 
of  people,  most  rapidly  increasing,  can  always  be  retained 
in  bondage  ;  and  therefore  it  is  much  better  to  endure  those 
difficulties  now  than  it  will  be  when  they  shall  have  grown 
to  the  most  enormous  size.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  Now  take  a  view  of  the  slave  population  in  the 
United  States,  and  you  will  see  that  a  vast  quantity  of  the 
very  best  talent  is  entirely  suppressed  by  want  of  suitable 
means  of  improvement  —  it  lies  buried  deeply  in  the  wreck 
of  liberty,  and  the  cruel  hand  of  oppression  draws  around 
it  the  dark  shades  of  endless  night.  Thus  brilliant  talents, 
immortal  powers,  designed  to  enrich,  illuminate  and  ag 
grandize  the  world,  lie  dormant  and  useless  beneath  the 
grossest  covering  of  unavoidable  ignorance  !  and  all  that  is 
noble  and  grand  in  our  nature,  wastes  in  the  drudgery  of  a 
servile  life  !  Were  all  the  talent  that  is  now  suppressed  by 
slavery,  in  all  our  slaveholding  states,  properly  improved, 


of  the  West 
ern  abolition 
ists  who  pre 
ceded  and 
later  joined 
William 
Lloyd  Garri 
son  ;  and  this 
piece  is  an 
example  of 
the  abolition 
argument 
against  slav 
ery.  —  On 
abolition,  see 
above,  Nos. 
35.  46 ; 
bibliogra 
phies  in 
McDougall, 
Fugitive 
Slaves, 
and  Siebert, 
Under 
ground  Rail 
road;  and 
extracts  in 
American 
Orations, 
II  (entirely 
devoted  to 
slavery 
speeches), 
American 
History 
Studies,  I, 
Nos.  6,  7 ; 
Contempora 
ries,  III,  ch. 
II,  Nos.  2,  5, 


244      Slavery   and   Abolition       [i835 

liberated,  and  brought  into  action,  how  vastly  would  it  add 
to  the  strength,  wealth,  and  intelligence  of  our  nation  !  .  .  . 
We  are  commanded  to  '  do  justly  and  love  mercy,'  and 
this  we  ought  to  do  without  delay,  and  leave  the  conse 
quences  attending  it  to  the  control  of  Him  who  gave  the 
command.  We  ought  also  to  remember  that  no  excuse  for 
disobedience  will  avail  us  any  thing  when  he  shall  call  us 
to  judgment.  If  we  refuse  to  do  the  Africans  justice,  we 
may  expect  the  supreme  Governor  of  the  world  to  avenge 
their  wrongs,  and  cause  their  own  arm  to  make  them  free  ! 
Hence,  our  own  safety  demands  their  liberation.  Hold 
them  in  bondage,  and  you  will  inure  them  to  hardship,  and 
prepare  them  for  the  day  of  battle.  You  will  also  keep  them 
together,  increase  their  numbers,  and  enable  them  to  over 
power  the  nation.  Their  enormous  increase,  beyond  that  of 
the  white  population,  is  truly  alarming.  But  liberate  them, 
and  their  increase  will  become  proportionate  to  the  rest  of 
the  nation.  They  will  scatter  over  this  Union — many  of 
them  will  emigrate  to  Hayti  and  Africa.  Prepare  them  for 
citizenship,  and  give  them  the  privileges  of  free  men,  and 
they  will  have  no  inducements  to  do  us  harm  ;  but  persist 
in  oppressing  them,  and  ruin  will  eventually  burst  upon  our 
nation.  The  storm  is  gathering  fast  —  dismal  clouds  al 
ready  begin  to  darken  our  horizon  !  A  few  more  years,  and 
the  work  of  death  will  commence  ! 

John  Rankin,  Letters  on  American  Slavery   (second  edition, 
Newburyport,  1836),  Preface,  iii-iv,  and  24-117  passim. 


or.    A  Southern  Defence  of  Slavery  (i8?c) 

ERNOR  7J  J      \  OJ/ 

McDuFFiE  I  X)R  the  institution  of  domestic  slavery  we  hold  our- 
i85°)ut  I788~  -^  selves  responsible  only  to  God,  and  it  is  utterly 
McDuffie  incompatible  with  the  dignity  and  the  safety  of  the  State, 


NO.  95]       A   Southern   Defence       245 


to  permit  any  foreign  authority  to  question  our  right  to 
maintain  it.  It  may  nevertheless  be  appropriate,  as  a  vol 
untary  token  of  our  respect  for  the  opinions  of  our  confed 
erate  brethren,  to  present  some  views  to  their  consideration 
on  this  subject,  calculated  to  disabuse  their  minds  of  false 
opinions  and  pernicious  prejudices. 

No  human  institution,  in  my  opinion,  is  more  manifestly 
consistent  with  the  will  of  God,  than  domestic  slavery,  and 
no  one  of  his  ordinances  is  written  in  more  legible  characters 
than  that  which  consigns  the  African  race  to  this  condition, 
as  more  conducive  to  their  own  happiness,  than  any  other 
of  which  they  are  susceptible.  Whether  we  consult  the 
sacred  Scriptures,  or  the  lights  of  nature  and  reason,  we  shall 
find  these  truths  as  abundantly  apparent,  as  if  written  with 
a  sunbeam  in  the  heavens.  Under  both  the  Jewish  and  Chris 
tian  dispensations  of  our  religion,  domestic  slavery  existed 
with  the  unequivocal  sanction  of  its  prophets,  its  apostles  and 
finally  its  great  Author.  The  patriarchs  themselves,  those 
chosen  instruments  of  God,  were  slave-holders.  In  fact  the 
divine  sanction  of  this  institution  is  so  plainly  written  that 
"  he  who  runs  may  read  "  it,  and  those  over-righteous  pre 
tenders  and  Pharisees,  who  effect  to  be  scandalized  by  its 
existence  among  us,  would  do  well  to  inquire  how  much 
more  nearly  they  walk  in  the  ways  of  Godliness,  than  did 
Abraham,  Isaac  and  Jacob.  That  the  African  negro  is  des 
tined  by  Providence  to  occupy  this  condition  of  servile 
dependence,  is  not  less  manifest.  It  is  marked  on  the  face, 
stamped  on  the  skin,  and  evinced  by  the  intellectual  infe 
riority  and  natural  improvidence  of  this  race.  They  have  all 
the  qualities  that  fit  them  for  slaves,  and  not  one  of  those 
that  would  fit  them  to  be  freemen.  They  are  utterly  un 
qualified  not  only  for  rational  freedom,  but  for  self-govern 
ment  of  any  kind.  —  They  are,  in  all  respects,  physical, 
moral  and  political,  inferior  to  millions  of  the  human  race, 
who  have  for  consecutive  ages,  dragged  out  a  wretched 


was  a  sup 
porter  of 
Andrew 
Jackson, 
until  the  rela« 
tions  between 
the  govern 
ment  and 
South  Caro 
lina  became 
strained  after 
1828,  when 
he  resigned 
from  the 
Senate  and 
was  elected 
governor  of 
his  State, 
remaining  in 
office  from 
1834  to  1836. 
He  regarded 
nullification 
not  as  a  con 
stitutional, 
but  as  a  just 
revolution 
ary  measure. 
The  message 
from  which 
the  piece  is 
taken  was 
sent  to  the 
South  Caro 
lina  legis 
lature  in 
1835.    On 
slavery  and 
the  other  cur 
rent  issues  of 
which  it 
treats,  it  ex 
presses  the 
views  of  the 
extremists 
among  the 
contempora 
neous  South 
ern  leaders. 
—  For  the 
full  message, 
see  American 
History 
Leaflets,  No. 
io.  — For 
other  South- 


ern  defences 
of  slavery, 
see  Nos.  91 
above  and 
113  below; 
Contempora 
ries,  III,  ch. 


All  this  argu 
ment  was 
disproved  by 
the  result  of 
the  Civil 
War. 


Scripture 
authority  was 
a  favorite 
argument 
down  to 
1861. 


246      Slavery   and   Abolition        [1835 

existence  under  a  grinding  political  despotism,  and  who  are 
doomed  to  this  hopeless  condition  by  the  very  qualities 
which  unfit  them  for  a  better.  It  is  utterly  astonishing  that 
any  enlightened  American,  after  contemplating  all  the  mani 
fold  forms  in  which  even  the  white  race  of  mankind  are 
doomed  to  slavery  and  oppression,  should  suppose  it  possi 
ble  to  reclaim  the  African  race  from  their  destiny.  The 
capacity  to  enjoy  freedom  is  an  attribute  not  to  be  com 
municated  ,by  human  power.  It  is  an  endowment  of  God, 
and  one  of  the  rarest  which  it  has  pleased  his  inscrutable 
wisdom  to  bestow  upon  the  nations  of  the  earth.  It  is  con 
ferred  as  the  reward  of  merit,  and  only  upon  those  who  are 
qualified  to  enjoy  it.  Until  the  "  Ethiopian  can  change 
his  skin,"  it  will  be  vain  to  attempt,  by  any  human  power, 
to  make  freemen  of  those  whom  God  has  doomed  to  be 
slaves,  by  all  their  attributes. 

Let  not,  therefore,  the  misguided  and  designing  inter- 
meddlers  who  seek  to  destroy  our  peace,  imagine  that  they 
are  serving  the  cause  of  God  by  practically  arraigning  the 
decrees  of  his  Providence.  Indeed  it  would  scarcely  excite 
surprise,  if  with  the  impious  audacity  of  those  who  projected 
the  tower  of  Babel,  they  should  attempt  to  scale  the  battle 
ments  of  Heaven,  and  remonstrate  with  the  God  of  wisdom 
for  having  put  the  mark  of  Cain  and  the  curse  of  Ham  upon 
the  African  race,  instead  of  the  European.  .  .  . 

It  is  perfectly  evident  that  the  destiny  of  the  Negro  race 
is,  either  the  worst  possible  form  of  political  slavery,  or  else 
domestic  servitude  as  it  exists  in  the  slaveholding  States. 
The  advantage  of  domestic  slavery  over  the  most  favorable 
condition  of  political  slavery,  does  not  admit  of  a  question. 
It  is  the  obvious  interest  of  the  master,  not  less  than  his 
duty,  to  provide  comfortable  food  and  clothing  for  his  slaves ; 
and  whatever  false  and  exaggerated  stories  may  be  propa 
gated  by  mercenary  travellers,  who  make  a  trade  of  exchang 
ing  calumny  for  hospitality,  the  peasantry  and  operatives  of 


NO.  95]       A   Southern   Defence       247 

no  country  in  the  world  are  better  provided  for,  in  these 
respects,  than  the  slaves  of  our  country.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  They  habitually  labor  from  two  to  four  hours  a  day  less 
than  the  operatives  in  other  countries,  and  it  has  been  truly 
remarked,  by  some  writer,  that  a  negro  cannot  be  made  to 
injure  himself  by  excessive  labor.  It  may  be  safely  affirmed. 
that  they  usually  eat  as  much  wholesome  and  substantial 
food  in  one  day,  as  English  operatives  or  Irish  peasants  eat  The  testi- 
in  two.  And  as  it  regards  concern  for  the  future,  their  con- 


dition  may  well  be  envied  even  by  their  masters.     There  is  contradicts 
not  upon  the  face  of  the  earth,  any  class  of  people,  high  or  ment. 
low,  so  perfectly  free  from  care  and  anxiety.     They  know 
that  their  masters  will  provide  for  them,  under  all  circum 
stances,  and  that  in'  the  extremity  of  old  age,  instead  of 
being  driven  to  beggary  or  to  seek  public  charity  in  a  poor- 
house,  they  will  be  comfortably  accommodated  and  kindly 
treated  among  their  relatives  and  associates.  .  .  . 

In  a  word,  our  slaves  are  cheerful,  contented  and  happy, 
much  beyond  the  general  condition  of  the  human  race, 
except  where  those  foreign  intruders  and  fatal  ministers  of 
mischief,  the  emancipationists,  like  their  arch-prototype  in 
the  Garden  of  Eden,  and  actuated  by  no  less  envy,  have 
tempted  them  to  aspire  above  the  condition  to  which  they 
have  been  assigned  in  the  order  of  Providence. 

Nor  can  it  be  admitted,  as  some  of  our  own  statesmen 
have  affirmed,  in  a  mischievous  and  misguided  spirit  of 
sickly  sentimentality,  that  our  system  of  domestic  slavery  is 
a  curse  to  the  white  population  —  a  moral  and  political  evil, 
much  to  be  deplored,  but  incapable  of  being  eradicated. 
Let  the  tree  be  judged  by  its  fruit.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  where  the  menial  offices  and  dependent  employ-  caihoun 
inents  of  society  are  performed  by  domestic  slaves,  a  class   elaborated 
well  defined  by  their  color  and  entirely  separated  from  the  that  "slavery 
political  body,  the  rights  of  property  are  perfectly  secure, 
without  the  establishment  of  artificial  barriers.     In  a  word, 


248      Slavery   and   Abolition        [i835 

can  Orations,  the  institution  of  domestic  slavery  supercedes  the  necessity 
II,  123.  Q£  an  or(jer  Of  nokility,  and  all  the  other  appendages  of  a 

hereditary  system  of  government.  .  .  . 

See  Ste-  Domestic  slavery,  therefore,  instead  of  being  a  political 

IownNo.eii3.  ev^  k  tne  corner  stone  of  our  republican  edifice.  No 
patriot  who  justly  estimates  our  privileges  will  tolerate  the 
idea  of  emancipation,  at  any  period,  however  remote,  or  on 
any  conditions  of  pecuniary  advantage,  however  favorable [.] 
I  would  as  soon  think  of  opening  a  negociation  for  selling 
the  liberty  of  the  State  at  once,  as  for  making  any  stipula 
tions  for  the  ultimate  emancipation  of  our  slaves.  So  deep 
is  my  conviction  on  this  subject,  that  if  I  were  doomed  to 
die  immediately  after  recording  these  sentiments,  I  could 
say  in  all  sincerity  and  under  all  the  sanctions  of  Christianity 
and  patriotism,  "God  forbid  that  my  descendants,  in  the 
remotest  generations,  should  live  in  any  other  than  a  com 
munity  having  the  institution  of  domestic  slavery,  as  it  ex 
isted  among  the  patriarchs  of  the  primitive  Church  and  in 
all  the  free  states  of  antiquity." 

Journal  of  the  General  Assembly  of  South  Carolina,  1835  (ap 
pended  to  Acts  and  Resolutions  of  the  General  Assembly  .  .  . 
passed  in  December,  1836,  Columbia,  1837),  5-8  passim. 


Emancipa- 
iif  i828.°SOn 

Garrison831' 

founded  the 


96.    An  Anti-  Abolitionist  Mob  (1835) 


sign  being  demolished,  the  cry  for  "Garrison  !" 
was  renewed,  more  loudly  than  ever.  It  was  now 
apparent  that  the  multitude  would  not  disperse  until  I  had 
left  the  building  '>  and  as  egress  out  of  the  front  door  was 
impossible,  the  Mayor  and  his  assistants,  as  well  as  some  of 
my  friends,  earnestly  besought  me  to  effect  my  escape  in  the 

building'    •    •    • 

Preceded  by  my  faithful  and  beloved  friend  Mr.  J  - 


No.  96] 


Garrison   Riot 


249 


R C ,  I  dropped  from  a  back  window  on  to  a  shed, 

and  narrowly  escaped  falling  headlong  to  the  ground.  We 
entered  into  a  carpenter's  shop,  through  which  we  attempted 
to  get  into  Wilson's  Lane,  but  found  our  retreat  cut  off  by 
the  mob.  They  raised  a  shout  as  soon  as  we  came  in  sight, 
but  the  workmen  promptly  closed  the  door  of  the  shop,  kept 
them  at  bay  for  a  time,  and  thus  kindly  afforded  me  an 
opportunity  to  find  some  other  passage.  I  told  Mr.  C.  it 
would  be  futile  to  attempt  to  escape  —  I  would  go  out  to 
the  mob,  and  let  them  deal  with  me  as  they  might  elect ; 
but  he  thought  it  was  my  duty  to  avoid  them  as  long  as  pos 
sible.  We  then  went  up  stairs,  and,  finding  a  vacancy  in  one 
corner  of  the  room,  I  got  into  it,  and  he  and  a  young  lad 
piled  up  some  boards  in  front  of  me  to  shield  me  from 
observation.  In  a  few  minutes  several  ruffians  broke  into 
the  chamber,  who  seized  Mr.  C.  in  a  rough  manner,  and  led 
him  out  to  the  view  of  the  mob,  saying,  "  This  is  not  Gar 
rison,  but  Garrison's  and  Thompson's  friend,  and  he  says  he 
knows  where  Garrison  is,  but  won't  tell."  Then  a  shout  of 
exultation  was  raised  by  the  mob,  and  what  became  of  him 
I  do  not  know ;  though,  as  I  was  immediately  discovered,  I 
presume  he  escaped  without  material  injury. 

On  seeing  me,  three  or  four  of  the  rioters,  uttering  a  yell, 
furiously  dragged  me  to  the  window,  with  the  intention  of 
hurling  me  from  that  height  to  the  ground ;  but  one  of  them 
relented  and  said  —  "Don't  let  us  kill  him  outright."  So 
they  drew  me  back,  and  coiled  a  rope  about  my  body  — 
probably  to  drag  me  through  the  streets.  I  bowed  to  the 
mob,  and,  requesting  them  to  wait  patiently  until  I  could 
descend,  went  down  upon  a  ladder  that  was  raised  for  that 
purpose.  I  fortunately  extricated  myself  from  the  rope,  and 
was  seized  by  two  or  three  powerful  men,  to  whose  firmness, 
policy  and  muscular  energy  I  am  probably  indebted  for  my 
preservation.  They  led  me  along  bareheaded,  (for  I  had 
lost  my  hat),  through  a  mighty  crowd,  ever  and  anon  shout- 


Liberator  in 
Boston,  and 
continued  to 
publish  it  for 
thirty-five 
years,  until 
the  abolition 
of  slavery 
was  finally 
secured. 
The  incident 
described 
below  illus 
trates  the 
kind  of  perse 
cution  to 
which  he  and 
men  like  him 
were  exposed 
during  this 
period.     The 
Boston  mob 
was  occa 
sioned  by  a 
meeting  of 
the  Boston 
Female  Anti- 
Slavery  So 
ciety,  on  Oct. 
21,  1835, 
at  which  it 
was  rumored 
that  the  Eng 
lish  aboli 
tionist, 
Thompson, 
was  to  speak. 
Garrison's 
account  is  a 
good  sample 
of  his  vigor 
ous  style  of 
writing.  — 
For  Garri 
son,  see  Life 
of  Garrison 
b   his  Chil- 


—  For  anti- 
abolition 
mobs,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  III,  ch. 


The  sign 


250     Slavery   and   Abolition        [i835 


"  Anti-Slav 
ery  Rooms," 
exciting  the 
fury  of  the 
mob,  was  at 
their  demand 
promptly 
given  them 
by  the  mayor, 
and  was  in 
stantly 
broken  into 
fragments. 

II  T  T>  f~*          f> 

J — K — C — 
=John  Reid 
Campbell. 

Garrison 
always  re 
sented  the 
report  that 
the  rope  was 
about  his 
neck. 


ing,  "  He  shan't  be  hurt !  You  shan't  hurt  him  1  Don't 
hurt  him  !  He  is  an  American,"  &c.,  &c.  This  seemed  to 
excite  sympathy  among  many  in  the  crowd,  and  they  re 
iterated  the  cry,  "  He  shan't  be  hurt !  "  I  was  thus  conducted 
through  Wilson's  Lane  into  State  Street,  in  the  rear  of  the 
City  Hall,  over  the  ground  that  was  stained  with  the  blood 
of  the  first  martyrs  in  the  cause  of  LIBERTY  and  INDEPEN 
DENCE,  by  the  memorable  massacre  of  1 7  70  —  and  upon 
which  was  proudly  unfurled,  only  a  few  years  since,  with 
joyous  acclamations,  the  beautiful  banner  presented  to  the 
gallant  Poles  by  the  young  men  of  Boston  !  .  .  . 

Orders  were  now  given  to  carry  me  to  the  Mayor's  office 
in  the  City  Hall.  As  we  approached  the  south  door,  the 
Mayor  attempted  to  protect  me  by  his  presence ;  but  as  he 
was  unassisted  by  any  show  of  authority  or  force,  he  was 
quickly  thrust  aside  —  and  now  came  a  tremendous  rush  on 
the  part  of  the  mob  to  prevent  my  entering  the  Hall.  For 
a  moment,  the  conflict  was  dubious  —  but  my  sturdy  sup 
porters  carried  me  safely  up  to  the  Mayor's  room.  .  .  . 

Having  had  my  clothes  rent  asunder,  one  individual  kindly 
lent  me  a  pair  of  pantaloons  —  another,  a  coat  —  a  third,  a 
stock  —  a  fourth,  a  cap  as  a  substitute  for  my  lost  hat.  After 
a  consultation  of  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes,  the  Mayor  and 
his  advisers  came  to  the  singular  conclusion,  that  the  building 
would  be  endangered  by  my  continuing  in  it,  and  that  the 
preservation  of  my  life  depended  upon  committing  me  to 
jail,  ostensibly  as  a  disturber  of  the  peace  !  !  A  hack  was 
got  in  readiness  at  the  door  to  receive  me  —  and,  supported 
by  Sheriff  Parkman  and  Ebenezer  Bailey,  Esq.  (the  Mayor 
leading  the  way),  I  succeeded  in  getting  into  it  without 
much  difficulty,  as  I  was  not  readily  identified  in  my  new 
garb.  Now  came  a  scene  that  baffles  the  power  of  descrip 
tion.  As  the  ocean,  lashed  into  fury  by  the  spirit  of  the 
storm,  seeks  to  whelm  the  adventurous  bark  beneath  its 
mountain  waves  —  so  did  the  mob,  enraged  by  a  series  of 


NO.  97]  Garrison    Riot  251 

disappointments,  rush  like  a  whirlwind  upon  the  frail  vehicle 
in  which  I  sat,  and  endeavor  to  drag  me  out  of  it.  Escape 
seemed  a  physical  impossibility.  They  clung  to  the  wheels  — 
dashed  open  the  doors  —  seized  hold  of  the  horses  —  and 
tried  to  upset  the  carriage.  They  were,  however,  vigorously 
repulsed  by  the  police  —  a  constable  sprang  in  by  my  side  — 
the  doors  were  closed  —  and  the  driver,  lustily  using  his 
whip  upon  the  bodies  of  his  horses  and  the  heads  of  the 
rioters,  happily  made  an  opening  through  the  crowd,  and 
drove  at  a  tremendous  speed  for  Leverett  Street.  But  many 
of  the  rioters  followed  even  with  superior  swiftness,  and 
repeatedly  attempted  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  horses. 
To  reach  the  jail  by  a  direct  course  was  found  impracticable ; 
and  after  going  in  a  circuitous  direction,  and  encountering 
many  "hair-breadth  'scapes,"  we  drove  up  to  this  new  and 
last  refuge  of  liberty  and  life,  when  another  b9ld  attempt 
was  made  to  seize  me  by  the  mob  —  but  in  vain.  In  a  few 
moments  I  was  locked  up  in  a  cell,  safe  from  my  persecutors, 
accompanied  by  two  delightful  associates,  a  good  conscience 
and  a  cheerful  mind."  .  .  . 

[Wendell  Phillips  Garrison  and  Francis  Jackson  Garrison,  edi 
tors,]  William  Lloyd  Garrison.  1805-1879.  The  Story  of 
his  Life  told  by  his  Children  (New  York,  1885),  II,  18-27 
passim. 


97.    The  Internal  Slave-Trade  (1834)  &2SS1 

FEATHER- 

UST  as  we  reached  New  River,  in  the  early  grey  of  the  (1780-1866), 

morning,  we  came  up  with  a  singular  spectacle,  the  most  ^a^ngllsh~ 

striking  one  of  the  kind  I  have  ever  witnessed.     It  was  who  sPent 

a  camp  of  negro  slave-drivers,  just  packing  up  to  start ;  they  Sfhis  early5 

had  about  three  hundred  slaves  with  them,  who  had  biv-  J^  ^i^0^ 

ouacked  the  preceding  night  in  chains  in  the  woods ;  these  Owing  to  his 


J 


252     Slavery   and   Abolition        [1834 

they  were  conducting  to  Natchez,  upon  the  Mississippi 
River,  to  work  upon  the  sugar  plantations  in  Louisiana.  .  .  . 
they  had  a  caravan  of  nine  waggons  and  single-horse  car 
riages,  for  the  purpose  of  conducting  the  white  people,  and 
any  of  the  blacks  that  should  fall  lame,  to  which  they  were 
now  putting  the  horses  to  pursue  their  march.  The  female 
slaves  were,  some  of  them,  sitting  on  logs  of  wood,  whilst 
others  were  standing,  and  a  great  many  little  black  children 
were  warming  themselves  at  the  fires  of  the  bivouac.  In 
front  of  them  all,  and  prepared  for  the  march,  stood,  in 
double  files,  about  two  hundred  male  slaves,  manacled  and 
chained  to  each  other.  I  had  never  seen  so  revolting  a  sight 
before  !  Black  men  in  fetters,  torn  from  the .  lands  where 
they  were  born,  from  the  ties  they  had  formed,  and  from 
the  comparatively  easy  condition  which  agricultural  labour 
affords,  and  driven  by  white  men,  with  liberty  and  equality 
in  their  mouths,  to  a  distant  and  unhealthy  country,  to  perish 
in  the  sugar-mills  of  Louisiana,  where  the  duration  of  life  for 
a  sugar-mill  slave  does  not  exceed  seven  years  !  To  make 
this  spectacle  still  more  disgusting  and  hideous,  some  of 
the  principal  white  slave-drivers,  who  were  tolerably  well 
dressed,  and  had  broad-brimmed  white  hats  on,  with  black 
crape  round  them,  were  standing  near,  laughing  and  smoking 
cigars.  .  .  . 

It  was  an  interesting,  but  a  melancholy  spectacle,  to  see 
them  effect  the  passage  of  the  river :  first,  a  man  on  horse 
back  selected  a  shallow  place  in  the  ford  for  the  male  slaves  ; 
then  followed  a  waggon  and  four  horses,  attended  by  another 
man  on  horseback.  The  other  waggons  contained  the  chil 
dren  and  some  that  were  lame,  whilst  the  scows,  or  flat- 
boats,  crossed  the  women  and  some  of  the  people  belonging 
to  the  caravan.  There  was  much  method  and  vigilance 
observed,  for  this  was  one  of  the  situations  where  the  gangs 
—  always  watchful  to  obtain  their  liberty  —  often  show  a  dis 
position  to  mutiny,  knowing  that  if  one  or  two  of  them  could 


NO. 97]  Internal   Trade  253 

wrench  their  manacles  off,  they  could  soon  free  the  rest,  and  part  of  its 
either  disperse  themselves  or  overpower  and  slay  their  sordid 
keepers,  and  fly  to  the  Free  States.  The  slave-drivers, 
aware  of  this  disposition  in  the  unfortunate  negroes,  en 
deavour  to  mitigate  their  discontent  by  feeding  them  well  on 
the  march,  and  by  encouraging  them  to  sing  "  Old  Virginia 
never  tire,"  to  the  banjo. 

V.  .  these  gangs  are  accompanied  by  other  negroes 
trained  by  the  slave-dealers  to  drive  the  rest,  whom  they 
amuse  by  lively  stories,  boasting  of  the  fine  warm  climate 
they  are  going  to,  and  of  the  oranges  and  sugar  which  are 
there  to  be  had  for  nothing :  in  proportion  as  they  recede 
from  the  Free  States,  the  danger  of  revolt  diminishes,  for  in 
the  Southern  Slave-States  all  men  have  an  interest  in  pro 
tecting  this  infernal  trade  of  slave-driving,  which,  to  the 
negro,  is  a  greater  curse  than  slavery  itself,  since  it  too  often 
dissevers  for  ever  those  affecting  natural  ties  which  even  a 
slave  can  form,  by  tearing,  without  an  instant's  notice,  the 
husband  from  the  wife,  and  the  children  from  their  parents ; 
sending  the  one  to  the  sugar  plantations  of  Louisiana,  an 
other  to  the  cotton-lands  of  Arkansas,  and  the  rest  to 
Texas.  .  .  . 

The  uncompromising  obloquy  which  has  been  cast  at  the  The  siave- 

~        ,  i  i_        i     •  ij  •          trader  was 

Southern  planters,  by  their  not  too  scrupulous  adversaries,   despised  by 

is  ...  not  deserved  by  them  ;  and  it  is  but  fair  to  consider  {J16.  slave- 

holder, 
them  as  only  indirectly  responsible  for  such  scenes  as  arise 

out  of  the  revolting  traffic  which  is  carried  on  by  these  sor 
did,  illiterate,  and  vulgar  slave-drivers  —  men  who  can  have 
nothing  whatever  in  common  with  the  gentlemen  of  the 
Southern  states.  This  land  traffic,  in  fact,  has  grown  out  of 
the  wide-spreading  population  of  the  United  States,  the  an 
nexation  of  Louisiana,  and  the  increased  cultivation  of  cotton 
and  sugar.  The  fertile  lowlands  of  that  territory  can  only 
be  worked  by  blacks,  and  are  almost  of  illimitable  extent. 
Hence  negroes  have  risen  greatly  in  price,  from  500  to  1000 


254     Slavery   and   Abolition        [i834 

They  rose  dollars,  according  to  their  capacity.  Slaves  being  thus  in 
upwards* ai  demand,  a  detestable  branch  of  business — where  sometimes 
ancusao1850  a  §reat  ^eal  °f  money  is  made  —  has  very  naturally  arisen  in 
a  country  filled  with  speculators.  The  soil  of  Virginia  has 
gradually  become  exhausted  with  repeated  crops  of  tobacco 
and  Indian  corn ;  and  when  to  this  is  added  the  constant 
subdivision  of  property  which  has  overtaken  every  family 
since  the  abolition  of  entails,  it  follows  of  course  that  many 
of  the  small  proprietors,  in  their  efforts  to  keep  up  appear 
ances,  have  become  embarrassed  in  their  circumstances, 
and,  when  they  are  pinched,  are  compelled  to  sell  a  negro 
or  two.  The  wealthier  proprietors  also  have  frequently  frac 
tious  and  bad  slaves,  which,  when  they  cannot  be  reclaimed, 
are  either  put  into  jail,  or  into  those  depots  which  exist 
in  all  the  large  towns  for  the  reception  of  slaves  who  are 
sold,  until  they  can  be  removed.  All  this  is  very  well  known 
to  the  slave-driver,  one  of  whose  associates  goes  annually  to 
the  Southwestern  States,  to  make  his  contracts  with  those 
planters  there  who  are  in  want  of  slaves  for  the  next  season. 
These  fellows  then  scour  the  country  to  make  purchases. 
Those  who  are  bought  out  of  jail  are  always  put  in  fetters, 
as  well  as  any  of  those  whom  they  may  suspect  of  an  inten 
tion  to  escape.  The  women  and  grown-up  girls  are  usually 
sold  into  the  cotton-growing  States,  the  men  and  the  boys  to 
the  rice  and  sugar  plantations.  Persons  with  large  capital 
are  actively  concerned  in  this  trade,  some  of  whom  have 
amassed  considerable  fortunes.  But  occasionally  these  deal 
ers  in  men  are  made  to  pay  fearfully  the  penalty  of  their 
nefarious  occupation.  I  was  told  that  only  two  or  three 
months  before  I  passed  this  way  a  "  gang  "  had  surprised 
their  conductors  when  off  their  guard,  and  had  killed  some 
of  them  with  axes. 

G.  W.  Featherstonhaugh,  Excursion  through  the  Slave  States 
(New  York,  1844),  36-38  passim. 


NO. 98]        A   Slave's   Narrative        255 


98.    A  Slave's  Narrative  (1844) 

I  AM  about  sixty-five  years  old.  I  was  born  near  Eden- 
ton,  North  Carolina.  My  master  was  very  kind  to  his 
slaves.  If  an  overseer  whipped  them,  he  turned  him  away. 
He  used  to  whip  them  himself  sometimes,  with  hickory 
switches  as  large  as  my  little  finger.  My  mother  nursed  all 
his  children.  She  was  reckoned  a  very  good  servant ;  and 
our  mistress  made  it  a  point  to  give  one  of  my  mother's 
children  to  each  of  her  own.  I  fell  to  the  lot  of  Elizabeth, 
her  second  daughter.  It  was  my  business  to  wait  upon  her. 
Oh,  my  old  mistress  was  a  kind  woman.  She  was  all  the 
same  as  a  mother  to  poor  Charity.  If  Charity  wanted  to 
learn  to  spin,  she  let  her  learn ;  if  Charity  wanted  to  learn 
to  knit,  she  let  her  learn;  if  Charity  wanted  to  learn  to 
weave,  she  let  her  learn.  I  had  a  wedding  when  I  was 
married;  for  mistress  didn't  like  to  have  her  people  take 
up  with  one  another,  without  any  minister  to  marry  them. 
When  my  dear  good  mistress  died,  she  charged  her  children 
never  to  separate  me  and  my  husband ;  "  For,"  said  she, 
"  if  ever  there  was  a  match  made  in  heaven,  it  was  Charity 
and  her  husband."  My  husband  was  a  nice  good  man ; 
and  mistress  knew  we  set  stores  by  one  another.  Her 
children  promised  they  never  would  separate  me  from  my 
husband  and  children.  Indeed,  they  used  to  tell  me  they 
would  never  sell  me  at  all ;  and  I  am  sure  they  meant  what 
they  said.  But  my  young  master  got  into  trouble.  He 
used  to  come  home  and  sit  leaning  his  head  on  his  hand  by 
the  hour  together,  without  speaking  to  any  body.  I  see 
something  was  the  matter ;  and  I  begged  of  him  to  tell  me 
what  made  him  look  so  worried.  He  told  me  he  owed 
seventeen  hundred  dollars,  that  he  could  not  pay ;  and  he 
was  afraid  he  should  have  to  go  to  prison.  I  begged  him  to 
sell  me  and  my  children,  rather  than  to  go  to  jail.  I  see 


By  CHARITY 
BOWERY 
(born  1779) . 
This  narra 
tive  of  a  slave 
woman,  who 
had  been 
freed  by  the 
will  of  her 
master  and 
had  after 
ward  come 
North, gives  a 
fairly  typical, 
and  not  over 
drawn, 

picture  of  the 
condition  of 
a  slave  in  the 
second  quar 
ter  of  this 
century.  The 
narrative  is 
simple  and 
bears  inter 
nal  marks  of 
sincerity.  — 
See  a  bibli 
ography  of 
slave  narra 
tives  in  Sie- 
bert,  Under 
ground  Rail* 
road.  — 
Other  narra 
tives  below, 
No.  loo ; 
Contempora 
ries.  Ill, 
Nos. 


256     Slavery   and   Abolition       [i844 


In  most 
cases  the 
wives  and 
daughters  of 
large  planters 
took  a  kindly 
interest  in  the 
slaves. 


the  tears  come  into  his  eyes.  "  I  don't  know,  Charity," 
said  he ;  "  I'll  see  what  can  be  done.  One  thing  you  may 
feel  easy  about ;  I  will  never  separate  you  from  your  hus 
band  and  children,  let  what  will  come." 

Two  or  three  days  after,  he  come  to  me,  and  says  he ; 
"  Charity,  how  should  you  like  to  be  sold  to  Mr.  Kinmore?" 
I  told  him  I  would  rather  be  sold  to  him  than  to  any  body 
else,  because  my  husband  belonged  to  him.  My  husband 
was  a  nice  good  man,  and  we  set  stores  by  one  another. 
Mr.  Kinmore  agreed  to  buy  us ;  and  so  I  and  my  children 
went  there  to  live.  He  was  a  kind  master ;  but  as  for 

mistress  Kinmore, she  was  a  divil !  Mr.  Kinmore  died 

a  few  years  after  he  bought  us ;  and  in  his  Will  he  give  me 
and  my  husband  free ;  but  I  never  knowed  anything  about 
it,  for  years  afterward.  I  don't  know  how  they  managed  it. 
My  poor  husband  died,  and  never  knowed  that  he  was  free. 
But  it's  all  the  same  now.  He's  among  the  ransomed.  .  .  . 

Sixteen  children  I've  had,  first  and  last ;  and  twelve  I've 
nursed  for  my  mistress.  From  the  time  my  first  baby  was 
born,  I  always  set  my  heart  upon  buying  freedom  for  some 
of  my  children.  I  thought  it  was  of  more  consequence  to 
them,  than  to  me ;  for  I  was  old,  and  used  to  being  a  slave. 
But  mistress  Kinmore  wouldn't  let  me  have  my  children. 
One  after  another  —  one  after  another  —  she  sold  'em  away 
from  me.  Oh,  how  many  times  that  woman's  broke  my 
heart ! 

...  I  tried  every  way  I  could,  to  lay  up  a  copper  to  buy 
my  children ;  but  I  found  it  pretty  hard ;  for  mistress  kept 
me  at  work  all  the  time.  It  was  "  Charity !  Charity ! 
Charity  ! "  from  morning  till  night. 

I  used  to  do  the  washings  of  the  family ;  and  large  wash 
ings  they  were.  The  public  road  run  right  by  my  little  hut ; 
and  I  thought  to  myself,  while  I  stood  there  at  the  wash- 
tub,  I  might,  just  as  well  as  not,  be  earning  something  to 
buy  my  children.  So  I  set  up  a  little  oyster- board ;  and 


NO. 98]        A   Slave's   Narrative        257 

when  anybody  come  along,  that  wanted  a  few  oysters  and  a 
cracker,  I  left  my  wash-tub  and  waited  upon  him.  When  I 
got  a  little  money  laid  up,  I  went  to  my  mistress  and  tried 
to  buy  one  of  my  children.  She  knew  how  long  my  heart 
had  been  set  upon  it,  and  how  hard  I  had  worked  for  it. 
But  she  wouldn't  let  me  have  one  !  —  She  wouldrtt  let  me 
have  one  !  So,  I  went  to  work  again ;  and  set  up  late  o' 
nights,  in  hopes  I  could  earn  enough  to  tempt  her.  When 
I  had  two  hundred  dollars,  I  went  to  her  again ;  but  she 
thought  she  could  find  a  better  market,  and  she  wouldn't  let 
me  have  one.  At  last,  what  do  you  think  that  woman  did? 
She  sold  me  and  five  of  my  children  to  the  speculators  ! 
Oh,  how  I  did  feel,  when  I  heard  my  children  was  sold  to 
the  speculators  !  .  .  . 

Surely,  ma'am,  there's  always  some  good  comes  of  being 
kind  to  folks.  While  I  kept  my  oyster-board,  there  was  a 
thin,  peaked-looking  man,  used  to  come  and  buy  of  me. 
Sometimes  he  would  say,  "  Aunt  Charity,  (he  always  called 
me  Aunt  Charity,)  you  must  fix  me  up  a  nice  little  mess, 
for  I  feel  poorly  to-day."  I  always  made  something  good 
for  him  ;  and  if  he  didn't  happen  to  have  any  change,  I 
always  trusted  him.  He  liked  my  messes  mighty  well.  — 
Now,  who  do  you  think  that  should  turn  out  to  be,  but  the 
very  speculator  that  bought  me  !  He  come  to  me,  and 
says  he,  "  Aunt  Charity  (he  always  called  me  Aunt  Charity,) 
you've  been  very  good  to  me,  and  fixed  me  up  many  a 
nice  little  mess,  when  I've  been  poorly ;  and  now  you  shall 
have  your  freedom  for  it,  and  I'll  give  you  your  youngest 
child."  .  .  .,' 

Well  .  .  .  after  that  I  concluded  I'd  come  to  the  Free 
States.  .  .  .  Here  I  have  taken  in  washing ;  and  my  daughter 
is  smart  at  her  needle  ;  and  we  get  a  very  comfortable  living. 

L[ydia]  Maria  Child,  Letters  from  New-York  (Second  Series, 
New  York,  etc.,  1845),  4^~53  passim. 


Slavery   and   Abolition        [i83s 


By  JOHN 
GREENLEAF 
WHITTIER 
(1807-1892). 
Probably  his 
youthful 
friendship 
with  Garri 
son  drew  him 
early  into  the 
anti-slavery 
movement, 
in  which, 
through  both 
verse  and 
prose,  his  pen 
did  valiant 
service  for 
the  cause. 
In  1836  he 
became  sec 
retary  of  the 
American 
Anti-Slavery 
Society ; 
from  1847  to 
1859  he  con 
tributed  edi 
torials  to  the 
anti-slavery 
National 
Era,  in  which 
Uncle  Tom's 
Cabin  was 
first  printed. 
Whittier  was 
interested  in 
practical 
politics,  and 
had  much  to 
do  with  the 
formation  of 
the  new  Re 
publican 
party  in  1854. 
His  burning 
verses  had  a 
wonderful 
effect  on 
Northern 
public 
opinion. — 
See  other 
anti-slarery 


99-    Farewell  of  a  Slave  Mother   (1838) 

ONE,  gone  —  sold  and  gone, 
To  the  rice-swamp  dank  and  lone. 

Where  the  slave-whip  ceaseless  swings, 

Where  the  noisome  insect  stings, 

Where  the  fever  demon  strews 

Poison  with  the  falling  dews, 

Where  the  sickly  sunbeams  glare 

Through  the  hot  and  misty  air, — 
Gone,  gone  —  sold  and  gone, 
To  the  rice-swamp  dank  and  lone, 
From  Virginia's  hills  and  waters,  — 
Woe  is  me,  my  stolen  daughters  I 

Gone,  gone  —  sold  and  gone, 
To  the  rice-swamp  dank  and  lone. 
There  no  mother's  eye  is  near  them, 
There  no  mother's  ear  can  hear  them  ; 
Never,  when  the  torturing  lash 
Seams  their  back  with  many  a  gash, 
Shall  a  mother's  kindness  bless  them, 
Or  a  mother's  arms  caress  them. 
Gone,  gone  —  sold  and  gone, 
To  the  rice-swamp  dank  and  lone, 
From  Virginia's  hills  and  waters,  — 
Woe  is  me,  my  stolen  daughters  ! 

Gone,  gone  —  sold  and  gone, 
To  the  rice-swamp  dank  and  lone. 

Oh,  when  weary,  sad,  and  slow, 

From  the  fields  at  night  they  go, 

Faint  with  toil,  and  racked  with  pain, 

To  their  cheerless  homes  again  — 


NO. 99]         A   Slave's    Farewell         259 

There  no  brother's  voice  shall  greet  them  — 
There  no  father's  welcome  meet  them. 
Gone,  gone  —  sold  and  gone, 
To  the  rice-swamp  dank  and  lone, 
From  Virginia's  hills  and  waters,  — 
Woe  is  me,  my  stolen  daughters  ! 

Gone,  gone  —  sold  and  gone, 
To  the  rice-swamp  dank  and  lone. 

From  the  tree  whose  shadow  lay 

On  their  childhood's  place  of  play  — 

From  the  cool  spring  where  they  drank  — 

Rock,  and  hill,  and  rivulet  bank  — 

From  the  solemn  house  of  prayer, 

And  the  holy  counsels  there  — 
Gone,  gone — sold  and  gone, 
To  the  rice-swamp  dank  and  lone, 
From  Virginia's  hills  and  waters,  — 
Woe  is  me,  my  stolen  daughters  ! 

Gone,  gone  —  sold  and  gone, 

To  the  rice-swamp  dank  and  lone  — 

Toiling  through  the  weary  day, 

And  at  night  the  spoiler's  prey. 

Oh,  that  they  had  earlier  died, 

Sleeping  calmly,  side  by  side, 

Where  the  tyrant's  power  is  o'er, 

And  the  fetter  galls  no  more  ! 

Gone,  gone  —  sold  and  gone, 
To  the  rice-swamp  dank  and  lone, 
From  Virginia's  hills  and  waters,  — 
Woe  is  me,  my  stolen  daughters  ! 


poems  in 
Contempora 
ries,  III, 
Nos. 


The  rice 
plantations 
were  the  most 
unhealthful 
of  all  the 
places  of 
slave  labor. 


Gone,  gone  —  sold  and  gone, 

To  the  rice-swamp  dank  and  lone. 


260      Slavery   and    Abolition        [is48 

By  the  holy  love  He  beareth  — 

By  the  bruised  reed  He  spareth  — 

Oh,  may  He,  to  whom  alone 

All  their  cruel  wrongs  are  known, 

Still  their  hope  and  refuge  prove, 

With  a  more  than  a  mother's  love. 
Gone,  gone  —  sold  and  gone, 
To  the  rice-swamp  dank  and  lone, 
•»    From  Virginia's  hills  and  waters,  — 
Woe  is  me,  my  stolen  daughters  ! 

>, 

John  G.  Whittier,  Poems  (Boston,  1849),  163-165. 


By  HENRY 
Box  BROWN 
(born  1816), 
the  phra 
seology  of 
whose  narra 
tive  was 
undoubtedly 
refined  by  the 
person  who 
wrote  down 
his  story  for 
him.    This  is 
one  of  the 
most  thrilling 
incidents  in 
the  annals  of 
fugitive- 
slave  history. 
The  expedi 
ent  was  not 
entirely  new, 
however,  for 
as  early  as 
1620  the  cele 
brated  Hugo 
Grotius  was 
got  out  of 
prison  in  a 
similar  way. 
—  Other 


100.    A  Fugitive's  Narrative   (1848) 

...  A  FTER  searching  for  assistance  for  some  time,  I 
£\.  at  length  was  so  fortunate  as  to  find  a  friend, 
who  promised  to  assist  me,  for  one  half  the  money  I  had 
about  me,  which  was  one  hundred  and  sixty-six  dollars.  I 
gave  him  eighty-six,  and  he  was  to  do  his  best  in  forwarding 
my  scheme.  .  .  . 

At  length,  after  praying  earnestly  to  Him,  who  seeth  afar 
off,  for  assistance,  in  my  difficulty,  suddenly,  as  if  from  above, 
there  darted  into  my  mind  these  words,  "  Go  and  get  a  box, 
and  put  yourself  in  it."  I  pondered  the  words  over  in  my 
mind.  "Get  a  box?"  thought  I;  "what  can  this  mean?" 
But  I  was  "  not  disobedient  unto  the  heavenly  vision,"  and  I 
determined  to  put  into  practice  this  direction,  as  I  consid 
ered  it,  from  my  heavenly  Father.  I  went  to  the  depot,  and 
there  noticed  the  size  of  the  largest  boxes,  which  commonly 
were  sent  by  the  cars,  and  returned  with  their  dimensions. 
I  then  repaired  to  a  carpenter,  and  induced  him  to  make 
me  a  box  of  such  a  description  as  I  wished,  informing  him 


NO.  100] 


A    Fugitive 


261 


of  the  use  I  intended  to  make  of  it.     He  assured  me  I  could  cited  in 
not  live  in  it  ;  but  as  it  was  dear  liberty  I  was  in  pursuit  of, 

I  thought  it  best  to  make  the  trial.  Slaves,  and 

When  the  box  was  finished,  I  carried  it,  and  placed  it  Under- 


m» 


before  my  friend,  who  had  promised  to  assist  me,  who  asked 

me  if  that  was  to  "put  my  clothes  in?"     I  replied  that  it   Other  narra- 

was  not,  but  to  "put  Henry  Brown  in  !  "     He  was  aston- 

ished  at  my  temerity  ;  but  I  insisted  upon  his  placing  me  in 

it,  and  nailing  me  up,  and  he  finally  consented. 

After  corresponding  with  a  friend  in  Philadelphia,  arrange 
ments  were  made  for  my  departure,  and  I  took  my  place  in 
this  narrow  prison,  with  a  mind  full  of  uncertainty  .  .  . 

I  laid  me  down  in  my  darkened  home  of  three  feet  by  two, 
and  like  one  about  to  be  guillotined,  resigned  myself  to  my 
fate.  My  friend  was  to  accompany  me,  but  he  failed  to  do 
so  ;  and  contented  himself  with  sending  a  telegraph  message 
to  his  correspondent  in  Philadelphia,  that  such  a  box  was  on 
its  way  to  his  care. 

I  took  with  me  a  bladder  filled  with  water  to  bathe  my 
neck  with,  in  case  of  too  great  heat  ;  and  with  no  access  to 
the  fresh  air,  excepting  three  small  gimblet  holes,  I  started 
on  my  perilous  cruise.  I  was  first  carried  to  the  express 
office,  the  box  being  placed  on  its  end,  so  that  I  started  with 
my  head  downwards,  although  the  box  was  directed,  "  this 
side  up  with  care."  From  the  express  office,  I  was  carried 
to  the  depot,  and  from  thence  tumbled  roughly  into  the 
baggage  car,  where  I  happened  to  fall  "  right  side  up,"  but 
no  thanks  to  my  transporters.  But  after  a  while  the  cars 
stopped,  and  I  was  put  aboard  a  steamboat,  and  placed  on 
my  head.  In  this  dreadful  position,  I  remained  the  space  of 
an  hour  and  a  half,  it  seemed  to  me,  when  I  began  to  feel  of 
my  eyes  and  head,  and  found  to  my  dismay,  that  my  eyes 
were  almost  swollen  out  of  their  sockets,  and  the  veins  on  my 
temple  seemed  ready  to  burst.  I  made  no  noise  however, 
determining  to  obtain  "  victory  or  death"  but  endured  the 


262      Slavery   and   Abolition        [i84s 

terrible  pain,  as  well  as  I  could,  sustained  under  the  whole 
by  the  thoughts  of  sweet  liberty.  About  half  an  hour  after 
wards,  I  attempted  again  to  lift  my  hands  to  my  face,  but  I 
found  I  was  not  able  to  move  them.  A  cold  sweat  now 
covered  me  from  head  to  foot.  Death  seemed  my  inevit 
able  fate,  and  every  moment  I  expected  to  feel  the  blood 
flowing  over  me,  which  had  burst  from  my  veins.  One  half 
hour  longer  and  my  sufferings  would  have  ended  in  that  fate, 
which  I  preferred  to  slavery;  but  I  lifted  up  my  heart  to 
God  in  prayer,  believing  that  he  would  yet  deliver  me,  when 
to  my  joy,  I  overheard  two  men  say,  "  We  have  been  here 
two  hours  and  have  travelled  twenty  miles,  now  let  us  sit 
down,  and  rest  ourselves."  They  suited  the  action  to  the 
word,  and  turned  the  box  over,  containing  my  soul  and  body, 
thus  delivering  me  from  the  power  of  the  grim  messenger  of 
death,  who  a  few  moments  previously,  had  aimed  his  fatal 
shaft  at  my  head,  and  had  placed  his  icy  hands  on  my 
throbbing  heart.  .  .  . 

Soon  after  this  fortunate  event,  we  arrived  at  Washington, 
where  I  was  thrown  from  the  wagon  and  again  as  my  luck 
would  have  it,  fell  on  my  head.  I  was  then  rolled  down  a 
declivity,  until  I  reached  the  platform  from  which  the  cars 
were  to  start.  During  this  short  but  rapid  journey,  my  neck 
came  very  near  being  dislocated,  as  I  felt  it  crack,  as  if  it 
had  snapped  asunder.  Pretty  soon,  I  heard  some  one  say, 
"  there  is  no  room  for  this  box,  it  will  have  to  remain  be 
hind."  I  then  again  applied  to  the  Lord,  my  help  in  all 
my  difficulties,  and  in  a  few  minutes  I  heard  a  gentleman 
direct  the  hands  to  place  it  aboard,  as  "  it  came  with  the 
mail  and  must  go  on  with  it."  I  was  then  tumbled  into  the 
car,  my  head  downwards  again,  as  I  seemed  to  be  destined 
to  escape  on  my  head ;  a  sign  probably,  of  the  opinion  of 
American  people  respecting  such  bold  adventurers  as  my 
self;  that  our  heads  should  be  held  downwards,  whenever 
we  attempt  to  benefit  ourselves.  Not  the  only  instance  of 


NO. ioi]  A   Fugitive  263 

this  propensity,  on  the  part  of  the  American  people,  towards 
the  colored  race.  We  had  not  proceeded  far,  however,  be 
fore  more  baggage  was  placed  in  the  car,  at  a  stopping  place, 
and  I  was  again  turned  to  my  proper  position.  No  farther 
difficulty  occurred  until  my  arrival  at  Philadelphia.  I 
reached  this  place  at  three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  re 
mained  in  the  depot  until  six  o'clock,  A.M.,  at  which  time, 
a  waggon  drove  up,  and  a  person  inquired  for  a  box  directed 
to  such  a  place,  "  right  side  up."  I  was  soon  placed  on  this 
waggon,  and  carried  to  the  house  of  my  friend's  correspon 
dent,  where  quite  a  number  of  persons  were  waiting  to 
receive  me.  They  appeared  to  be  some  afraid  to  open  the 
box  at  first,  but  at  length  one  of  them  rapped  upon  it,  and 
with  a  trembling  voice,  asked,  "Is  all  right  within?"  to 
which  I  replied,  "All  right."  The  joy  of  these  friends  was 
excessive,  and  like  the  ancient  Jews,  who  repaired  to  the  re 
building  of  Jerusalem,  each  one  seized  hold  of  some  tool, 
and  commenced  opening  my  grave.  At  length  the  cover 
was  removed,  and  I  arose,  and  shook  myself  from  the  leth 
argy  into  which  I  had  fallen ;  but  exhausted  nature  proved 
too  much  for  my  frame,  and  I  swooned  away. 

Charles  Stearns,  Narrative  of  Henry  Box  Brown  .  .  .  written 
from  a  statement  of  facts  made  by  himself  (Boston  [1849]), 
58-62  passim. 


ioi.    A  Political  Abolitionist  (1845)        By  SALMON 

PORTLAND 
To  ALL  FRIENDS  OF  LIBERTY,  AND  OF  OUR  COUNTRY'S       fi^ol-^a), 

BEST   INTERESTS.  one  of  the 

founders  of 
the  Liberty 

FINALLY,  we  ask  all  true  friends  of  liberty,  of  impartial,  p«ty.«uthor 

universal  liberty,  to  be  firm  and  steadfast.     The  little  form  of  that 

handful  of  voters,  who,  in  1840,  wearied  of  compromising  and3©? mar?' 

expediency,  and  despairing  of  anti-slavery  action  by  pro-  other  anti- 


slavery  ad- 

leading'spirit 

1?  *,he  Free" 

boil  conven- 
tion  of  1848; 


1855  ;  gov- 
Ohio,  1856- 

tar6°ofSthere~ 
Treasury, 

Chief  justice, 
1865-1873. 

the  most  dis- 


ous  Western 

and  Eastern 

abolitionists 


Garrison's 

used'  their 
votes  to  ac- 

complish 

their  ends. 

one  of  man5 
ringing  polit- 

dosses"  of 
OnOiase'" 


ill  3^333^' 
Contempora- 

™ef—  On  the 
poiiticai 

movement 

against  slav- 

^American 
Orations,  ii, 

340^  Con- 
temporaries, 


264     Slavery   and   Abolition        [i845 

slavery  parties,  raised  anew  the  standard  of  the  Declaration, 
and  manfully  resolved  to  vote  right  then  and  vote  for  free- 
dora,  has  already  swelled  to  a  GREAT  PARTY,  strong  enough. 

7  J 

numerically,  to  decide  the  issue  of  any  national  contest,  and 

stronger  far  in  the  power  of  its  pure  and  elevating  principles. 
And  if  these  principles  be  sound,  which  we  doubt  not,  and 
if  the  question  of  slavery  be,  as  we  verily  believe  it  is,  the 
GREAT  QUESTION  of  our  day  and  nation,  it  is  a  libel  upon  the 
intelligence,  the  patriotism,  and  the  virtue  of  the  American 
people  to  say  that  there  is  no  hope  that  a  majority  will  not 
array  themselves  under  our  banner.  Let  it  not  be  said  that 
we  are  factious  or  impracticable.  We  adhere  to  our  views 
because  we  believe  them  to  be  sound,  practicable  and  vitally 
important.  We  have  already  said  that  we  are  ready  to  prove 

,  .    ,       ,  .  .  .       .  .  „ 

our  devotion  to  our  principles  by  co-operation  with  either  of 
the  other  two  §reat  American  Parties,  which  will  openly  and 
honestly,  in  State  and  National  Conventions,  avow  our  doc- 
trines  and  adopt  our  measures,  until  slavery  shall  be  over- 
thrown.  We  do  not,  indeed,  expect  any  such  adoption  and 

.  .          .  ,  ...  .         . 

avowal  by  either  of  those  parties,  because  we  are  well  aware 
^at  tne^  ^ear  more'  at  present,  from  the  loss  of  slaveholding 
support  than  from  the  loss  of  anti-slavery  co-operation.  But 
we  can  be  satisfied  with  nothing  less,  for  we  will  compromise 
no  l°nSer  >  anc^'  therefore,  must  of  necessity  maintain  our 
separate  organization  as  the  true  Democratic  Party  of  the 

country>  and  trust  our  cause  to  the  patronage  of  the  people 
and  the  blessing  of  God  ! 

Carry  then,  friends  of  freedom  and  free  labour,  your  prin- 
ciples  to  the  ballot-box.     Let  no  difficulties  discourage  no 

* 

dangers  daunt,  no  delays  dishearten  you.  Your  solemn  vow 
*nat  slavery  must  perish  is  registered  in  heaven.  Renew 
that  vow  !  Think  of  the  martyrs  of  truth  and  freedom  ; 
think  of  the  millions  of  the  enslaved  ;  think  of  the  other 
miHions  of  the  oppressed  and  degraded  free  ;  and  renew 
that  vow  !  Be  not  tempted  from  the  path  of  political  duty. 


NO.  xoxj        Political   Abolition         265 

Vote  for  no  man,  act  with  no  party  politically  connected 
with  the  supporters  of  slavery.  Vote  for  no  man,  act  with 
no  party  unwilling  to  adopt  and  carry  out  the  principles 
which  we  have  set  forth  in  this  address.  To  compromise 
for  any  partial  or  temporary  advantage  is  ruin  to  our  cause. 
To  act  with  any  party,  or  to  vote  for  the  candidates  of  any 
party,  which  recognises  the  friends  and  supporters  of  slavery 
as  members  in  full  standing,  because  in  particular  places  or 
under  particular  circumstances,  it  may  make  large  profes 
sions  of  anti-slavery  zeal,  is  to  commit  political  suicide. 
Unswerving  fidelity  to  our  principles;  unalterable  determi 
nation  to  carry  those  principles  to  the  ballot-box  at  every 
election ;  inflexible  and  unanimous  support  of  those,  and 
only  those,  who  are  true  to  those  principles,  are  the  condi 
tions  of  our  ultimate  triumph.  Let  these  conditions  be  ful 
filled,  and  our  triumph  is  certain.  The  indications  of  its 
coming  multiply  on  every  hand.  The  clarion  trump  of  free 
dom  breaks  already  the  gloomy  silence  of  slavery  in  Ken 
tucky,  and  its  echoes  are  heard  throughout  the  land.  A 
spirit  of  inquiry  and  of  action  is  awakened  everywhere. 
The  assemblage  of  the  convention,  whose  voice  we  utter,  is 
itself  an  auspicious  omen.  Gathered  from  the  North  and 
the  South,  and  the  East  and  West,  we  here  unite  our  coun 
sels,  and  consolidate  our  action.  We  are  resolved  to  go  for 
ward,  knowing  that  our  cause  is  just,  trusting  in  God.  We 
ask  you  to  go  forward  with  us,  invoking  His  blessing  who 
sent  his  Son  to  redeem  mankind.  With  Him  are  the  issues 
of  all  events.  He  can  and  He  will  disappoint  all  the  devices 
of  oppression.  He  can,  and  we  trust  He  will,  make  our 
instrumentality  efficient  for  the  redemption  of  our  land 
from  slavery,  and  for  the  fulfilment  of  our  fathers'  pledge  in 
behalf  of  freedom,  before  Him  and  before  the  world. 

[Salmon  P.  Chase,]  The  Address  of  the  Southern  and  Western 
Liberty  Convention  held  at  Cincinnati,  June  n  &>  12,  1845 
[no  title-page ;  Philadelphia,  1845],  15. 


By  CHARLES 
AUGUSTUS 
DAVIS 
(1795-1867), 
a  New  York 
merchant, 
who  wrote 
cleverly  on 
commercial 
and  financial 
questions. 
His  Major 
Jack  Down 
ing  Letters 
first  ap 
peared  in  the 
Commercial 
Advertiser  in 
1834,  and  at 
once  became 
very  popular. 
Its  humor, 
though  keen, 
is  never 
biting;  Jack 
son  himself 
liked  to 
read  it.    The 
passage  here 
given  well 
takes  off 
Jackson's 
autocratic 
temper  in  his 
relations  to 
the  Bank,  of 
which  Nicho 
las  Biddle 
was  presi 
dent,  and  is 
at  the  same 
time  an  illus 
tration  of  the 
newspaper 


CHAPTER  XVI  — TERRITORIAL 
DEVELOPMENT,  1841-1853 

102.    Jackson's  Responsibility   (1833) 

T3UT  there  is  one  thing,  Major,'  says  the  Gineral, 
JD  '  that  I  don't  see  how  Biddle  can  git  round ;  and 
that  is,  how  he  dares  to  take  upon  himself  to  do  what  only 
could  be  done  by  the  Directors.  Look  at  the  Charter; 
there  it  is  as  plain  as  A.  B.  C.  He  has  no  right  to  do  a 
single  thing,  unless  the  Directors  are  all  present,  and  agree 
to  it.'  ''  Well,'  says  I,  '  Gineral,  that  is  a  puzzler ;  and  yet 
all  the  Bank  folks  say  he  does  right ;  and  its  more  their 
business  than  ourn.  And,'  says  I,  '  Gineral,  come  to  think 
on't,  and  the  notion  never  struck  me  before,  but  I  begin 
now  to  believe  that  Squire  Biddle  is  a  rale  Jackson  man.' 
1  Why,'  says  he, '  Major,  you  are  as  crazy  as  a  mad  rooster  — 
how  can  you  make  that  out  ? '  '  Why,'  says  I,  '  I  do  raly 
believe  when  the  Squire  did  any  thing  without  the  Directors, 
he  said,  /  take  the  responsibility?  The  Gineral  got  up, 
stamp 'd  round  a  spell ;  and,  says  he,  '  Major,  you  beat  all 
natur.'  But  this  tickled  the  Gineral  considerable.  'Well,' 
says  he,  '  Major,  if  I  only  knew  he  said  so,  I'd  put  all  the 
deposits  back  again  in  the  Bank  to-morrow ;  for  I  do  like 
a  man  who  aint  afraid  of  responsibility.' 

We  come  nigh  havin  a  pretty  considerable  riot  here  last 
night.  I  and  the  Gineral  had  been  to  bed  about  two  hours, 
and  had  jest  got  threw  talkin  over  matters,  and  got  into  a 
kinder  doze,  when  we  was  startled  by  the  tarnalest  racket 
you  ever  hear  tell  on.  The  Gineral  jump'd  right  on  eend, 

266 


NO.  io2]  Jackson's    Responsibility    267 

and  run  and  got  his  hickory,  and  I  arter  him,  with  the  only  squibs  of  the 

thing  I  could  get   hold  on  handily  —  <  Never  mind  your  jack  p™n-r 

Regimentals   and  Corderoys,   Major,'    says    he,  and  down  ing  "is  sup- 

stairs  we  went,  side  by  side,  and  I  a  leetle  ahead  on  him  ;  have  been 

—  for  I  always  like  to  lead  into  scrapes,  and  out  of  scrapes,  jj  g°od- 

There  is  a  long   room  where   the   most  of   our  folks  git  caricature  of 
together,  to  talk  over  matters  every  night,  and  eat  supper  ; 


and  sometimes  they  git  into  a  kinder  squabble,  but  keep  timate  friend 

and  political 
quiet.     But  this  time  some  how  they  was  in  a  terrible  takm   adviser.— 


and   smashin    things.      They   was   all   at   it,    Editors,    and 
Auditors,  and  Secretaries'  Clerks,  and  under  Post  Masters, 
and  Contractors,  jawin  and  poundin  one  another,  and  Amos   Jhe  Bank,  see 
among  the  thickest  on  em.    The  Gineral  look'd  on  for  about  ^se^cat{   f 
a  minit,  and,  says  he,  '  Major,  shall  I  go  in,  or  will  you?     I   lets,  No.  24; 
don't  like  to  do  it,'  says  he,  '  for  they  have  all  done  us  much  %££%** 
sarvice,  but  we  cant  let  this  riot  go  on.'     '  Well,'  says  I,   studies,  No. 
'  Gineral,  do  you   give  me  your  Hickory,'  and,  says  I,  *  I'll  *>r<trus,Ill, 
go  at  'em,  and  make  short  work.',    'Take  care,  Major,'  says  No-    • 
he,  '  how  you  hit,  and  who  you  hit.'     '  Never  mind,'  says  I, 
'  Gineral,  I'll  take  the  responsibility.'     '  Will  you,'  says  he  ;   A  phrase 
'well,  here's  my  Hickory  ;  —  for,'  says  he,  'Major,  tho'  I   s^nasSte 
dare  do  eny  most  any  thing,  I  must  confess  I  dare  not  take   paper. 
that  responsibility.'     And  with  that  he  went  to  bed,  and  I 
went  at  'em,  and  such  a  time  I  never  had.     The  first  clip  I   Amos  Ken- 
made  was  at  Amos,  —  but  he  dodged  it,  and  I  hit  one  of  the  faster-5*" 
Editors  of  the  Globe,  and  nocked  him  about  into  the  middle   General. 
of  next  week.  —  One  fellow  got  a  fryin  pan  and  made  fight,   The  Globe 
but  it  was  no  use,  for  in  less  than  a  minit  I  cleared  'em  all.  Jackson  a 
As  soon  as  they  come  to  know  who  it  was,  they  kinder  tried   organ. 
to  curry  favor;  and  one  said  one  thing,  and  one  another; 
and  every  one  tried  to  shuffle  off  upon  the  others  ;  it  was  a 
considerable  spell  before  I  could  get  the  cause  on't  ;  and 
then  it  turn'd  out  that  the  dispute  began  about  the  public   Duane, 
deposits,  and  the  next  President,  and  a  new  Bank,  and  Mr.   Jetar^of  the 
Duane  and  Squire  Biddle,  and  Mr.  Van  Buren,  —  and  all  Treasury. 


268 


Territorial 


Vice- 
President 


mixed  up  so,  I  couldn't  make  head  nor  tail  on't.  '  Now,' 
says  I,  '  my  boys,  make  an  eend  on't :'  and  with  that  I 
slap'd  the  old  Hickory  down  on  the  table,  and  I  made  their 
teeth  chatter.  '  My  dander  is  up,'  says  I ;  '  and  one  word 
more  and  I'm  down  upon  you.  What,'  says  I,  '  a  riot  here 
at  midnight  —  aint  it  glory  enuff  for  you,'  says  I,  '  to  sarve 
under  the  Gineral?  If  it  ain't/  says  I,  '  then  I'm  mistaken, 
and  Mr.  Van  Buren  too,  — for  he  thinks  it  is,  —  and  I  think 
so  too.  And ,  now,'  says  I,  '  no  more  jawin  '  —  and  I  left 
them ;  and  when' I  got  back  to  the  Gineral,  I  found  him  in 
a  terrible  takin ;  and  it  was  nigh  upon  day  light  afore  we 
could  git  to  sleep.  He  was  all  the  while  talkin  about  Amos 
Kindle,  and  the  rest  on  'em;  and  I  do  raly  believe  the 
Gineral  would  never  have  gone  to  sleep,  unless  I  tell'd  him 
I  would  stick  by  him ;  and  whenever  the  folks  about  us  got 
into  a  snarl,  if  he  would  only  lend  me  his  Hickory,  '  I'd 
take  the  responsibility.' 

Yours  to  Sarve, 

J.  DOWNING,  Major, 

Downingville  Militia,  2d  Brigade. 

[Charles.  Augustus  Davis,]  Letters  of  J.  Downing,  Major  (New 
York,  1834),  103-107. 


By  FRANCIS 
PARKMAN, 
JR.  (1823- 
1893).  great 
est  of  Ameri 
can  histori 
ans.     In 
spite  of  the 
constant  suf 
fering  attend 
ant  upon  a 
long  and 
wearying  ill 
ness  ended 
only  by 
death,  Park- 


103.    The  Oregon  Trail   (1846) 

WE  were  now  arrived  at  the  close  of  our  solitary  jour- 
neyings  along  the  St.  Joseph's  Trail.  On  the 
evening  of  the  twenty-third  of  May  we  encamped  near  its 
junction  with  the  old  legitimate  trail  of  the  Oregon  emi 
grants.  ...  As  we  lay  around  the  fire  after  supper,  a  low 
and  distant  sound,  strange  enough  amid  the  loneliness  of 
the  prairie,  reached  our  ears  —  peals  of  laughter,  and  the 
faint-  voices  of  men  and  women.  For  eight  days  we  had 


NO.  io3]  Oregon    Trail  269 

not  encountered  a  human  being,  and  this  singular  warning  man  com- 

of  their  vicinity  had  an  effect  extremely  wild  and  impressive.  task  g£  de- 

About  dark  a  sallow-faced  fellow  descended  the  hill  on  pcr^^"g0 

horseback,  and  splashing  through  the  pool,  rode  up  to  the  pation  of 
tents.     He  was  enveloped  in  a  huge  cloak,  and  his  broad 


felt-hat   was   weeping   about    his    ears   with    the    drizzling  with  the  Eng- 

-   ,  .  i       ,-  11        i  lish-    His  ex- 

moisture  of  the  evening.     Another  followed,  a  stout,  square-  p]0ring  trip 

built,  intelligent-looking  man,  who  announced  himself  as  Mountains^ 

leader  of  an  emigrant  party,  encamped  a  mile  in  advance  gave  him  a 

of  us.     About  twenty  wagons,  he  said,  were  with  him  ;  the  sight1  into"" 

rest  of  his  party  were  on  the  other  side  of  the  Big  Blue.  .  .  .  Indian  char- 

These  were  the  first  emigrants  that  we  had  overtaken,  piece  is  a  re- 

although  we  had  found  abundant  and  melancholy  traces  of  oTfirShL1? 

their  progress  throughout  the'  whole  course  of  the  journey,  description 

Sometimes  we  passed  the  grave  of  one  who  had  sickened  J-Se™** 


and  died  on  the  way.     The  earth  was  usually  torn  up,    and 

J  J  autobiogra- 

covered  thickly  with  wolf-tracks.     Some  had  escaped  this  phy,  in  Con- 

violation.     One  morning,  a  piece  of  plank,  standing  upright  iv$J£r**r> 

on  the  summit  of  a  grassy  hill,  attracted  our  notice,  and  —On  Ore- 

riding  up  to  it,  we  found  the  following  words  very  roughly  above,  No. 
traced  upon  it,  apparently  by  a  red-hot  piece  of  iron  : 

ch. 

P&l&g  IE3LM&.  ?£Blue>a, 

2-  tributary  of 

DIED   MAY    7th,    1845. 

AGED  TWO   MONTHS. 

Such  tokens  were  of  common  occurrence.  .  .  . 

We  were  late  in  breaking  up  our  camp  on  the  following 
morning,  and  scarcely  had  we  ridden  a  mile  when  we  saw, 
far  in  advance  of  us,  drawn  against  the  horizon,  a  line  of 
objects  stretching  at  regular  intervals  along  the  level  edge  of 
the  prairie.  An  intervening  swell  soon  hid  them  from  sight, 
until,  ascending  it  a  quarter  of  an  hour  after,  we  saw  close 
before  us  the  emigrant  caravan,  with  its  heavy  white  wagons 


270 


Territorial 


Overland 
emigration  to 
Oregon 
began  about 
1842. 


Three  Eng 
lish  tourists 
who  had 
joined  Park- 
man  and  his 
friend. 


creeping  on  in  their  slow  procession,  and  a  large  drove  of 
cattle  following  behind.  Half  a  dozen  yellow-visaged  Mis- 
sourians,  mounted  on  horseback,  were  cursing  and  shouting 
among  them ;  their  lank  angular  proportions,  enveloped  in 
brown  homespun,  evidently  cut  and  adjusted  by  the  hands 
of  a  domestic  female  tailor.  As  we  approached,  they 
greeted  us  with  the  polished  salutation :  '  How  are  ye, 
boys  ?  Are  ye  for  Oregon  or  California  ?  ' 

As  we  pushed  rapidly  past  the  wagons,  children's  faces 
were  thrust  out  from  the  white  coverings  to  look  at  us ; 
while  the  care-worn,  thin-featured  matron,  or  the  buxom 
girl,  seated  in  front,  suspended  the  knitting  on  which  most 
of  them  were  engaged  to  stare  at  us  with  wondering  curi 
osity.  By  the  side  of  each  wagon  stalked  the  proprietor, 
urging  on  his  patient  oxen,  who  shouldered  heavily  along, 
inch  by  inch,  on  their  interminable  journey.  It  was  easy  to 
see  that  fear  and  dissension  prevailed  among  them  ;  some  of 
the  men  —  but  these,  with  one  exception,  were  bachelors  — 
looked  wistfully  upon  us  as  we  rode  lightly  and  swiftly  past, 
and  then  impatiently  at  their  own  lumbering  wagons  and 
heavy-gaited  oxen.  Others  were  unwilling  to  advance  at 
all,  until  the  party  they  had  left  behind  should  have  re 
joined  them.  Many  were  murmuring  against  the  leader 
they  had  chosen,  and  wished  to  depose  him ;  and  this  dis 
content  was  fomented  by  some  ambitious  spirits,  who  had 
hopes  of  succeeding  in  his  place.  The  women  were  divided 
between  regrets  for  the  homes  they  had  left  and  apprehen 
sion  of  the  deserts  and  the  savages  before  them. 

We  soon  left  them  far  behind,  and  fondly  hoped  that  we 
had  taken  a  final  leave ;  but  unluckily  our  companions' 
wagon  stuck  so  long  in  a  deep  muddy  ditch,  that  before 
it  was  extricated  the  van  of  the  emigrant  caravan  appeared 
again,  descending  a  r'idge  close  at  hand.  Wagon  after 
wagon  plunged  through  the  mud ;  and  as  it  was  nearly 
noon,  and  the  place  promised  shade  and  water,  we  saw 


No.  104] 


Mexican   War 


271 


with  much  gratification  that  they  were  resolved  to  encamp. 
Soon  the  wagons  were  wheeled  into  a  circle  ;  the  cattle 
were  grazing  over  the  meadow,  and  the  men,  with  sour,  sul 
len  faces,  were  looking  about  for  wood  and  water.  They 
seemed  to  meet  with  but  indifferent  success.  As  we  left  the 
ground,  I  saw  a  tall  slouching  fellow,  with  the  nasal  accent  of 
'down  east/  contemplating  the  contents  of  his  tin  cup, 
which  he  had  just  filled  with  water. 

*  Look  here,  you,'  said  he  ;  '  it's  chock  full  of  animals  ! ' 
The  cup,  as  he  held  it  out,  exhibited  in  fact  an  extraor 
dinary  variety  and  profusion  of  animal  and  vegetable  life. 

Francis  Parkman,  Jr.,  The  California  and  Oregon  Trail  (New 
York,  etc.,  1849),  70-73  passim. 


104.    A  Satire  on  the  Mexican  War  (1846) 

THRASH  away,  you  '11  hev  to  rattle 
On  them  kittle  drums  o'  yourn, — 
'Taint  a  knowin'  kind  o'  cattle 

Thet  is  ketched  with  mouldy  corn ; 
Put  in  stiff,  you  fifer  feller, 

Let  folks  see  how  spry  you  be, — 
Guess  you  '11  toot  till  you  are  yeller 
'Fore  you  git  ahold  o'  me  ! 

Thet  air  flag  's  a  leetle  rotten, 

Hope  it  aint  your  Sunday's  best;  — 
Fact !  it  takes  a  sight  o'  cotton 

To  stuff  out  a  soger's  chest : 
Sence  we  farmers  hev  to  pay  fer  't, 

Ef  you  must  wear  humps  like  these, 
Sposin'  you  should  try  salt  hay  fer  't, 

It  would  du  ez  slick  ez  grease. 


By  JAMES 
RUSSELL 
LOWELL 
(1819-1891). 
Lowell's 
marriage  in 
1844  to  Maria 
White,  an 
earnest  abo 
litionist, 
probably  ac 
centuated 
whatever 
leanings  he 
may  previ 
ously  have 
had  toward 
anti-slavery. 
The  Biglow 
Papers 
originally  ap 
peared  in 
the  Boston 
Courier  dur 
ing  the  years 
1846-1848. 
It  is  a 
series  of 
poems  writ 
ten  in  the 


2J2 


Territorial 


Yankee  dia 
lect  by  "  Mr. 
Hosea  Big- 
low,"  edited 
with  an  "  in 
troduction, 
notes,  glos 
sary,  and 
copious 
index,  by 
Homer  Wil 
bur,  A.M." 
It  was 
directed 
mainly 
against  sla 
very  and  the 
Mexican 
war,  though 
it  reflected 
incidentally 
on  many 
other  exist 
ing  abuses. 
Its  influ 
ence  on  the 
anti-slavery 
movement 
was  incalcu 
lably  great. — 
For  Lowell, 
see  below, 
No.  126; 
Contempora 
ries,  IV,  No. 
.  —  On  the 
Mexican 
war,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  IV,  ch. 


Northern 
anti-slavery 
men  strongly 
opposed  the 
annexation 
of  Texas  and 
the  Mexican 
war. 


'T  would  n't  suit  them  Southern  fellers, 

They  're  a  dreffle  graspin'  set, 
We  must  oilers  blow  the  bellers 

Wen  they  want  their  irons  het ; 
May  be  it  's  all  right  ez  preachin', 

But  my  narves  it  kind  o'  grates, 
Wen  I  see  the  overreachin' 

O'  them  nigger-drivin'  States. 

Them  thet  rule  us,  them  slave-traders, 

Haint  they  cut  a  thunderin'  swarth, 
(Helped  by  Yankee  renegaders,) 

Thru  the  vartu  o'  the  North  ! 
We  begin  to  think  it  's  nater 

To  take  sarse  an'  not  be  riled ;  — 
Who  'd  expect  to  see  a  tater 

All  on  eend  at  bein'  biled  ? 

Ez  fer  war,  I  call  it  murder,  — 

There  you  hev  it  plain  an'  flat ; 
I  don't  want  to  go  no  furder 

Than  my  Testyment  fer  that ; 
God  hez  sed  so  plump  an'  fairly, 

It  's  ez  long  ez  it  is  broad, 
An'  you  Ve  gut  to  git  up  airly 

Ef  you  want  to  take  in  God. 

Taint  your  eppyletts  an'  feathers 

Make  the  thing  a  grain  more  right ; 
'Taint  afollerin'  your  bell-wethers 

Will  excuse  ye  in  His  sight ; 
Ef  you  take  a  sword  an'  dror  it, 

An'  go  stick  a  feller  thru, 
Guv'ment  aint  to  answer  for  it, 

God  '11  send  the  bill  to  you. 


NO.  io4]  Mexican   War  273 

Wut  's  the  use  o'  meetin-goin' 

Every  Sabbath,  wet  or  dry, 
Ef  it  's  right  to  go  amowin' 

Feller-men  like  oats  an'  rye? 
I  dunno  but  wut  it  's  pooty 

Trainin'  round  in  bobtail  coats,— 
But  it  's  curus  Christian  dooty 

This  ere  cuttin'  folks' s  throats. 

They  may  talk  o'  Freedom's  airy 

Tell  they  're  pupple  in  the  face, — 
It  's  a  grand  gret  cemetary 

Fer  the  barthrights  of  our  race ; 
They  jest  want  this  Californy  See  below, 

So  's  to  lug  new  slave-states. in  No<  Io6< 

To  abuse  ye,  an'  to  scorn  ye, 

An'  to  plunder  ye  like  sin. 

Aint  it  cute  to  see  a  Yankee 

Take  sech  everlastin'  pains, 
All  to  git  the  Devil's  thankee, 

Helpin'  on  'em  weld  their  chains? 
Wy,  it  's  jest  ez  clear  ez  riggers, 

Clear  ez  one  an'  one  make  two, 
Chaps  thet  make  black  slaves  o'  niggers 

Want  to  make  wite  slaves  o'  you. 

Tell  ye  jest  the  eend  I  've  come  to 

Arter  cipherin'  plaguy  smart, 
An'  it  makes  a  handy  sum,  tu, 

Any  gump  could  larn  by  heart ; 
Laborin'  man  an'  laborin'  woman 

Hev  one  glory  an'  one  shame, 
Ev'y  thin'  thet  's  done  inhuman 

Injers  all  on  'em  the  same. 

,   T 


274  Territorial 


'Taint  by  turnin'  out  to  hack  folks 

You  're  agoin'  to  git  your  right, 
Nor  by  lookin'  down  on  black  folks 

Coz  you  're  put  upon  by  wite  ; 
Slavery  aint  o'  nary  color, 

'Taint  the  hide  thet  makes  it  wus, 
All  it  keers  fer  in  a  feller 

'S  jest  to  make  him  fill  its  pus. 

Want  to  tackle  me  in,  du  ye? 

I  expect  you  '11  hev  to  wait  j 
Wen  cold  lead  puts  daylight  thru  ye 

You  '11  begin  to  kal'late  ; 
'Spose  the  crows  wun't  fall  to  pickin' 

All  the  carkiss  from  your  bones, 
Coz  you  helped  to  give  a  lickin' 

To  them  poor  half-Spanish  drones  ? 

Jest  go  home  an'  ask  our  Nancy 

Wether  I  'd  be  sech  a  goose 
Ez  to  jine  ye,  —  guess  you  'd  fancy 

The  etarnal  bung  wuz  loose  ! 
She  wants  me  fer  home  consumption, 

Let  alone  the  hay  's  to  mow,  — 
Ef  you  're  arter  folks  o'  gumption, 

You  Ve  a  darned  long  row  to  hoe. 

Take  them  editors  thet  's  crowin' 

Like  a  cockerel  three  months  old,  — 
Don't  ketch  any  on  'em  goin', 

Though  they  be  so  blasted  bold  ; 
Aint  they  a  prime  set  o'  fellers  ? 

'Fore  they  think  on  't  they  will  sprout, 
(Like  a  peach  thet  's  got  the  yellers,) 

With  the  meanness  bustin'  out. 


NO. io4]  Mexican   War  275 

Wal,  go  'long  to  help  'em  stealin' 

Bigger  pens  to  cram  with  slaves, 
Help  the  men  thet  's  oilers  dealin' 

Insults  on  your  fathers'  graves  ; 
Help  the  strong  to  grind  the  feeble, 

Help  the  many  agin  the  few, 
Help  the  men  thet  call  your  people 

Witewashed  slaves  an'  peddlin'  crew  ! 

Massachusetts,  God  forgive  her, 

She  's  akneelin'  with  the  rest, 
She,  thet  ough'  to  ha'  clung  fer  ever 

In  her  grand  old  eagle-nest ; 
She  thet  ough'  to  stand  so  fearless 

Wile  the  wracks  are  round  her  hurled, 
Holdin'  up  a  beacon  peerless 

To  the  oppressed  of  all  the  world! 

Haint  they  sold  your  colored  seamen?  By  "envoys 

Haint  they  made  your  env'ys  wiz?  JfsamJlf6 

Witt  '11  make  ye  act  like  freemen  ?  Hoar's  mis- 

Wut  '11  git  your  dander  riz?  Charleston, 

Come,  I  '11  tell  ye  wut  I  'm  thinkin'  l844- 

Is  our  dooty  in  this  fix, 
They  'd  ha'  done  't  ez  quick  ez  winkin* 

In  the  days  o'  seventy-six. 

Clang  the  bells  in  every  steeple, 

Call  all  true  men  to  disown 
The  tradoocers  of  our  people, 

The  enslavers  o'  their  own  ; 
Let  our  dear  old  Bay  State  proudly 

Put  the  trumpet  to  her  mouth, 
Let  her  ring  this  messidge  loudly 

In  the  ears  of  all  the  South  :  — 


276 


Territorial 


Many  of  the 
New  England 
abolitionists 
thought  a 
division  of 
the  Union 
the  only  way 
to  free  the 
North  from 
responsibility 
for  slavery. 


"  I  '11  return  ye  good  fer  evil 

Much  ez  we  frail  mortils  can, 
But  I  wun't  go  help  the  Devil 

Makin'  man  the  cus  o'  man; 
Call  me  coward,  call  me  traiter, 

Jest  ez  suits  your  mean  idees,  — 
Here  I  stand  a  tyrant-hater, 

An'  the  friend  o'  God  an'  Peace  ! " 

Ef  I  'd  my  way  I  hed  ruther 

We  should  go  to  work  an'  part,  — 
They  take  one  way,  we  take  t'other, — 

Guess  it  would  n't  break  my  heart ; 
Man  hed  ough'  to  put  asunder 

Them  thet  God  has  noways  jined ; 
An'  I  should  n't  gretly  wonder 

Ef  there  's  thousands  o'  my  mind. 

[James  Russell  Lowell,]  The  Bigloiv  Papers  (Cambridge,  1848), 


By  REVER 
END  WAL 
TER  COLTON 
(1797-1851), 
a  clergyman 
who  later 
took  up  jour 
nalistic  work. 
In  1830  he 
was  ap 
pointed  a 
chaplain  in 
the  navy. 
In  1845  his 
ship  was  or 
dered  to  Cali 
fornia,  and 
Colton  be 
came  alcalde 
of  Monterey, 


105.    At  the  Gold  Fields   (1848) 


w 


'E  met  a  company  of  Californians  about  mid 
day,  on  their  return  from  the  mines,  and  a 
more  forlorn  looking  group  never  knocked  at  the  gate  of  a 
pauper  asylum.  They  were  most  of  them  dismounted,  with 
rags  fastened  round  their  blistered  feet,  and  with  clubs  in  their 
hands,  with  which  they  were  trying  to  force  on  their  skeleton 
animals.  They  inquired  for  bread  and  meat :  we  had  but 
little  of  either,  but  shared  it  with  them.  They  took  from 
one  of  their  packs  a  large  bag  of  gold,  and  began  to  shell  out 
a  pound  or  two  in  payment.  We  told  them  they  were 
welcome ;  still  they  seemed  anxious  to  pay,  and  we  were 


NO.  io5]  Gold   Fields  277 

obliged  to  be  positive  in  our  refusal.     This  company,  as  I   building  the 
afterwards  ascertained,  had  with  them  over  a  hundred  thou- 


sand  dollars  in  grain  gold.  .  .  .  establishing 

^  ,_.,,,  ..  -          .        .  the  first  news- 

SUNDAY,  OCT.  i.     Another  Sabbath,  and  our  first  in  the  paper  in  Caii- 

mines.      But  here  and  there  a  digger  has  resumed  his  work,  {°U^'to  the* 

With  most  it  is  a  day  of  rest,  not  so  much  perhaps  from  re-  North  Amer- 
ligious  scruples,  as  a  conviction  that  the  system  requires  and 


must  have  repose.   .    .    .  licannounce- 

,  ,    ,.  -         ,  ment  of  the 

MONDAY,  OCT.  2.     I  went  among  the  gold-diggers  ;  found  discovery  of 
half  a  dozen  at  the  bottom  of  the  ravine,  tearing  up  the  1  that 


bogs,  and  up  to  their  knees  in  mud.     Beneath  these  bogs   His  is  a  most 
lay  a  bed  of  clay,  sprinkled  in  spots  with  gold.     These  de-   count  of  the 


posits,  and  the  earth  mixed  with  them,  were  shovelled  into 

bowls,  taken  to  a  pool  near  by,  and  washed  out.     The  bowl,  gold  fields  in 

in  working,  is  held  in  both  hands,  whirled  violently  back  and 


forth  through  half  a  circle,  and  pitched  this  way  and  that   California, 
sufficiently  to  throw  off  the  earth  and  water,  while  the  gold  poraries,  iv, 
settles  to  the  bottom.     The  process  is  extremely  laborious,   ch- 
and  taxes  the  entire  muscles  of  the  frame.     In  its  effect 
it  is  more  like  swinging  a  scythe  than  any  work  I  ever 
attempted.  .  .  . 

There  are  about  seventy  persons  at  work  in  this  ravine, 
and  all  within  a  few  yards  of  each  other.     They  average 
about  one  ounce  per  diem  each.     They  who  get  less  are  dis 
contented,  and  they  who  get  more  are  not  satisfied.     Every 
day  brings  in  some  fresh  report  of  richer  discoveries  in  some 
quarter  not  far  remote,  and  the  diggers  are  consequently 
kept  in   a   state   of  feverish  excitement.     One  woman,  a 
Sonoranian,  who  was  washing  here,  finding  at  the  bottom  of  A  native  of 
her  bowl  only  the  amount  of  half  a  dollar  or  so,  hurled  it  ^Tn  about 
back  again  into  the  water,  and  straightening  herself  up  to  ninejy  miles 
her  full  height,  strode  off  with  the  indignant  air  of  one  who  Sacramento- 
feels  himself  insulted.  .  .  . 

WEDNESDAY,  OCT.  4.     Our  camping-ground  is  in  a  broad 
ravine  through  which  a  rivulet  wanders,  and  which  is  dotted 


278 


Territorial  [i84s 


with  the  frequent  tents  of  gold-diggers.  The  sounds  of  the 
crowbar  and  pick,  as  they  shake  or  shiver  the  rock,  are 
echoed  from  a  thousand  cliffs  ...  If  you  want  to  find 
men  prepared  to  storm  the  burning  threshold  of  the  infernal 
prison,  go  among  gold-diggers. 

The  provisions  with  which  we  left  San  Jose"  are  gone,  and 
we  have  been  obliged  to  supply  ourselves  here.  We  pay  at 
the  rate  of  four  hundred  dollars  a  barrel  for  flour;  four 
dollars  a  pound  for  poor  brown  sugar,  and  four  dollars  a 
pound  for  indifferent  coffee.  And  as  for  meat,  there  is  none 
to  be  got  except  jerked-beef,  which  is  the  flesh  of  the  bullock 
cut  into  strings  and  hung  up  in  the  sun  to  dry,  and  which 
has  about  as  much  juice  in  it  as  a  strip  of  bark  dangling  in 
the  wind  from  a  dead  tree.  Still,  when  moistened  and 
toasted,  it  will  do  something  towards  sustaining  life  ;  so  also 
will  the  sole  of  your  shoe.  And  yet  I  have  seen  men  set 
and  grind  it  as  if  it  were  nutritious  and  sweetly  flavored.  .  .  . 

THURSDAY,  OCT.  5.  The  rivulet,  which  waters  the  ravine, 
collects  here  and  there  into  deep  pools.  Over  one  of  these 
a  low  limb  had  thrown  itself,  upon  which  I  ventured  out  with 
an  apparatus  for  scooping  up  the  sand  at  the  bottom.  But 
just  as  I  had  lowered  my  dipper  the  limb  broke,  and  down 
I  went  to  the  chin  in  water.  It  was  some  minutes  before  I 
could  extricate  myself,  and  when  I  did  there 'was  not  a  dry 
thread  on  my  body.  The  chill  of  the  stream  reduced  the 
gold  fever  in  me  very  considerably.  I  had  brought  no  out 
ward  garments  but  those  in  which  I  stood ;  I  wrung  out  the 
water  and  hung  them  up  in  the  sun  to  dry,  and  wound  my 
self,  like  an  Indian,  in  my  blanket.  But  I  was  not  more 
savage  in  my  aspect  than  in  my  feelings.  This,  however, 
soon  passed  off,  and  I  could  laugh  with  others  at  the  gold 
plunge.  But  nothing  is  a  novelty  here  for  more  than  a 
minute ;  were  a  man  to  cast  his  skin  or  lose  his  head,  no 
one  would  stop  to  inquire  if  he  had  recovered  either,  unless 
they  suspected  foul  play,  and  then  they  would  arraign  and 


NO.  106]     Compromise   of  1850      279 

execute  the  culprit  before  one  of  our  lawyers  could  pen  an 
indictment. 

FRIDAY,  OCT.  6.  The  most  efficient  gold-washer  here  is 
the  cradle,  which  resembles  in  shape  that  appendage  of  the 
nursery,  from  which  it  takes  its  name.  It  is  nine  or  ten  feet 
long,  open  at  one  end  and  closed  at  the  other.  At  the  end 
which  is  closed,  a  sheet-iron  pan,  four  inches  deep,  and  six 
teen  over,  and  perforated  in  the  bottom  with  holes,  is  let  in 
even  with  the  sides  of  the  cradle.  The  earth  is  thrown  into 
the  pan,  water  turned  on  it,  and  the  cradle,  which  is  on  an 
inclined  plane,  set  in  motion.  The  earth  and  water  pass 
through  the  pan,  and  then  down  the  cradle,  while  the  gold, 
owing  to  its  specific  gravity,  is  caught  by  elects  fastened 
across  the  bottom.  Very  little  escapes  ;  it  generally  lodges 
before  it  reaches  the  last  elect.  It  requires  four  or  five  men 
to  supply  the  earth  and  water  to  work  such  a  machine  to  ad 
vantage.  The  quantity  of  gold  washed  out  must  depend  on 
the  relative  proportion  of  gold  in  the  earth.  The  one 
worked  in  this  ravine  yields  a  hundred  dollars  a  day ;  but 
this  is  considered  a  slender  result.  Most  of  the  diggers  use 
the  bowl  or  pan ;  its  lightness  never  embarrasses  their  rov 
ing  habits  ;  and  it  can  be  put  in  motion  wherever  they  may 
find  a  stream  or  spring.  It  can  be  purchased  now  in  the 
mines  for  five  or  six  dollars ;  a  few  months  since  it  cost  an 
ounce  —  sixteen  dollars  for  a  wooden  bowl !  But  I  have 
seen  twenty-four  dollars  paid  for  a  box  of  seidlitz-powders, 
and  forty  dollars  for  as  many  drops  of  laudanum. 

Reverend  Walter  Colton,  Three  Years  in  California  (New  York, 
etc.,  1852),  271-281  passim. 


i 


By  SENATOR 

1 06.    Compromise  of  1850 


1852).    On 

BELIEVE  that  the  crisis  of  the  crisis  has  ar-   January  29, 
rived ;  and  the  fate  of  the  measures   which  brought lor- 
have  been  reported  by  the  committee  will,  in  my  humble   ward  in  the 


280 


Territorial 


[1850 


Senate  his 
"  compre 
hensive 
scheme  of 
compro 
mise,"  which 
included 
seven  pro 
visions  ; 
April  18, 
1850,  it  was 
referred  to  a 
special  com 
mittee,  of 
which  Clay 
was  made 
chairman. 
This  com 
mittee  re 
ported  three 
bills,  one  of 
them  being 
the  cele 
brated  "  Om 
nibus  Bill." 
This  latter 
was  de 
feated;  but 
after  an  ardu 
ous  struggle 
the  substance 
of  Clay's  pro 
posal  was 
embodied  in 
successive 
single  acts, 
which  taken 
together  are 
known  as  the 
"  Compro 
mise  of  1850." 
—  On  Clay, 
see  American 
Orations,  I, 
376 ;  Contem 
poraries,  IV, 
No.     .- 
On  the  Com 
promise,  see 
below,  No. 
108 ;  Ameri 
can  Orations, 
II,  123-218; 
Contempora 
ries,  IV,  ch. 
;  Ameri- 


judgment,  determine  the  fate  of  the  harmony  or  continued 
distraction  of  this  country.  .  .  . 

...  I  think,  if  the  President  had  at  this  time  to  make  a 
recommendation  to  Congress,  with  all  the  lights  that  have 
been  shed  upon  the  subject  since  the  commencement  of  the 
present  session  of  Congress,  nearly  five  months  ago,  he 
would  not  limit  himself  to  a  recommendation  merely  for  the 
admission  of  California,  leaving  the  territories  to  shift  for 
themselves  as  they  could  or  might.  He  tells  us  in  one  of 
these  messages  .  .  .  that  he  had  reason  to  believe  that  one 
of  these  territories,  at  least  New  Mexico,  might  possibly 
form  a  State  government  for  herself,  and  might  come  here 
with  an  application  for  admission  during  the  progress  of  this 
session.  But  we  have  no  evidence  that  such  an  event  is 
about  to  happen ;  and  if  it  did,  could  New  Mexico  be  ad 
mitted  as  a  State  ?  .  .  . 

.  .  .  the  committee  recommend  the  union  of  these 
three  measures.  ...  a  bill  for  the  admission  of  California; 
a  bill  establishing  a  territorial  government  in  Utah ;  a  bill 
establishing  a  territorial  government  for  New  Mexico ;  and, 
what  is  indispensable,  if  we  give  her  a  government,  a  bill 
providing  what  shall  be  her  boundary,  provided  Texas  shall 
accede  to  the  liberal  proposal  made  to  her?  Is  there  any 
thing,  I  ask,  incongruous  in  all  this  ?  Where  is  it  ?  What 
is  the  incongruity?  .  .  . 

.  .  .  Amongst  other  limitations,  it  declares  "  that  the  ter 
ritorial  legislature  shall  have  no  power  to  pass  any  lay  [law] 
in  respect  to  African  slavery."  .  .  .  My  opinion  is,  that  the 
law  of  Mexico,  in  all  the  variety  of  forms  in  which  legislation 
can  take  place  —  that  is  to  say,  by  the  edict  of  a  dictator,  by 
the  constitution  of  the  people  of  Mexico,  by  the  act  of  the 
legislative  authority  of  Mexico  —  by  all  these  modes  of  legis 
lation,  slavery  has  been  abolished  there.  I  am  aware  that 
some  other  Senators  entertain  a  different  opinion  ;  but  .  .  . 
I  feel  authorized  to  say  that  the  opinion  of  a  vast  majority 


wo.  io6]     Compromise   of  1850      281 

of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  of  a  vast  majority  of  the 
jurists  of  the  United  States,  is  in  coincidence  with  that 
which  I  entertain ;  that  is  to  say,  that  at  this  moment,  by 
law  and  in  fact,  there  is  no  slavery  there.  .  .  . 

The  next  subject  upon  which  the  committee  acted  was 
that  of  fugitive  slaves.  The  committee  have  proposed  two 
amendments  to  be  offered  to  the  bill  introduced  by  the 
Senator  from  Virginia,  whenever  that  bill  is  taken  up.  The 
first  of  these  amendments  provides  that  the  owner  of  a  fugi 
tive  slave,  when  leaving  his  own  State,  and  whenever  it  is 
practicable  .  .  .  shall  carry  with  him  a  record  from  the 
State  from  which  the  fugitive  has  fled ;  which  record  shall 
contain  an  adjudication  of  two  facts,  first,  the  fact  of  slavery, 
and  secondly  the  fact  of  an  elopement  •  and,  in  the  third 
place,  such  a  general  description  of  the  slave  as  the  court 
shall  be  enabled  to  give  upon  such  testimony  as  shall  be 
brought  before  it  ... 

.  .  .  The  other  amendment  provides,  that  when  the  owner 
of  a  slave  shall  arrest  his  property  in  a  non-slave-holding 
State,  and  shall  take  him  before  the  proper  functionary  to 
obtain  a  certificate  to  authorize  the  return  of  that  property 
to  the  State  from  which  he  fled,  if  he  [i.e.  the  fugitive]  de 
clares  to  that  functionary  at  the  time  that  he  is  a  free  man 
and  not  a  slave,  what  does  the  provision  require  the  officer 
to  do?  Why,  to  take  a  bond  from  the  agent  or  owner, 
without  surety,  that  he  will  carry  the  black  person  back  to 
the  county  of  the  State  from  which  he  fled ;  and  that  at  the 
first  court  which  may  sit  after  his  return,  he  [the  alleged 
slave]  shall  be  carried  there,  if  he  again  assert  the  right  to 
his  freedom ;  the  court  shall  afford,  and  the  owner  shall 
afford  to  him  all  the  facilities  which  are  recfuisite  to  enable 
him  to  establish  his  right  to  freedom.  .  .  . 

Appendix  to  the  Congressional  Globe,  31  Cong.,  i  sess.  (Wash 
ington,  1850),  XXII,  Part  I,  567-572  passim. 


can  History 
Studies,  II, 

The  Presi 
dent  was 
Zachary 
Taylor. 
Clay  argues 
that,  since 
New  Mexico 
is  free,  the 
new  terri 
tories  will  be 
free. 

James  M. 
Mason. 
I.e.  a  judicial 
statement. 


This  was 
intended  to 
meet  the  ob 
jection  that 
there  was  no 
trial  by  jury 
to  ascertain 
whether  a 
negro 

claimed  was 
really  a 
fugitive. 


By  RICHARD 
DANA,  JR. 


eary  Free- 

"Conscience 
Whigs,"  and 

RepuWican. 
He  lent  his 

skill  to  the 

causejater 
defending 

the  fugitives 

Thomas 


Burns,  and 

of1sh?drach, 
who  escaped 
to  Canada. 
The  follow- 


diary  tells  the 
rescue! 

sociS  I0res 
tige  by  thus 


slave.  —  For 
above,  NO. 

paries  iv" 
ch. 


CHAPTER  XVII  —  SLAVERY  CONTEST, 

1851-1860 

107.    The  Rescue  of  Shadrach  (1851) 


\  ~\  7 
** 


HILE   in   my   office    at    about    10.30  A.M. 

b'  I5)  l85IJ'  Charles  Davis»  P^ker, 
and  others  came  in  and  told  me  that  the  marshal  had  a 
fugitive  slave  in  custody,  in  the  United  States  court  room 
before  Mr.  George  T.  Curtis  as  commissioner.  I  went  im- 
mediately  over  to  the  court-house.  Mr.  Curtis  was  on  the 
bench,  actually  occupying  the  judge's  seat  ;  Pat.  Riley,  the 
deputy  marshal,  with  his  two  regular  deputies  and  two  con- 
stables,  sworn  in  as  special  deputies,  were  in  charge  of  the 
room  ;  a  good-looking  black  fellow,  sitting  between  the  two 
subs,  was  the  arrested  fugitive.  The  arrest  had  been  so 
sudden  and  unexpected  that  few  knew  it,  and  it  was  half  an 
hour  before  the  crowd  assembled,  but  it  was  increasing 
every  minute,  and  there  was  great  excitement.  I  went  to 

the  marshal's  office  and  prepared  a  writ  of  de  homine  reple- 

f 
gtando  and  a  petition  for  a  habeas  corpus  addressed  to  Chief 

Justice  Shaw.  .  .  .  With  this  petition  I  called  on  the  Chief 
Justice,  and  stated  to  him  that  it  was  a  case  of  an  alleged 
fugitive  slave,  and  that  our  object  was  to  test  the  consti- 
tutional  power  of  the  commissioner  to  issue  a  warrant.  The 
Chief  Justice  read  the  petition,  and  said  in  a  most  ungracious 
manner,  "  This^von't  do.  I  can't  do  anything  on  this,"  and 
laid  it  upon  the  table,  and  turned  away  to  engage  in  some- 
thing  else.  (This  interview  was  in  the  lobby  of  the  supreme 
court  room-)  J  asked  him  to  be  so  good  as  to  tell  me  what 
the  defects  were,  saying  that  I  had  taken  pains  to  conform 
282 


NO. io7]       Rescue   of  Shadrach        283 


to  the  statute.  He  seemed  unwilling  to  notice  it,  and  de 
sirous  of  getting  rid  of  it ;  in  short,  he  attempted  to  bluff 
me  off.  ...  I  felt  that  all  these  objections  were  frivolous 
and  invalid,  but  seeing  the  temper  which  the  Chief  Justice 
was  in,  and  his  evident  determination  to  get  rid  of  the  peti 
tion,  I  left  him  for  the  purpose  of  either  procuring  the  evi 
dence  he  required,  or  of  going  before  another  judge.  On 
reaching  the  court-room,  I  found  that  the  commissioner  was 
just  adjourning  the  court  to  Tuesday,  at  ten  A.M.  As  this 
gave  us  an  abundance  of  time,  we  determined  to  consult 
upon  the  matter  in  the  afternoon,  and  no  further  proceedings 
were  had  on  the  subject  of  the  habeas  corpus. 

The  prisoner  remained  in  his  seat,  between  two  constables, 
and  Pat.  Riley  was  making  the  most  absurd  exhibition  of 
pomposity  in  ordering  people  about,  and  clearing  the  court 
room,  and  Mr.  Curtis,  dressed  in  a  little  brief  authority,  was 
swelling  into  the  dignity  of  an  arbiter  of  life  and  death,  with 
a  pomposity  as  ludicrous  as  that  of  Riley.  At  the  order  of 
the  marshal  all  left  the  court-room  quietly,  except  the  officers 
and  counsel,  and  when  I  left  there  were  none  else  in  the 
room,  and  the  crowd  in  the  entries  and  stairways  and  outside, 
though  large  and  chiefly  negroes,  was  perfectly  peaceable. 

I  returned  to  my  office  and  was  planning  with  a  friend  the 
probable  next  proceedings,  when  we  heard  a  shout  from  the 
court-house,  continued  into  a  yell  of  triumph,  and  in  an 
instant  after  down  the  steps  came  two  huge  negroes  bearing 
the  prisoner  between  them  with  his  clothes  half  torn  off,  and 
so  stupefied  by  the  sudden  rescue  and  the  violence  of  his 
dragging  off  that  he  sat  almost  dumb,  and  I  thought  had 
fainted  ;  but  the  men  seized  him,  and  being  powerful  fellows 
hurried  him  through  the  square  into  Court  Street,  where  he 
found  the  use  of  his  feet,  and  they  went  off  toward  Cam 
bridge,  like  a  black  squall,  the  crowd  driving  along  with 
them  and  cheering  as  they  went.  It  was  all  done  in  an  in 
stant,  too  quick  to  be  believed,  and  so  successful  was  it  that 


Dana's  office 
was  at  30 
Court  Street, 
opposite  the 
Court 
House. 

De  homine 
replegiando, 
a  writ  by 
which  a  per 
son  may  be 
bailed  out  of 
the  custody 
of  another. 

Habeas 
corpus,  a  writ 
requiring  the 
body  of  the 
person  to  be 
brought  into 
court. 


Shadrach, 
alias 

Frederick 
Jenkins. 


284  Slavery    Contest  [i854 


I.e.  the  Fugi 
tive-Slave 
Act  of  1850. 


On  the  trial 
of  Shad- 
rach's  rescu 
ers,  the  jury 
failed  to 
agree,  one  of 
them  being 
the  man  who 
had  carried 
Shadrach 
across  the 
line  into 
Canada. 


not  only  was  no  negro  arrested,  but  no  attempt  was  made  at 
pursuit. 

The  sympathy  of  the  masses  was  with  the  successful  rescue, 
though  here  and  there  was  an  old  hunker,  or  a  young  dandy, 
or  would-be-chivalry-man,  who  expressed  anger  at  the  failure 
of  the  "  Peace  Measures." 

It  seems  that  none  of  the  officers  were  injured,  except  by 
being  crowded  into  corners  and  held  fast,  and  the  sword  of 
justice  which  Mr.  Riley  had  displayed  on  his  desk  was  carried 
off  by  an  old  negro. 

How  can  any  right-minded  man  do  else  than  rejoice  at 
the  rescue  of  a  man  from  the  hopeless,  endless  slavery  to 
which  a  recovered  fugitive  is  always  doomed.  If  the  law 
were  constitutional,  which  I  firmly  believe  it  is  not,  it  would 
be  the  duty  of  a  citizen  not  to  resist  it  by  force,  unless  he 
was  prepared  for  revolution  and  civil  war ;  but  we  rejoice  in 
the  escape  of  a  victim  of  an  unjust  law,  as  we  would  in  the 
escape  of  an  ill-treated  captive  deer  or  bird. 

The  conduct  of  the  Chief  Justice,  his  evident  disinclination 
to  act,  the  frivolous  nature  of  his  objections,  and  his  insult 
ing  manner  to  me,  have  troubled  me  more  than  any  other 
manifestation.  It  shows  how  deeply  seated,  so  as  to  affect, 
unconsciously  I  doubt  not,  good  men  like  him,  is  this  selfish 
hunkerism  of  the  property  interest  on  the  slave  question. 

Charles  Francis  Adams,  Richard  Henry  Dana  (Boston,  etc., 
1890),  I,  1 79- 1  %$  passim. 


By  THOMAS 
HART 
BENTON 
(1782-1858), 
from  a 
speech  in 
the  House  of 
Representa 
tives,  April 
25,  1854- 


1 08.    A  Criticism  of  the   Kansas-Nebraska 
Act  (1854) 

THE  bill,  or  bills  before  us,  undertake  to  ac 
complish  their  object  without  professing  it  — 
upon  reasons  which  are  contradictory  and  unfounded  —  in 


NO.  io8]          Kansas-Nebraska 


285 


terms  which  are  ambiguous  and  inconsistent  —  and  by  throw- 
ing  on  others  the  responsibility  of  its  own  act.  It  professes 
not  to  interfere  with  the  sovereign  right  of  the  people  to 
legislate  for  themselves  ;  and  the  very  first  line  of  this  solemn 
profession  throws  upon  them  a  horse-load  of  law,  which  they 

J 

have  no  right  to  refuse,  or  time  to  read,  or  money  to  pur- 
chase,  or  ability  to  understand.  It  throws  upon  them  all 
the  laws  of  the  United  States  which  are  not  locally  inappli- 
cable  ;  and  that  comprehends  all  that  are  not  specially  made 
for  other  places  :  also,  it  gives  them  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  but  without  the  privilege  of  voting  at  presi- 
dential  or  congressional  elections,  or  of  making  their  own 

judiciary.     This  is  non-interference  with  a  vengeance.  .      . 

„../",  , 

Sir,  it  is  the  crooked,  insidious,  and  pusillanimous  way  of 

effecting  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise  line.     It  in- 

eludes  all  law  for  the  sake  of  leaving  out  one  law;  and  effects 
,  ,  .    .  ,  ,     .  ,  °.      ,  .          T 

a  repeal  by  an  omission,  and  legislates  by  an  exception.     It 

is  a  new  way  of  repealing  a  law,  and  a  bungling  attempt  to 
smuggle  slavery  into  the  Territory,  and  all  the  country  out 
to  the  Canada  line  and  up  the  Rocky  Mountains.  The 

crooked  line  of  this  smuggling  process  is  this  :  "  abolish  the 

,      ,         ~ 

compromise  line,  and  extend  the  Constitution  over  the 
country  :  the  Constitution  recognizes  slavery  :  therefore, 
slavery  is  established  as  soon  as  the  line  is  abolished,  and 
the  Constitution  extended:  and  being  put  there  by  the 
Constitution,  it  cannot  be  legislated  out."  This  is  the  Eng- 

° 
lish  of  this  Smuggling  process    ... 

And  what  is  all  this  hotch-potch  for?  It  is  to  establish  a 
principle,  they  say  —  the  principle  of  non-intervention  —  of 
squatter  sovereignty.  Sir,  there  is  no  such  principle.  The 

Territories  are  the  children  of  the  States.     They  are  minors 

• 

under  twenty-one  years  of  age  ;  and  it  is  the  business  of  the 
States,  through  their  delegations  in  Congress,  to  take  care  of 
these  minors  until  they  are  of  age  —  until  they  are  ripe  for  State 
government  —  then  give  them  that  government,  and  admit 


Benton  had 


in  l85°  be- 

thick-and- 
thm  slavei7 

man. 

Although  a 


supporter  of 
dacy  of 

Buchanan 
against  his 


Fremont, 
Benton  was  a 
strong  oppo- 


Nebraska 
Bill.  His 
speech  on 


important 


lic  opinion 
°f  the  honest 

protest  of  a 


of  the  more 


have  been 

often  quoted 
by  contem- 


rs  and 
later  by 

torians.—  ™ 

On  Benton, 
see  Content- 
poraries,  ill, 

' 


Nebraska 


286  Slavery   Contest 


History  Leaf 
lets,  No.  17 ; 
Contempora 
ries,  IV,  ch. 

American 
History 
Studies,  II, 
No.  8. 

The  bill  as 
serted  that 
the  Missouri 
Compromise 
(see  above, 
No.  91)  had 
been  re 
pealed  by  the 
Compromise 
of  1850  (see 
above,  No. 
106). 


Northwest 
Ordinance 
of  1787. 

1820. 
1848. 

1850. 
1850. 

1849. 


them  to  an  equality  with  their  fathers.  That  is  the  law,  and 
the  sense  of  the  case  ;  and  has  been  so  acknowledged  since 
the  first  ordinance  in  1784,  by  all  authorities,  Federal  and 
State,  legislative,  judicial,  and  executive.  .  .  . 

I  object  to  this  shilly-shally,  willy-won'ty,  don'ty-can'ty 
style  of  legislation.  It  is  not  legislative.  It  is  not  parlia 
mentary.  It  is  not  manly.  It  is  not  womanly.  No  woman 
would  talk  that  way.  No  shilly-shally  in  a  woman.  Nothing 
of  the  female  .gender  was  ever  born  young  enough,  or  lived 
long  enough  to  get  befogged  in  such  a  quandary  as  this.  It 
is  one  thing  or  the  other  with  them  ;  and  what  they  say  they 
stick  to.  No  breaking  bargains  with  them.  .  .  . 

And  now  what  is  the  excuse  for  all  this  disturbance  of  the 
country  ;  this  breaking  up  of  ancient  compromises  ;  array 
ing  one  half  of  the  Union  against  the  other,  and  destroying 
the  temper  and  business  of  Congress?  What  is  the  excuse 
for  all  this  turmoil  and  mischief?  We  are  told  it  is  to  keep 
the  question  of  slavery  out  of  Congress  !  To  keep  slavery 
out  of  Congress  !  .  .  .  It  was  out  of  Congress  !  completely, 
entirely,  and  forever  out  of  Congress,  unless  Congress 
dragged  it  in  by  breaking  down  the  sacred  laws  which  settled 
it.  The  question  was  settled,  and  done  with.  There  was 
not  an  inch  square  of  territory  in  the  Union  on  which  it 
could  be  raised  without  a  breach  of  a  compromise.  The 
ordinance  of  '89  settled  it  in  all  the  remaining  part  of  the 
Northwest  Territory  beyond  Wisconsin  :  the  compromise 
line  of  36°  30'  settled  it  in  all  country  north  and  west  of 
Missouri  to  the  British  line,  and  up  to  the  Rocky  Mountains  : 
the  organic  act  of  Oregon,  made  by  the  people,  and  sanc 
tioned  by  Congress,  settled  it  in  all  that  region  :  the  acts  for 
the  government  of  Utah  and  New  Mexico  settled  it  in  those 
two  Territories  :  the  compact  with  Texas,  determining  the 
number  of  slave  States  to  be  formed  out  of  that  State, 
settled  it  there  :  and  California  settled  it  for  herself.  Now, 
where  was  there  an  inch  square  of  territory  within  the  United 


NO. iog]        Election   in    Kansas        287 

States  on  which  the  question  could  be  raised?  Nowhere  ! 
Not  an  inch  !  The  question  was  settled  everywhere,  not 
merely  by  law,  but  by  fact.  The  work  was  done,  and  there 
was  no  way  to  get  at  the  question  but  by  undoing  the  work  ! 
No  way  for  Congress  to  get  the  question  in,  for  the  purpose 
of  keeping  it  out,  but  to  break  down  compromises  which 
kept  it  out. 

Appendix  to  the  Congressional  Globe,  33  Cong.,  i   sess.   (New 
Series,  Washington,  1854),  XXXI,  559-560  passim. 


109.    Troubles  in  Kansas   (1855) 

I  CAME  into  this  Territory  late  in  September,  1854,  and 
have  ever  since  resided  in  this  town  and  district.     I  was 
here  on  the  3oth  of  March,  at  the  legislative  election. 

On  the  day  previous  to  the  election  a  number  of  teams 
and  wagons  loaded  with  armed  men,  and  men  on  horse 
back,  came  into  town.  They  were  strangers  here ;  they 
came  in  from  the  south  and  south-west,  and  were  preceded 
by  two  or  three  men,  one  of  whom  was  subsequently  called 
or  passed  as  Colonel  Samuel  Young,  of  Missouri,  who  ap 
peared  to  be  the  chief  in  command.  I  think  "  colonel "  was 
his  designation.  They  proceeded  through  the  town,  down 
on  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  looked  around  for  a  time  with 
the  intention,  as  they  stated,  of  encamping  there  that  night. 
They  had  tents,  and  were  armed ;  I  saw  private  arms,  and  I 
saw  rifles  and  other  arms  of  that  kind,  double-barrelled  shot 
guns,  revolvers,  and  knives.  I  saw  them  encamped,  and 
partaking  of  their  provisions  or  refreshments  ;  but  whether 
they  brought  them  with  them  or  not  I  do  not  know.  The 
strangers  continued  to  come  in  during  the  evening,  and  next 
morning  there  had  been  a  very  large  addition  made  to  their 
number. 


By  ERASTUS 
D.  LADD,  a 
candidate  on 
the  Free- 
State  ticket  in 
many  of  the 
disputed 
elections  in 
Kansas.    He 
later  served 
his  State  in 
many  public 
offices  of 
trust.    This 
piece  is  from 
his  evidence 
before  a  con 
gressional 
committee 
of  investiga 
tion,  April  25, 
1856,  and  is 
valuable  as  a 
temperate 
account  from 
an  eye 
witness  of 
what  actually 
took  place  on 
March  30, 
1855,  memor 
able  as  the 
date  of  the 
election 
which  began 
the  struggle 
between  the 


288  Slavery   Contest 


[1855 


anti-slavery 
and  pro- 
slavery  par 
ties  for  the 
control  of 
Kansas. — 
On  Kansas, 
see  American 
Orations, 
111,88;  Con 
temporaries, 
IV,  ch. 

The  issue 
was  the 
choice  of  a 
territorial 
legislature. 


I  went  to  the  place  of  voting  in  the  morning,  and  was 
there  at  the  opening  of  the  polls,  and  remained  all  day,  ex 
cept  time  for  dinner.  A  very  large  company  came  from  the 
camp  in  the  ravine  to  the  place  of  voting  and  surrounded  it. 
There  was  some  difficulty  in  the  organization  of  the  board, 
and  delay  in  commencing  the  voting.  Mr.  Abbott,  one  of 
the  judges,  resigned.  A  vote  was  offered,  which  I  saw,  and 
a  question  of  the  legality  of  the  vote  was  raised  and  was 
discussed  some  time.  During  the  discussion  Colonel  Young 
said  he  would'  settle  the  matter.  He  crowded  up  to  the 
front,  the  place  being  thronged  with  people.  The  other 
vote  was  then  withdrawn  and  he  offered  his  vote.  The 
question  was  raised  as  to  the  legality  of  his  vote.  He  said 
he  was  ready  to  swear  that  he  was  a  resident  of  the  Terri 
tory.  He  took  such  an  oath,  but  refused  the  oath  prescribed 
by  the  governor.  But  one  of  the  judges  appointed  by  the 
governor  was  then  acting.  His  oath  was  received.  He 
then  mounted  the  window-sill  and  proclaimed  to  the  crowd 
around  that  the  matter  was  all  settled  and  they  could  vote. 
I  cannot  repeat  his  exact  words,  but  that  was  the  senti 
ment  ;  and  they  proceeded  to  vote.  R.  A.  Cummins  was 
appointed  in  the  place  of  Abbott.  At  noon  I  went  to  their 
camp,  and  passed  along  the  ravine  from  one  extremity  to 
the  other,  and  counted  the  number  of  wagons  and  convey 
ances  of  different  kinds  then  on  the  ground  and  in  sight. 
They  had  then  commenced  leaving.  I  counted  very  near 
one  hundred  conveyances,  such  as  wagons  and  carriages. 
There  were,  besides,  a  large  number  of  saddle  horses.  I  es 
timate  that  there  were  then  on  the  ground  about  seven  hun 
dred  of  the  party ;  in  the  estimate  I  do  not  include  those 
who  had  left  for  other  places  or  for  home.  .  .  . 

...  I  heard  a  conversation  a  short  distance  from  where 
I  stood,  and  approached  pretty  nearly.  I  stepped  up  on  a 
small  rise  of  ground  and  saw  quite  a  violent  contest  going 
on,  of  which  Mr.  Stearns  of  this  place  was  the  object.  It 


NO. iog]       Election   in    Kansas         289 

was  a  contest  of  words  and  threats  but  not  of  blows  or  force ; 
while  it  was  going  on,  I  heard  some  one  cry  out  "  There  is 
the  Lawrence  bully."  A  rush  was  immediately  made  in  an 
other  direction,  towards  Mr.  Bond  of  this  town,  and  a  cry 
was  raised  to  shoot  him  .  .  .  He  ran  for  the  bank  of  the 
river,  and  the  crowd  followed  him.  During  the  running  I 
think  one  or  two  shots  were  fired.  When  he  got  to  the 
bank  of  the  river,  he  sprang  off  out  of  sight.  They  rushed 
to  the  bank",  and  guns  were  pointed  at  him  while  below. 
But  the  cry  was  raised  to  let  him  go,  and  he  was  permitted 
to  go  on  without  being  fired  at. 

Another  circumstance  occurred  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
day.  Mr.  Willis,  who  was  then  a  resident  of  this  town,  was 
on  the  ground,  and  a  cry  was  raised  that  he  was  one  of  the 
men  concerned  in  abducting  a  black  woman  about  which 
there  had  been  some  difficulty  in  the  town  a  short  time 
previous.  Several  men  raised  the  cry  to  hang  him.  Some 
were  on  horseback,  and  some  were  on  foot.  Movements 
were  made  towards  him  by  strangers  armed  with  rifles  and 
smaller  arms.  The  cry  was  repeated  by  a  large  number  of 
persons  to  "  hang  him,"  "get  a  rope,"  &c.  At  the  sugges 
tion  of  some  friends  he  left  the  ground.  ;  .  . 

In  frequent  conversations  which  I  had  with  different  per 
sons  of  the  party  during  the  day,  they  claimed  to  have  a 
legal  right  to  vote  in  the  Territory,  and  that  they  were  resi 
dents  by  virtue  of  their  being  then  in  the  Territory.  They 
said  they  were  free  to  confess  that  they  came  from  Missouri; 
that  they  lived  in  Missouri,  and  voted  as  Missourians.  Some 
claimed  that  they  had  been  in  the  Territory  and  made  claims, 
and  therefore  had  a  right  to  vote.  But  they  did  not  claim 
to  be  residents  in  the  Territory,  except  that  they  had  a  resi 
dence  here  from  being  at  that  moment  in  the  Territory. 

House  of  Representatives,  Report  of  the  Special  Committee  ap 
pointed  to  investigate  the  Troubles  in  Kansas  (Report  No. 
200,  Washington,  1856),  114-116  passim. 


290  Slavery   Contest 


[1856 


By  JUSTICE 
JOHN 
MCLEAN 
of  Ohio 
(1785-1861), 
appointed 
associate  jus 
tice  of  the 
Supreme 
Court  by 
Andrew 
Jackson. 
His  most 
celebrated 
opinion, 
from  which 
selections  are 
given  below, 
is  that  in 
which  he 
dissents  from 
Chief  Justice 
Taney's  de 
cision  on  the 
Dred  Scott 
case.    The 
issue  was  the 
question  of 
the  freedom 
of  a  slave, 
Dred  Scott, 
taken  by  his 
master  into 
Illinois  and 
the  Louisi 
ana  cession 
above  36°  30' 
(after  1820), 
and  then 
taken  back  to 
Missouri. 
The  court 
held  that 
Scott  could 
not  sue  be 
fore  it,  be 
cause  a 
negro  could 
not  be  a  citi 
zen;  and 
also  that  the 
Missouri 
Compro 
mise  was  no 


1 10.     The  Dred  Scott  Decision    (1856) 

TF  the  great  and  fundamental  principles  of  our  Government 
JL  are  never  to  be  settled,  there  can  be  no  lasting  pros 
perity.  The  Constitution  will  become  a  floating  waif  on  the 
billows  of  popular  excitement. 

The  prohibition  of  slavery  north  of  thirty-six  degrees  thirty 
minutes,  and  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  contained  in  the  act 
admitting  that  State  into  the  Union,  was  passed  by  a  vote  of 
134,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  to  42.  Before  Mr. 
Monroe  signed  the  act,  it  was  submitted  by  him  to  his  Cab 
inet,  and  they  held  the  restriction  of  slavery  in  a  Territory 
to  be  within  the  constitutional  powers  of  Congress.  It  would 
be  singular,  if  in  1804  Congress  had  power  to  prohibit  the 
introduction  of  slaves  in  Orleans  Territory  from  any  other 
part  of  the  Union,  under  the  penalty  of  freedom  to  the  slave, 
if  the  same  power,  embodied  in  the  Missouri  compromise, 
could  not  be  exercised  in  1820. 

But  this  law  of  Congress,  which  prohibits  slavery  north  of 
Missouri  and  of  thirty-six  degrees  thirty  minutes,  is  declared 
to  have  been  null  and  void  by  my  brethren.  And  this  opinion 
is  founded  mainly,  as  I  understand,  on  the  distinction  drawn 
between  the  ordinance  of  1787  and  the  Missouri  compromise 
line.  In  what  does  the  distinction  consist  ?  The  ordinance, 
it  is  said,  was  a  compact  entered  into  by  the  confederated 
States  before  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution ;  and  that  in 
the  cession  of  territory  authority  was  given  to  establish  a 
Territorial  Government.  .  .  . 

It  is  said  the  Territories  are  common  property  of  the  States, 
and  that  every  man  has  a  right  to  go  there  with  his  property. 
This  is  not  controverted.  But  the  court  say  a  slave  is  not 
property  beyond  the  operation  of  the  local  law  which  makes 
him  such.  Never  was  a  truth  more  authoritatively  and  justly 
uttered  by  man.  Suppose  a  master  of  a  slave  in  a  British 


NO.  in]  Dred   Scott  291 

island  owned  a  million  of  property  in  England  ;  would  that  bar,  because 
authorize  him  to  take  his  slaves  with  him  to  England?     The 


Constitution,  in  express  terms,  recognises  the  status  of  slavery  stitutionai.— 

J  On  the  Dred 

as  founded   on   the   municipal  law  :  "  No  person  held  to  Scott  case, 
service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping 


into  another,  shall,"  &c.     Now,  unless  the  fugitive  escape   /*&,  No.  23; 
from  a  place  where,  by  the  municipal  law,  he  is  held  to  labor,   rieSt  i\^  NO 
this  provision  affords  no  remedy  to  the  master.     What  can 
be  more  conclusive  than  this  ?     Suppose  a  slave  escape  from 
a  Territory  where  slavery  is  not  authorized  by  law,  can  he 
be  reclaimed  ? 

In  this  case,  a  majority  of  the  court  have  said  that  a  slave 
may  be  taken  by  his  master  into  a  Territory  of  the  United 
States,  the  same  as  a  horse,  or  any  other  kind  of  property. 
It  is  true,  this  was  said  by  the  court,  as  also  many  other 
things,  which  are  of  no  authority.  Nothing  that  has  been 
said  by  them,  which  has  not  a  direct  bearing  on  the  jurisdic 
tion  of  the  court,  against  which  they  decided,  can  be  con 
sidered  as  authority.  I  shall  certainly  not  regard  it  as  such. 
The  question  of  jurisdiction,  being  before  the  court,  was 
decided  by  them  authoritatively,  but  nothing  beyond  that 
question.  A  slave  is  not  a  mere  chattel.  He  bears  the  im 
press  of  his  Maker,  and  is  amenable  to  the  laws  of  God  and 
man  ;  and  he  is  destined  to  an  endless  existence. 

Benjamin  C  Howard,  Report  of  the  Decision  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States  .  .  .  (Washington,  1857),  152-1  56  passim. 


in.    A   Criticism  of  Lincoln   (1858)        By SENATOR 

STEPHEN 
INCOLN  now  takes  his  stand  and  proclaims  A.  DOUGLAS 

1    ^   his  Abolition  doctrines.     Let  me  read  a  part  Douglas  is 
of  them.     In  his  speech  at  Springfield  to  the  Convention,   ^sUnterest- 
which  nominated  him  for  the  Senate,  he  said  :  ing  men  in 


292         Slavery   Contest 


[1858 


the  history  of 

ahm5abiedde- 
bater,  a 

leader, 

andncgoabrsed> 
he  made  him- 

and  hated; 

and  d  erMd  a 
gift  of  ex- 

away'hfsown 
record.  The 
author  of  the 

Kansas- 

Sf  (above, 
No.  108),  h'e 

mcensecUt 
the  coming- 

in  of  a  Free- 

Soil  majority 

(aboveSNo 
109)  ;  and 

Scott  deci- 

No*  iio)°Ve' 
destroyed 

sovereignty" 
doctrine  by 

denying  the 

power  of  any- 


except  in  a 

i  85?  Doug- 
las  broke 

with  Bu- 

chanan  on 


slave  Le- 

corTstUuion 
?"  Kansas. 

licans  tried 


"  In  my  opinion  it  will  not  cease  until  a  crisis  shall  have 
^een  reached  and  passed.  '  A  house  divided  against  itself 
cannot  stand.'  I  believe  this  government  cannot  endure 
permanently  half  Slave  and  half  Free.  I  do  not  expect  the 
Union  to  be  dissolved  —  I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall  - 
but  I  do  expect  it  will  cease  to  be  divided.  It  will  become 
au<  °ne  -thing,  or  all  the  other.  Either  the  opponents  of 
s^avery  wt'&  arresf  the  further  spread  of  it,  and  place  it 
where  the  public  mind  shall  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  is  in 
^e  course  of  ultimate  extinction  :  or  its  advocates  will  push 

it  forward  till  it  shall  become  alike  lawful  in  all  the  States  — 
.  n  ..  x,       ,  ..     '      ~        .    ,,      r«  .  .. 

old  as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South."     [Cries  of 

"  S°od>"  "  g°od>"  and  cheers.] 

I  am  delighted  to  hear  you  Black  Republicans  say  "good." 
I  nave  no  doubt  that  doctrine  expresses  your  sentiments,  and 
j  wju  prove  to  you  now,  if  you  will  listen  to  me,  that  it  is 

\  J  ....  .  p    .  .      _, 

revolutionary  and  destructive  of  the  existence  of  this  Gov- 
ernment.  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  the  extract  from  which  I  have 
read,  says  that  this  Government  cannot  endure  permanently 
m  the  same  condition  in  which  it  was  made  by  its  framers 
—  divided  into  free  and  slave  States.  He  says  that  it  has 
existed  for  about  seventy  years  thus  divided,  and  yet  he  tells 
vou  that  ^  cannot  endure  permanently  on  the  same  princi- 
pies  and  in  the  same  relative  condition  in  which  our  fathers 

,      .          TTT,  .  .,..,,.  ..  ,      , 

made  it.  Why  can  it  not  exist  divided  into  free  and  slave 
States?  Washington,  Jefferson,  Franklin,  Madison,  Hamil- 
ton,  Jay,  and  the  great  men  of  that  day,  made  this  Govern- 
raent  divided  into  free  States  and  slave  States,  and  left  each 
State  perfectly  free  to  do  as  it  pleased  on  the  subject  of 

.      .  \ 

slavery.     Why  can  it  not  exist  on  the  same  principles  on 

whkh  OUI  fatherS  made  k  ?      They  knGW  when  they  framed 

the  Constitution  that  in  a  country  as  wide  and  broad  as  this, 
witn  such  a  variety  of  climate,  production  and  interest,  the 
people  necessarily  required  different  laws  and  institutions  in 
different  localities.  They  knew  that  the  laws  and  regulations 


NO.  in]        Lincoln    Criticized         293 

which  would  suit  the  granite  hills  of  New  Hampshire  would  to  prevent  his 
be  unsuited  to  the  rice  plantations  of  South  Carolina,  and 


they,  therefore,  provided  that  each  State  should  retain  its  putting  for- 

own  Legislature  and  its  own  sovereignty,  with  the  full  and  ham  Lincoln 

complete  power  to  do  as  it  pleased  within  its  own  limits,  in  dilate  in*0" 

all  that  was  local  and  not  national.     One  of  the  reserved  1858  ;  and 
rights  of  the  States,  was  the  right  to-  regulate  the  relations 


between  Master  and  Servant,  on  the  slavery  question.     At  famous  joint 

'  debate  be- 

the  time  the  Constitution  was  framed,  there  were  thirteen  tween  these 

States  in  the  Union,  twelve  of  which  were  slaveholding  States  fro^JJhich 

and  one  a  free  State.     Suppose  this  doctrine  of  uniformity  this  speech  is 

preached  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  that  the  States  should  all  be  free  on  DougiasT 


or  all  be  slave  had  prevailed,  and  what  would  have  been  the 

result  ?    Of  course,  the  twelve  slaveholding  States  would  have   in,  50,  345. 

overruled  the  one  free  State,  and  slavery  would  have  been   j^°tn  debate, 


fastened  by  a  Constitutional  provision  on  every  inch  of  the   see  Contem- 
American  Republic,  instead  of  being  left  as  our  fathers  wisely   NOS. 
left  it,  to  each  State  to  decide  for  itself.     Here  I  assert  that 
uniformity  in  the  local  laws  and  institutions  of  the  different 
States  is  neither  possible  or  desirable.     If  uniformity  had 
been  adopted  when  the  Government  was  established,  it  must 
inevitably  have  been  the  uniformity  of  slavery  everywhere, 
or  else  the  uniformity  of  negro  citizenship  and  negro  equality 
everywhere. 

We  are  told  by  Lincoln  that  he  is  utterly  opposed  to  the 
Dred  Scott  decision,  and  will  not  submit  to  it,  for  the  reason 
that  he  says  it  deprives  the  negro  of  the  rights  and  privileges 
of  citizenship.  That  is  the  first  and  main  reason  which  he 
assigns  for  his  warfare  on  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States  and  its  decision.  I  ask  you,  are  you  in  favor  of  con 
ferring  upon  the  negro  the  rights  and  privileges  of  citizen 
ship  ?  Do  you  desire  to  strike  out  of  our  State  Constitution 
that  clause  which  keeps  slaves  and  free  negroes  out  of  the 
State,  and  allow  the  free  negroes  to  flow  in,  and  cover  your 
prairies  with  black  settlements?  Do  you  desire  to  turn  this 


294         Slavery   Contest 


[1859 


beautiful  State  into  a  free  negro  colony,  in  order  that  when 
Missouri  abolishes  slavery  she  can  send  one  hundred  thou 
sand  emancipated  slaves  into  Illinois,  to  become  citizens  and 
voters,  on  an  equality  with  yourselves  ?  If  you  desire  negro 
citizenship,  if  you  desire  to  allow  them  to  come  into  the 
State  and  settle  with  the  white  man,  if  you  desire  them  to 
vote  on  an  equality  with  yourselves,  and  to  make  them  eligible 
to  office,  to  serve  on  juries,  and  to  adjudge  your  rights,  then 
support  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  Black  Republican  party,  who 
are  in  favor  of  the  citizenship  of  the  negro.  For  one,  I  am 
opposed  to  negro  citizenship  in  any  and  every  form.  I  be 
lieve  this  Government  was  made  on  the  white  basis.  I  believe 
it  was  made  by  white  men,  for  the  benefit  of  white  men  and 
their  posterity  for  ever,  and  I  am  in  favor  of  confining  citi 
zenship  to  white  men,  men  of  European  birth  and  descent, 
instead  of  conferring  it  upon  negroes,  Indians,  and  other 
inferior  races. 

Political  Debates  between  Hon.   Abraham   Lincoln  and  Hon. 
Stephen  A.  Douglas,  in  .  .  .  1858  (Columbus,  1860),  70-71. 


By  CAPTAIN 
JOHN 
BROWN 
"ofOsawato- 
mie"  (1800- 
1859).    He 
was  very 
early  identi 
fied  with  anti- 
slavery  enter 
prises,  hav 
ing  formed 
in  1850 
the  "  League 
pfGilead-   . 
ites,"  pledged 
to  the  rescue 
of  fugitives. 
He  took  a 
leading  part 


112.    John  Brown's  Last  Speech   (1859) 

I  HAVE,  may  it  please  the  Court,  a  few  words  to  say. 
In  the  first  place,  I  deny  every  thing  but  what  I  have 
all  along  admitted  —  the  design  on  my  part  to  free  the 
slaves.  I  intended  certainly  to  have  made  a  clear  thing  of 
that  matter,  as  I  did  last  winter,  when  I  went  into  Missouri, 
and  there  took  slaves  without  the  snapping  of  a  gun  on  either 
side,  moved  them  through  the  country,  and  finally  left  them 
in  Canada.  I  designed  to  have  done  the  same  thing  again, 
on  a  larger  scale.  That  was  all  I  intended.  I  never  did 
intend  murder,  or  treason,  or  the  destruction  of  property,  or 
to  excite  or  incite  slaves  to  rebellion,  or  to  make  insurrection. 


NO.  112]  Jonn    Brown 


295 


I  have  another  objection :  and  that  is,  it  is  unjust  that  I 
should  suffer  such  a  penalty.  Had  I  interfered  in  the  man 
ner  which  I  admit,  and  which  I  admit  has  been  fairly  proved 
—  (for  I  admire  the  truthfulness  and  candor  of  the  greater 
portion  of  the  witnesses  who  have  testified  in  this  case)  — 
had  I  so  interfered  in  behalf  of  the  rich,  the  powerful,  the 
intelligent,  the  so-called  great,  or  in  behalf  of  any  of  their 
friends,  either  father,  mother,  brother,  sister,  wife,  or  chil 
dren,  or  any  of  that  class,  and  suffered  and  sacrificed  what 
I  have  in  this  interference,  it  would  have  been  all  right,  and 
every  man  in  this  Court  would  have  deemed  it  an  act  worthy 
of  reward  rather  than  punishment. 

This  Court  acknowledges,  as  I  suppose,  the  validity  of  the 
Law  of  God.  I  see  a  book  kissed  here  which  I  suppose  to 
be  the  Bible,  or,  at  least,  the  New  Testament.  That  teaches 
me  that  all  things  "  whatsoever  I  would  that  men  should  do 
unto  me  I  should  do  even  so  to  them."  It  teaches  me  further, 
to  "remember  them  that  are  in  bonds  as  bound  with  them." 
I  endeavored  to  act  up  to  that  instruction.  I  say,  I  am  yet 
too  young  to  understand  that  God  is  any  respecter  of  per 
sons.  I  believe  that  to  have  interfered  as  I  have  done,  as 
I  have  always  freely  admitted  I  have  done,  in  behalf  of 
His  despised  poor,  was  not  wrong,  but  right.  Now,  if  it  is 
deemed  necessary  that  I  should  forfeit  my  life  for  the  further 
ance  of  the  ends  of  justice,  and  mingle  my  blood  further  with 
the  blood  of  my  children,  and  with  the  blood  of  millions  in 
this  slave  country  whose  rights  are  disregarded  by  wicked, 
cruel,  and  unjust  enactments  —  I  submit :  so  let  it  be  done. 

Let  me  say  one  word  further. 

I  feel  entirely  satisfied  with  the  treatment  I  have  received 
on  my  trial.  Considering  all  the  circumstances,  it  has  been 
more  generous  than  I  expected.  But  I  feel  no  conscious 
ness  of  guilt.  I  have  stated  from  the  first  what  was  my 
intention  and  what  was  not.  I  never  had  any  design  against 
the  life  of  any  person,  nor  any  disposition  to  commit  treason, 


in  the  strug 
gles  in  Kan 
sas  (see 
above,  No. 
109),  and  his 
efforts  culmi 
nated  in   the 
seizure  of  the 
United  States 
arsenal  at 
Harper's 
Ferry,  Octo 
ber  16,  1859. 
He  was  cap 
tured,  tried, 
and  exe 
cuted.    This 
speech  was 
made  at  the 
close  of  the 
trial,  Novem 
ber  i,  1859,  in 
answer  to  the 
customary 
question  of 
the  judge  to 
the  prisoner 
as  to  whether 
he  had  any 
thing  to  say 
why  sentence 
of  death 
should  not  be 
passed  upon 
him.   It  gives 
the  best  in 
sight  that  we 
have  into  the 
motives  of 
this  strange, 
noble- 
minded  man, 
half  fanatic, 
half  martyred 
hero.  —  On 
John  Brown, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  IV, 
No. 


296  Slavery   Contest 


By  ALEX 
ANDER 
HAMILTON 
STEPHENS 
(1812-1883), 
vice-presi 
dent  of  the 
Confederacy. 
Stephens  was 
extremely 
slow  in 
adopting  the 
doctrine  of 
States' 
rights;  in 
1850  he  op 
posed  the 
secession 
movement  in 
the  South ; 
and  in  1860 
he  supported 
Stephen  A. 
Douglas  (see 
above,  No. 
in)  as  presi 
dential  can- 


or  excite  slaves  to  rebel,  or  make  any  general  insurrection. 
I  never  encouraged  any  man  to  do  so,  but  always  discour 
aged  any  idea  of  that  kind. 

Let  me  say,  also,  a  word  in  regard  to  the  statements  made 
by  some  of  those  connected  with  me.  I  hear  it  has  been 
stated  by  some  of  them  that  I  have  induced  them  to  join 
me.  But  the  contrary  is  true.  I  do  not  say  this  to  injure 
them,  but  as  regretting  their  weakness.  There  is  not  one 
of  them  but  joined  me  of  his  own  accord,  and  the  greater 
part  at  their  own  expense.  A  number  of  them  I  never  saw, 
and  never  had  a  word  of  conversation  with,  till  the  day  they 
came  to  me,  and  that  was  for  the  purpose  I  have  stated. 

Now  I  have  done. 

James  Redpath,  The  Public  Life  of  Capt.  John  Brown  (Boston, 
1860),  340-342. 


"3- 


Slavery  the  Corner-Stone  of  the 
Confederacy   (1861) 


new  constitution  has  put  at  rest,  forever, 
all  the  agitating  questions  relating  to  our 
peculiar  institution  —  African  slavery  as  it  exists  amongst  us 
—  the  proper  status  of  the  negro  in  our  form  of  civilization. 
This  was  the  immediate  cause  of  the  late  rupture  and  present 
revolution.  Jefferson  in  his  forecast,  had  anticipated  this,  as 
the  "  rock  upon  which  the  old  Union  would  split."  He  was 
right.  What  was  conjecture  with  him,  is  now  a  realized 
fact.  But  whether  he  fully  comprehended  the  great  truth 
upon  which  that  rock  stood  and  stands,  may  be  doubted. 
The  prevailing  ideas  entertained  by  him  and  most  of  the 
leading  statesmen  at  the  time  of  the  formation  of  the  old 
constitution,  were  that  the  enslavement  of  the  African  was 
in  violation  of  the  laws  of  nature  ;  that  it  was  wrong  in  prin- 


No.  113] 


Corner-Stone 


297 


ciple,  socially,  morally,  and  politically.  It  was  an  evil  they 
knew  not  well  how  to  deal  with,  but  the  general  opinion  of 
the  men  of  that  day  was  that,  somehow  or  other  in  the 
order  of  Providence,  the  institution  would  be  evanescent 
and  pass  away.  .  .  .  Those  ideas,  however,  were  funda 
mentally  wrong.  They  rested  upon  the  assumption  of  the 
equality  of  races.  This  was  an  error.  It  was  a  sandy  foun 
dation,  and  the  government  built  upon  it  fell  when  the 
"storm  came  and  the  wind  blew." 

Our  new  government  is  founded  upon  exactly  the  opposite 
idea  ;  its  foundations  are  laid,  its  corner-stone  rests  upon 
the  great  truth,  that  the  negro  is  not  equal  to  the  white  man  ; 
that  slavery  —  subordination  to  the  superior  race  —  is  his 
natural  and  normal  condition. 

This,  our  new  government,  is  the  first,  in  the  history  of 
the  world,  based  upon  this  great  physical,  philosophical,  and 
moral  truth.  This  truth  has  been  slow  in  the  process  of  its 
development,  like  all  other  truths  in  the  various  departments 
of  science.  It  has  been  so  even  amongst  us.  Many  who 
hear  me,  perhaps,  can  recollect  well,  that  this  truth  was  not 
generally  admitted,  even  within  their  day.  The  errors  of 
the  past  generation  still  clung  to  many  as  late  as  twenty 
years  ago.  Those  at  the  North,  who  still  cling  to  these 
errors,  with  a  zeal  above  knowledge,  we  justly  denominate 
fanatics.  All  fanaticism  springs  from  an  aberration  of  the 
mind  —  from  a  defect  in  reasoning.  It  is  a  species  of  in 
sanity.  One  of  the  most  striking  characteristics  of  insanity, 
in  many  instances,  is  forming  correct  conclusions  from  fan 
cied  or  erroneous  premises  ;  so  with  the  anti-slavery  fanatics ; 
their  conclusions  are  right  if  their  premises  were.  They 
assume  that  the  negro  is  equal,  and  hence  conclude  that  he 
is  entitled  to  equal  privileges  and  rights  with  the  white  man. 
If  their  premises  were  correct,  their  conclusions  would  be 
logical  and  just  —  but  their  premise  being  wrong,  their  whole 
argument  fails.  .  .  . 


didate 

against  John 
C.  Breckin- 
ridge,  the 
professed  ex 
ponent  of 
States'  rights. 
In  the  speech 
of  March  21, 
1861,  quoted 
below,  he 
lays  down  a 
doctrine  con 
cerning  sla 
very  fully  as 
advanced  as 
that  of 
McDuffie 
(see  above, 
No.  95).- 
On  Stephens, 
see  Ameri 
can  Orations, 
IV,  39,  428; 
Contempora 
ries,  IV,  No. 
.  —  On  se 
cession,  see 
American 
Orations, 

III,  Part  VI; 

IV,  Part  VII; 
American 
History  Leaf 
lets,  No.  12; 
Contempora 
ries,  IV,  ch. 


298  Slavery    Contest 


[1861 


.  .  .  May  we  not,  therefore,  look  with  confidence  to 
the  ultimate  universal  ackowledgment  of  the  truths  upon 
which  our  system  rests?  It  is  the  first  government  ever 
instituted  upon  the  principles  in  strict  conformity  to  nature, 
and  the  ordination  of  Providence,  in  furnishing  the  materials 
of  human  society.  Many  governments  have  been  founded 
upon  the  principle  of  the  subordination  and  serfdom  of  cer 
tain  classes  of  the  same  race  ;  such  were  and  are  in  violation 
of  the  laws  of  .nature.  Our  system  commits  no  such  viola 
tion  of  nature's  laws.  With  us,  all  of  the  white  race,  how 
ever  high  or  low,  rich  or  poor,  are  equal  in  the  eye  of  the 
law.  Not  so  with  the  negro.  Subordination  is  his  place. 
He,  by  nature,  or  by  the  curse  against  Canaan,  is  fitted  for 
that  condition  which  he  occupies  in  our  system.  The  archi 
tect,  in  the  construction  of  buildings,  lays  the  foundation 
with  the  proper  material  —  the  granite  ;  then  comes  the  brick 
or  the  marble.  The  substratum  of  our  society  is  made  of 
the  material  fitted  by  nature  for  it,  and  by  experience  we 
know  that  it  is  best,  not  only  for  the  superior,  but  for  the 
inferior  race,  that  it  should  be  so.  It  is,  indeed,  in  con 
formity  with  the  ordinance  of  the  Creator.  It  is  not  for  us 
to  inquire  into  the  wisdom  of  his  ordinances,  or  to  question 
them.  For  his  own  purposes,  he  has  made  one  race  to 
differ  from  another,  as  he  has  made  "  one  star  to  differ  from 
another  star  in  glory."  • 

The  great  objects  of  humanity  are  best  attained  when 
there  is  conformity  to  his  laws  and  decrees,  in  the  formation 
of  governments  as  well  as  in  all  things  else.  Our  confed 
eracy  is  founded  upon  principles  in  strict  conformity  with 
these  laws.  This  stone  which  was  rejected  by  the  first  build 
ers  "is  become  the  chief  of  the  corner"  —  the  real  "corner 
stone" —  in  our  new  edifice.  [Applause.] 

I  have  been  asked,  what  of  the  future?  It  has  been 
apprehended  by  some  that  we  would  have  arrayed  against 
us  the  civilized  world.  I  care  not  who  or  how  many  they 


NO.  ii4]  Fort   Sumter  299 

may  be  against  us,  when  we  stand  upon  the  eternal  principles 
of  truth,  if  we  are  true  to  ourselves  and  the  principles  for 
which  we  contend,  we  are  obliged  to,  and  must  triumph. 
[Immense  applause.] 

Henry  Cleveland,  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  in  Public  and  Private 
(Philadelphia,  [1867]),  721-723 passim. 


1 1 4-    Attack  on    Fort  Sumter  (1861) 

By  ABNER 

DOUBLE- 

S  soon  as  the  outline  of  our  fort  could  be  distinguished,   DAY-* tnen  a 

'    captain,  later 

the  enemy  carried  out  their   programme.     It   had  a  general  in 
been  arranged,  as  a  special  compliment  to  the  venerable   of^hTunUed 
Edmund  Rufrm,  who  might  almost  be  called  the  father  of  States, 
secession,  that  he  should  fire  the  first  shot  against  us.  ...  was  in  Fort 


A 


Almost  immediately  afterward  a  ball  from  Cummings  Point 

lodged  in  the  magazine  wall,  and  by  the  sound  seemed  to  from  Fort 

bury  itself  in  the  masonry  about  a  foot  from  my  head,  in 


very  unpleasant  proximity  to  my  right  ear.     This  is  the  one   2£,  1860)  to 

the  surrender 

that  probably  came  with  Mr.  Rumn  s  compliments.     In  a   (April  13, 
moment  the  firing  burst  forth  in  one  continuous  roar,  and 


large  patches  of  both  the  exterior  and  interior  masonry  be-   led  to  the  at- 
gan  to  crumble  and  fall  in  all  directions.     The  place  where   secession  of 


I  was  had  been  used  for  the  manufacture  of  cartridges,  and  ^a*  wSch°~ 
there  was  still  a  good  deal  of  powder  there,  some  packed  had'  ceded  to 
and  some  loose.  A  shell  soon  struck  near  the  ventilator, 


and  a  puff  of  dense  smoke  entered  the  room,  giving  me  a  ground  on 

which  Sum- 
Strong  impression  that  there  would  be  an  immediate  explosion,    ter  stood,  but 

Fortunately,  no  sparks  had  penetrated  'inside.  tlSt  the'ces*1 

Nineteen  batteries  were  now  hammering  at  us,  and  the   sion  had 
balls  and  shells  from  the  ten-inch  columbiads,  accompanied   haveforce. 

This  was 
*  Copyright,  1875.  almost  the 


300  Slavery   Contest 


[1861 


only  fort 
within  the 
Confederate 
States  still 
held  by  gov 
ernment 
troops,  and 
Lincoln  re 
fused  to  give 
it  up,  and  at 
tempted  to 
reinforce  it. 
Hence  the 
first  shot 
upon  it  was 
accepted  as 
the  begin 
ning  of  civil 
war.  —  For 
the  contro 
versy  over 
Sumter,  see 
Nicolay  and 
Hay,  Abra 
ham  Lincoln, 
Ill.ch.xxiii- 
IV,  ch.  iii; 
Contempora 
ries,  IV,  ch. 


These  bat 
teries  had 
been  con 
structed 
under  the 
guns  of  Sum 
ter,  as  An 
derson  had 
no  orders 
from  either 
Buchanan  or 
Lincoln  to 
prevent 
them. 


by  shells  from  the  thirteen-inch  mortars  which  constantly 
bombarded  us,  made  us  feel  as  if  the  war  had  commenced 
in  earnest.  .  .  . 

•  ...  As  I  was  the  ranking  officer,  I  took  the  first  detach 
ment,  and  marched  them  to  the  casemates,  which  looked  out 
upon  the  powerful  iron-clad  battery  of  Cummings  Point. 

In  aiming  the  first  gun  fired  against  the  rebellion  I  had  no 
feeling  of  self-reproach,  for  I  fully  believed  that  the  contest 
was  inevitable,  and  was  not  of  our  seeking.  The  United 
States  was  called  upon  not  only  to  defend  its  sovereignty, 
but  its  right  to  exist  as  a  nation.  The  only  alternative  was 
to  submit. to  a  powerful  oligarchy  who  were  determined  to 
make  freedom  forever  subordinate  to  slavery.  To  me  it  was 
simply  a  contest,  politically  speaking,  as  to  whether  virtue  or 
vice  should  rule. 

My  first  shot  bounded  off  from  the  sloping  roof  of  the 
battery  opposite  without  producing  any  apparent  effect.  It 
seemed  useless  to  attempt  to  silence  the  guns  there;  for 
our  metal  was  not  heavy  enough  to  batter  the  work  down, 
and  every  ball  glanced  harmlessly  off,  except  one,  which 
appeared  to  enter  an  embrasure  and  twist  the  iron  shutter, 
so  as  to  stop  the  firing  of  that  particular  gun.  .  .  . 

Our  firing  now  became  regular,  and  was  answered  from 
the  rebel  guns  which  encircled  us  on  the  four  sides  of  the 
pentagon  upon  which  the  fort  was  built.  The  other  side 
faced  the  open  sea.  Showers  of  balls  from  ten-inch  colum- 
biads  and  forty-two-pounders,  and  shells  from  thirteen-inch 
mortars  poured  into  the  fort  in  one  incessant  stream,  caus 
ing  great  flakes  of  masonry  to  fall  in  all  directions.  When 
the  immense  mortar  shells,  after  sailing  high  in  the  air,  came 
down  in  a  vertical  direction,  and  buried  themselves  in  the 
parade-ground,  their  explosion  shook  the  fort  like  an  earth 
quake.  .  .  . 

After  three  hours'  firing,  my  men  became  exhausted,  and 
Captain  Seymour  came,  with  a  fresh  detachment,  to  relieve 


No.  114] 


Fort  Sumter 


301 


us.  He  has  a  great  deal  of  humor  in  his  composition,  and 
said,  jocosely,  "  Doubleday,  what  in  the  world  is  the  matter 
here,  and  what  is  all  this  uproar  about?" 

I  replied,  "There  is  a  trifling  difference  of  opinion  be 
tween  us  and  our  neighbors  opposite,  and  we  are  trying  to 
settle  it." 

"  Very  well,"  he  said  ;  "do  you  wish  me  to  take  a  hand?  " 
I  said,  "  Yes,  I  would  like  to  have  you  go  in." 
"All   right,"   he  said.      "What  is   your  elevation,   and 
range?" 

I  replied,  "  Five  degrees,  and  twelve  hundred  yards." 
"  Well,"  he  said,  "  here  goes  !  "     And  he  went  to  work 
with  a  will. 

Part  of  the  fleet  was  visible  outside  the  bar  about  half- 
past  ten  A.M.  It  exchanged  salutes  with  us,  but  did  not 
attempt  to  enter  the  harbor,  or  take  part  in  the  battle.  In 
fact,  it  would  have  had  considerable  difficulty  in  finding  the 
channel,  as  the  marks  and  buoys  had  all  been  taken  up.  .  .  . 
On  the  morning  of  the  i3th,  we  took  our  breakfast  —  or, 
rather,  our  pork  and  water  —  at  the  usual  hour,  and  marched 
the  men  to  the  guns  when  the  meal  was  over. 

From  4  to  6^  A.M.  the  enemy's  fire  was  very  spirited. 
From  7  to  8  A.M.  a  rain-storm  came  on,  and  there  was  a  lull 
in  the  cannonading.  About  8  A.M.  the  officers'  quarters 
were  ignited  by  one  of  Ripley's  incendiary  shells,  or  by  shot 
heated  in  the  furnaces  at  Fort  Moultrie.  The  fire  was  put 
out;  but  at  10  A.M.  a  mortar  shell  passed  through  the  roof, 
and  lodged  in  the  flooring  of  the  second  story,  where  it 
burst,  and  started  the  flames  afresh.  This,  too,  was  ex 
tinguished  ;  but  the  hot  shot  soon  followed  each  other  so 
rapidly  that  it  was  impossible  for  us  to  contend  with  them 
any  longer.  It  became  evident  that  the  entire  block,  being 
built  with  wooden  partitions,  floors,  and  roofing,  must  be 
consumed,  and  that  the  magazine,  containing  three  hundred 
barrels  of  powder,  would  be  endangered ;  for,  even  after 


This  fleet 
had  been 
dispatched 
by  Lincoln 
with  pro 
visions  for 
the  fort, 
but  was  de 
layed  and 
could  render 
no  aid. 


Roswell  S. 
Ripley,  for 
merly  an  offi 
cer  in  the 
Northern 
army,  but 
now  serving 
with  the  Con< 
federates. 


302  Slavery   Contest 


[1861 


The  flag  was 


closing  the  metallic  door,  sparks  might  penetrate  through 
the  ventilator.  The  floor  was  covered  with  loose  powder, 
where  a  detail  of  men  had  been  at  work  manufacturing 
cartridge-bags  out  of  old  shirts,  woolen  blankets,  etc.  .  .  . 

By  1 1  A.M.  the  conflagration  was  terrible  and  disastrous. 
One-fifth  of  the  fort  was  on  fire,  and  .the  wind  drove  the 
smoke  in  dense  masses  into  the  angle  where  we  had  all  taken 
refuge.  It  seemed  impossible  to  escape  suffocation.  Some 
lay  down  close  to  the  ground,  with  handkerchiefs  over  their 
mouths,  and  others  posted  themselves  near  the  embrasures, 
where  the  smoke  was  somewhat  lessened  by  the  draught  of 
air.  .  .  . 

.  The  scene  at  this  time  was  really  terrific.  The  roaring 
and  crackling  of  the  flames,  the  dense  masses  of  whirling 
smoke,  the  bursting  of  the  enemy's  shells,  and  our  own 
which  were  exploding  in  the  burning  rooms,  the  crashing  of 
the  shot,  and  the  sound  of  masonry  falling  in  every  direction, 
made  the  fort  a  pandemonium.  When  at  last  nothing  was 
left  of  the  building  but  the  blackened  walls  and  smoldering 
embers,  it  became  painfully  evident  that  an  immense  amount 
of  damage  had  been  done.  There  was  a  tower  at  each 
angle  of  the  fort.  One  of  these,  containing  great  quantities 
of  shells,  upon  which  we  had  relied,  was  almost  completely 
shattered  by  successive  explosions.  The  massive  wooden 
gates,  studded  with  iron  nails,  were  burned,  and  the  wall 
built  behind  them  was  now  a  mere  heap  of  debris,  so  that 
the  main  entrance  was  wide  open  for  an  assaulting  party. 
The  sally-ports  were  in  a  similar  condition,  and  the  numerous 
windows  on  the  gorge  side,  which  had  been  planked  up,  had 
now  become  all  open  entrances. 

About  12.48  P.M.  the  end  of  the  flag-staff  was  shot  down, 


raised  again,    and  the  flag  felL 


but  the  fort 
was  shortly 
obliged  to 
surrender. 


From    Doubleday's   Reminiscences  of  Fort  Sumter  and  Fort 
Moultrie,  Copyright,  1875,  by  Harper  &  Brothers. 


CHAPTER   XVIII  —  CIVIL  WAR 

1861-1865 

115.     The    Rousing    of  the    North    (l86l)      By  REVER 

END  MOR- 

ON  Sunday,  April  14  [1861],  the  fact  became  known   (SJ!^?1**. 
that  Fort  Sumter  had  surrendered.     The  excitement  rec.to.r  of 
created  by  the  bombardment  of  that  fortress  and  its  mag-   Church,  New 


nificent  defence  by  Anderson  was  prodigious.     The  outrage 

on  the  Government  of  the  United  States  thus  perpetrated  by  memoirs  of 

the  authorities  of  South  Carolina  sealed  the  fate  of  the  new-     £hn 


born  Confederacy  and  the  institution  of  slavery.     Intelligent  r1^'?^" 
Southerners  at  the  North  were  well  aware  of  the  conse-   1883.   This 
quences  which  must  follow.     In  the  city  of  New  York  a  J^  graphic 
number  of  prominent  gentlemen  devoted  to  the  interests  of  picture  by  an 
the  South,  and  desirous  to  obtain  a  bloodless  dissolution  of  Of  the  state 
the  Union,  were   seated   together   in   anxious  conference,   of  thinfis  in 
studying  with  intense  solicitude  the  means  of  preserving  the   city  at  the 


peace.     A  messenger  entered  the  room  in  breathless  haste 
with  the  news  :    "  General  Beauregard  has  opened  fire  on   of  the 
Fort  Sumter  !  "     The  persons  whom  he  thus  addressed  re-   is  also  a 


mained  a  while  in  dead  silence,  looking  into  each  other's  p^^of  up- 

pale  faces  ;  then  one  of  them,  with  uplifted  hands,  cried,  in  lifting  de- 

a  voice  of  anguish,  "  My  God,  we  are  ruined  !  "  OnThe'out- 

The  North  rose  as  one  man.     The  question  had  been  ^a^fe^aT' 

asked  by  those  who  were  watching  events,  "  How  will  New  COM  Orations, 

York  go?"     There  were  sinister  hopes  in  certain  quarters  of  on't3he  civil 


a  strong  sympathy  with  the  secession  movements  ;    dreams   War  in  gen- 
that  New  York  might  decide  on  cutting  off  from  the  rest  of  ^  'orations, 


the  country  and  becoming  a  free-city.     These  hopes  and 

*  Copyright,  1883.  History  Leaf- 

9  303 


304  Civil   War 


lets,  Nos.  18,    dreams  vanished  in  a  day.     The  reply  to  the  question  how 
«j»  i&tory      New  York  would  go  was  given  with  an  energy  worthy  of 

StUdCont^      herself- 

poraries,iv,  The  1  5th  of  that  month  brought  President  Lincoln's  proc- 

Part     '  lamation  and  the  call  for  75,000  men  —  a  bagatelle,  as  it 

tack  on  Sum-  proved,  compared  with  the  number  required  ;  but  the  figures 

ter,  see  seemed  enormous  to  the  popular  eye,  and  the  demand  set 

above,  No. 

114.  the  whole  city  in  a  blaze.     Never  to  my  dying  day  shall  I 

forget  a  scene-  witnessed  on  Thursday  of  that  week.  A  regi 
ment  had  arrived  from  Massachusetts  on  the  way  to  Wash 
ington,  via  Baltimore.  They  came  in  at  night  ;  and  it  was 
understood  that,  after  breakfasting  at  the  Astor  House,  the 
march  would  be  resumed.  By  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning 
an  immense  crowd  had  assembled  about  the  hotel  :  Broad 
way,  from  Barclay  to  Fulton  Street,  and  the  lower  end  of 
Park  Row,  were  occupied  by  a  dense  mass  of  human  beings, 
all  watching  the  front  entrance,  at  which  the  regiment  was 
to  file  out.  From  side  to*side,  from  wall  to  wall,  extended 
that  innumerable  host,  silent  as  the  grave,  expectant,  some 
thing  unspeakable  in  the  faces.  It  was  the  dead,  deep  hush 
before  the  thunder-storm.  At  last  a  low  murmur  was  heard  ; 
it  sounded  somewhat  like  a  gasp  of  men  in  suspense  ;  and 
the  cause  was,  that  the  soldiers  had  appeared,  their  leading 
files  descending  the  steps.  By  the  twinkle  of  their  bayonets 
above  the  heads  of  the  crowd  their  course  could  be  traced 
out  into  the  open  street  in  front.  Formed,  at  last,  in 
column,  they  stood,  the  band  at  the  head  ;  and  the  word 
was  given,  "  March  !  "  Still  dead  silence  prevailed.  Then 
the  drums  rolled  out  the  time  —  the  regiment  was  in  motion. 
And  then  the  band,  bursting  into  full  volume,  struck  up  — 
what  other  tune  could  the  Massachusetts  men  have  chosen  ? 
—  "  Yankee  Doodle."  I  caught  about  two  bars  and  a  half 
of  the  old  music,  not  more.  For  instantly  there  arose  a 
sound  such  as  many  a  man  never  heard  in  all  his  life  and 
never  will  hear  ;  such  as  is  never  heard  more  than  once  ii? 


No.n6]  North   Aroused  305 

a  lifetime.  Not  more  awful  is  the  thunder  of  heaven  as, 
with  sudden  peal,  it  smites  into  silence  all  lesser  sounds, 
and,  rolling  through  the  vault  above  us,  fills  earth  and  sky 
with  the  shock  of  its  terrible  voice.  One  terrific  roar  burst 
from  the  multitude,  leaving  nothing  audible  save  its  own 
reverberation.  We  saw  the  heads  of  armed  men,  the  gleam 
of  their  weapons,  the  regimental  colors,  all  moving  on, 
pageant-like;  but  naught  could  we  hear  save  that  hoarse, 
heavy  surge  —  one  general  acclaim,  one  wild  shout  of  joy 
and  hope,  one  endless  cheer,  rolling  up  and  down,  from  side 
to  side,  above,  below,  to  right,  to  left :  the  voice  of  ap 
proval,  of  consent,  of  unity  in  act  and  will.  No  one  who 
saw  and  heard  could  doubt  how  New  York  was  going. 

After  that  came  events  the  account  of  which  fills  volumes 
of  records  of  our  national  history.  The  ebb  of  the  tide  was 
over ;  the  waters  were  coming  in  with  the  steadiness  and 
momentum  of  a  flood  which  bears  everything  before  it. 

Morgan  Dix,  Memoirs  of  John  Adams  Dix  (New  York,  Harper 
&  Brothers,  1883),  II,  9-11. 


1 1 6.    Battle  of  Bull  Run    (1861)  sy  EDMUND 

CLARENCE 
STEDMAN 

BY  the  time  I  reached  the  top  of  the  hill,  the  retreat,  the   (1833-       ), 
panic,  the  hideous  headlong  confusion,  were  now  be-   spono^ent'of6" 
yond  a  hope.     I  was  near  the  rear  of  the  movement,  with  a  New  York 
the  brave  Capt.  Alexander,  who  endeavored  by  the   most  which  he  re- 
gallant  but  unavailable  exertions  to  check  the  onward  tumult.   Printed  *his 

account), 

It  was  difficult  to  believe  in  the  reality  of  our  sudden  reverse,  later  a  banket 

"What  does  it  all  mean?"  I  asked  Alexander.     "It  means  ^s  report 

defeat,"  was  his  reply.     "We  are  beaten  ;  it  is  a  shameful,  a  tallies 

cowardly  retreat !     Hold  up,  men  !  "  he  shouted,  "  don't  be  accounts  of 
such  infernal  cowards  !  "  and  he  rode  backwards  and  for 


wards,  placing  his  horse  across  the  road  and  vainly  trying  to   civilians. 


306 


Civil  War 


[1861 


The  cause  of 
the  rout 
(July  21, 
1861)  was 
the  inexperi 
ence  of  the 
troops  and 
the  lack  of 
acquaintance 
with  their 
field  officers. 
The  actual 
Federal  loss 
in  the  fight 
was  not  in 
proportion  to 
the  terror,  — 
460  killed, 
1124 

wounded, 
and  1312 
missing,  out 
of  18,572 
troops  en 
gaged.     The 
effect  was  to 
make  clear 
to  the  North 
the  real  diffi 
culty  of  the 
suppression 
of  the  Rebel 
lion.  —  On 
Bull  Run,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  IV,  Nos. 

One  of  this 
party  was  A. 
G.  Riddle, 
who  has  a 
spirited  ac 
count  in  his 
Recollections 
of  War 
rimes. 


rally  the  running  troops.  The  teams  and  wagons  confused 
and  dismembered  every  corps.  We  were  now  cut  off  from 
the  advance  body  by  the  enemy's  infantry,  who  had  rushed 
on  the  slope  just  left  by  us,  surrounded  the  guns  and  sutlers' 
wagons,  and  were  apparently  pressing  up  against  us.  "  It's 
no  use,  Alexander,"  I  said,  "you  must  leave  with  the  rest." 
"  I'll  be  d — d  if  I  will,"  was  his  sullen  reply,  and  the  splendid 
fellow  rode  back  to  make  his  way  as  best  he  could.  Mean 
time  I  saw  officers  with  leaves  and  eagles  on  their  shoulder- 
straps,  majors  and  colonels,  who  had  deserted  their  com 
mands,  pass  me  galloping  as  if  for  dear  life.  No  enemy 
pursued  just  then ;  but  I  suppose  all  were  afraid  that  his 
guns  would  be  trained  down  the  long,  narrow  avenue,  and 
mow  the  retreating  thousands,  and  batter  to  pieces  army 
wagons  and  everything  else  which  crowded  it.  Only  one 
field  officer,  so  far  as  my  observation  extended,  seemed  to 
have  remembered  his  duty.  Lieut-Col.  Speidel,  a  foreigner 
attached  to  a  Connecticut  regiment,  strove  against  the  cur 
rent  for  a  league.  I  positively  declare  that,  with  the  two 
exceptions  mentioned,  all  efforts  made  to  check  the  panic 
before  Centreville  was  reached,  were  confined  to  civilians. 
I  saw  a  man  in  citizen's  dress,  who  had  thrown  off  his  coat, 
seized  a  musket,  and  was  trying  to  rally  the  soldiers  who 
came  by  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  In  a  reply  to  a  request 
for  his  name,  he  said  it  was  Washburne,  and  I  learned  he 
was  the  member  by  that  name  from  Illinois.  The  Hon.  Mr. 
Kellogg  made  a  similar  effort.  Both  these  Congressmen 
bravely  stood  their  ground  till  the  last  moment,  and  were 
serviceable  at  Centreville  in  assisting  the  halt  there  ultimately 
made.  And  other  civilians  did  what  they  could. 

But  what  a  scene  !  and  how  terrific  the  onset  of  that 
tumultuous  retreat.  For  three  miles,  hosts  of  federal  troops 
—  all  detached  from  their  regiments,  all  mingled  in  one 
disorderly  rout  —  were  fleeing  along  the  road,  but  mostly 
through  the  lots  on  either  side.  Army  wagons,  sutlers' 


NO.  1x6]  Bull   Run  307 

teams,  and  private  carriages,  choked  the  passage,  tumbling 

against  each  other,  amid  clouds  of  dust,  and  sickening  sights 

and  sounds.     Hacks,  containing  unlucky  spectators  of  the 

late  affray,  were  smashed  like  glass,  and  the  occupants  were 

lost  sight  of  in  the  debris.     Horses,  flying  wildly  from  the 

battle-field,  many  of  them  in  death  agony,  galloped  at  ran 

dom  forward,  joining  in  the  stampede.     Those  on  foot  who 

could  catch  them  rode  them  bare-back,  as  much  to  save 

themselves  from  being  run  over,  as  to  make  quicker  time. 

Wounded  men,  lying  along  the  banks  —  the  few  neither  left 

on  the  field  nor  taken  to  the  captured  hospitals  —  appealed 

with  raised  hands  to  those  who  rode  horses,  begging  to  be 

lifted  behind,  but  few  regarded  such  petitions.     Then  the 

artillery,  such  as  was  saved,  came  thundering  along,  smash 

ing  and  overpowering  everything.     The  regular  cavalry,  I 

record  it  to  their  shame,  joined  in  the  melee,  adding  to  its 

terrors,  for  they  rode  down  footmen  without  mercy.     One 

of  the  great  guns  was  overturned  and  lay  amid  the  ruins  of 

a  caisson,  as  I  passed  it.     I  saw  an  artillery-man  running  Caisson  = 

between  the  ponderous  fore  and  after-wheels  of  his  gun-car- 


riage,  hanging  on  with  both  hands,  and  vainly  striving  to   bunker,  con- 

_.         .  '  *  .      e  .        taining  the 

jump  upon  the  ordnance.      Ihe  drivers  were  spurring  the   ammunition. 

horses  ;  he  could  not  cling  much  longer,  and  a  more  agon 

ized  expression  never  fixed  the  features  of  a  drowning  man. 

The  carriage  bounded  from  the  roughness  of  a  steep  hill 

leading  to  a  creek,  he  lost  his  hold,  fell,  and  in  an  instant 

the  great  wheels  had  crushed  the  life  out  of  him.     Who  ever 

saw  such  a  flight  ?     Could  the  retreat  at  Borodino  have  ex-   Borodino, 

ceeded  it  in  confusion  and  tumult?     I  think  not.     It  did  defeat°ofthe 

not  slack  in  the  least  until  Centreville  was  reached.     There   Russians  by 

the  sight  of  the  reserve  —  Miles's  Brigade  —  formed  in  order  1812.°  C< 

on  the  hill,  seemed  somewhat  to  reassure  the  van.     But  still 

the  teams  and  foot  soldiers  pushed  on,  passing  their  own 

camps  and  heading  swiftly  for  the  distant  Potomac,  until  for 

ten  miles  the  road  over  which  the  grand  army  had  so  lately 


3o8 


Civil  War 


[1861-1865 


W.  H.  Rus 
sell,  corre 
spondent  of 
the  London 
Times,  wrote 
an  account 
of  the  battle 
which  was 
then  thought 
to  be  over 
stated,  but 
agrees  sub 
stantially 
with  this. 


passed  southward,  gay  with  unstained  banners,  and  flushed 
with  surety  of  strength,  was  covered  with  the  fragments  of 
its  retreating  forces,  shattered  and  panic-stricken  in  a  single 
day.  From  the  branch  route  the  trains  attached  to  Hunter's 
Division  had  caught  the  contagion  of  the  flight,  and  poured 
into  its  already  swollen  current  another  turbid  freshet  of  con 
fusion  and  dismay.  Who  ever  saw  a  more  shameful  aban 
donment  of  munitions  gathered  at  such  vast  expense  ?  The 
teamsters,  many  of  them,  cut  the  traces  of  their  horses,  and 
galloped  from  the  wagons.  Others  threw  out  their  loads  to 
accelerate  their  flight,  and  grain,  picks,  and  shovels,  and 
provisions  of  every  kind  lay  trampled  in  the  dust  for  leagues. 
Thousands  of  muskets  strewed  the  route,  and  when  some  of 
us  succeeded  in  rallying  a  body  of  fugitives,  and  forming 
them  in  a  line  across  the  road,  hardly  one  but  had  thrown 
away  his  arms.  If  the  enemy  had  brought  up  his  artillery 
and  served  it  upon  the  retreating  train,  or  had  intercepted 
our  progress  with  five  hundred  of  his  cavalry,  he  might  have 
captured  enough  supplies  for  a  week's  feast  of  thanksgiving. 
As  it  was,  enough  was  left  behind  to  tell  the  story  of  the 
panic.  The  rout  of  the  federal  army  seemed  complete. 

Edmund  C.  Stedman,  The  Battle  of  Bull  Run  (New  York,  1861), 
33-37- 


By  GEORGE 
GARY  EG- 
GLESTON 

(1839-       ), 
who  served 
as  a  private 
in  the  Con 
federate 
army  and 
saw  active 
service  from 
Bull  Run  to 
Appomat- 
tox.     Since 


117.    The   Southern    Soldier   (1861-1865) 

OUR  ideas  of  the  life  and  business  of  a  soldier  were 
drawn  chiefly  from  the  adventures  of  Ivanhoe  and 
Charles  O'Malley,  two  worthies  with  whose  personal  history 
almost  every  man  in  the  army  was  familiar[.]  The  men  who 
volunteered  went  to  war  of  their  own  accord,  and  were 
wholly  unaccustomed  to  acting  on  any  other  than  their  own 
motion.  They  were  hardy  lovers  of  field  sports,  accustomed 


NO.  n7j          Southern   Soldier  309 

to  out-door  life,  and  in  all  physical  respects  excellent  mate-  the  war,  Mr. 
rial  of  which  to  make  an  army.     But  they  were  not  used  to 


control  of  any  sort,  and  were  not  disposed  to  obey  anybody  §aged  in 

,         .        ._    .  .  _TT,  .,  ..      journalistic 

except  for  good  and  sufficient  reason  given.     While  actually  and  literary 


on  drill  they  obeyed  the  word  of  command,  not  so  much  by 

reason  of  its  being  proper  to  obey  a  command,  as  because  tributed  to 

obedience  was  in  that  case  necessary  to  the  successful  issue  Monthly  a 

of  a  pretty  performance  in  which  they  were  interested.     Off  series  °f 

drill  they  did  as  they  pleased,  holding  themselves  gentlemen,  called  "A 

and  as  such  bound  to  consult  only  their  own  wills.     Their  ^i^ctions  "°~ 

officers  were  of  themselves,  chosen  by  election,  and  subject,  which  later 

-  ,  .  .  P     ,        appeared  in 

by  custom,  to  enforced  resignation  upon  petition  of  the  book  form. 

mer.  These  papers 

en<    '    *   '  throw  much 

With  troops  of  this  kind,  the  reader  will  readily  under-  light  on  the 
stand,  a  feeling  of  very  democratic  equality  prevailed,  so  far  Jutton  o/Se 

at  least  as  military  rank  had  anything  to  do  with  it.     Officers   Confederate 

°  army.  —  See 

were  no  better  than  men,  and  so  officers  and  men  messed   contempora- 

and  slept  together  on  terms  of  entire  equality,  quarreling  and  ruSt  1V>  No> 

even  fighting  now  and  then,  in  a  gentlemanly  way,  but  with 

out  a  thought  of  allowing  differences  of  military  rank  to  have 

any  influence  in  the  matter.     The  theory  was  that  the  officers 

were  the  creatures  of  the  men,  chosen  by  election  to  repre 

sent  their  constituency  in  the  performance  of  certain  duties, 

and  that  only  during  good  behavior.     And  to  this  theory  the 

officers  themselves  gave  in  their  adhesion  in  a  hundred  ways. 

Indeed,  they  could  do  nothing  else,  inasmuch  as  they  knew 

no  way  of  quelling  a  mutiny.  .  .  . 

In  the  camp  of  instruction  at  Ashland,  where  the  various 
cavalry  companies  existing  in  Virginia  were  sent  to  be  made 
into  soldiers,  it  was  a  very  common  thing  indeed  for  men 
who  grew  tired  of  camp  fare  to  take  their  meals  at  the  hotel, 
and  one  or  two  of  them  rented  cottages  and  brought  their 
families  there,  excusing  themselves  from  attendance  upon 
unreasonably  early  roll-calls,  by  pleading  the  distance  from 
their  cottages  to  the  parade-ground.  Whenever  a  detail  was 


3 1  o  Civil  War  [1861-1865 

made  for  the  purpose  of  cleaning  the  camp-ground,  the  men 
detailed  regarded  themselves  as  responsible  for  the  proper 
performance  of  the  task  by  their  servants,  and  uncomplain 
ingly  took  upon  themselves  the  duty  of  sitting  on  the  fence 
and  superintending  the  work.  The  two  or  three  men  of  the 
overseer  class  who  were  to  be  found  in  nearly  every  company 
turned  some  nimble  quarters  by  standing  other  men's  turns 
of  guard-duty  at  twenty-five  cents  an  hour ;  and  one  young 
gentleman  of  -my  own  company,  finding  himself  assigned  to 
a  picket  rope  post,  where  his  only  duty  was  to  guard  the 
horses  and  prevent  them,  in  their  untrained  exuberance  of 
spirit,  from  becoming  entangled  in  each  other's  heels  and 
halters,  coolly  called  his  servant  and  turned  the  matter  over 
to  him,  with  a  rather  informal  but  decidedly  pointed  in 
junction  not  to  let  those  horses  get  themselves  into  trouble 
if  he  valued  his  hide.  .  .  . 

It  was  in  this  undisciplined  state  that  the  men  who  after 
wards  made  up  the  army  under  Lee  were  sent  to  the  field 
to  meet  the  enemy  at  Bull  Run  and  elsewhere,  and  the  only 
wonder  is  that  they  were  ever  able  to  fight  at  all.  They 
were  certainly  not  soldiers.  They  were  as  ignorant  of  the 
alphabet  of  obedience  as  their  officers  were  of  the  art  of 
commanding.  And  yet  they  acquitted  themselves  reason 
ably  well,  a  fact  which  can  be  explained  only  by  reference  to 
the  causes  of  their  insubordination  in  camp.  These  men 
were  the  people  of  the  South,  and  the  war  was  their  own ; 
wherefore  they  fought  to  win  it  of  their  own  accord,  and  not 
at  all  because  their  officers  commanded  them  to  do  so. 
Their  personal  spirit  and  their  intelligence  were  their  sole 
elements  of  strength.  Death  has  few  terrors  for  such  men, 
as  compared  with  dishonor,  and  so  they  needed  no  officers 
at  all,  and  no  discipline,  to  insure  their  personal  good  con 
duct  on  the  field  of  battle.  The  same  elements  of  character, 
too,  made  them  accept  hardship  with  the  utmost  cheerful 
ness,  as  soon  as  hardship  became  a  necessary  condition  to 


NO.  us]  The  Wounded  311 

the  successful  prosecution  of  a  war  that  every  man  of  them 
regarded  as  his  own.  In  camp,  at  Richmond  or  Ashland, 
they  had  shunned  all  unnecessary  privation  and  all  distaste 
ful  duty,  because  they  then  saw  no  occasion  to  endure  avoid 
able  discomfort.  But  in  the  field  they  showed  themselves 
great,  stalwart  men  in  spirit  as  well  as  in  bodily  frame,  and 
endured  cheerfully  the  hardships  of  campaigning  precisely  as 
they  would  have  borne  the  fatigues  of  a  hunt,  as  incidents 
encountered  in  the  prosecution  of  their  purposes. 

George   Gary  Eggleston,  A  RebeVs  Recollections  (New  York, 
>  31-39  passim. 


118.    Supplies  for  the  Wounded  (1862)     Thefirstof 

these  extracts 

THE  first  two  days  after  Brother  Gushing  and  myself  Je/^^Jo 
reached  here  [Washington],  we  were  busy  with  the  the  Christian 
wounded  on  the   steamboats  coming  from   Acquia  Creek, 


giving  them  soft  bread  and  apple-sauce,  and  helping  them   END  FRAN 

CIS  NATHAN 
to  the  ambulances.  PELOUBET 

Thursday  morning,  as  we  were  by  the  boats,  some  one 
came  to  us  and  said,  that  on  one  of  the  boats  was  a  man   from  one  by 
who  had  eaten  nothing  for  three  days.     With  bread  in  our   GEORGE 


hands,  and  brandy  and  wine  in  our  canteens,  and  hymn 
books  in  the  pocket,  we  crossed  over  two  steamboats  to  one    (1835 
where  nothing  had  been  eaten  for  twenty-four  hours.     They  tt^E 
had  been  out  in  the  cold  all  night,  —  had  lain  four  hours  at  Michigan 
Acquia  Creek  on  the  cars  in  the  cold,  and  now,  waiting 
hours  before  they  could  be  taken  from  the  boat's  deck  (3000 
wounded  had  come  in  that  night),  they  were  as  patient  as  if  ner  in  which 
Job  had  been  the  father  of  every  one.      But  they  were  glad 


for  something  to  eat,  and  of  the  hot  coffee  which  came   for  during  the 

war,  and  ot 

along  soon.  the  work  of 


One  man  laughed  as  he  took  his  bread.     "What  are  you 
laughing  at?"  asked  another,  Commission. 


312  Civil   War  [1862 

"  Who  wouldn't  laugh  to  see  a  piece  of  bread  ?  " 

"This  looks  like  home," — "This  reminds  me  of  home," 
was  the  expression  of  some. 

The  regular  Government  boats  are  nicely  fitted  up,  and 
have  all  the  needful  arrangements  for  the  comfortable  trans 
portation  of  the  wounded.  But  the  other  boats  used  for 
this  purpose  have  neither  food  nor  medicines,  and  a  weary 
time  would  they  have  had  but  for  the  Christian  Commis 
sion.  .  .  .  One .  remarked,  as  we  were  leaving,  "  I  shall 
never  forget  that  fur  cap  (Cushing's)  wherever  I  meet  it." 
"  Nor  I,"  "  Nor  I,"  was  the  echo ;  my  own  less  distingue 
chapeau  getting  but  a  dimmer  fame.  .  .  . 

We  had  a  large  number  of  men  convalescent  and  suffer 
ing  of  want  of  appetite,  and  were  wasting  away  before 
the  "  hardtack  and  bean  soup  of  the  army  fare,"  but 
receiving  at  your  hands  some  soft  bread,  soft  crackers, 
and  sweet  butter,  I  mounted  my  horse,  and  galloped  to 
my  camp.  I  succeeded  in  getting  to  the  hospital  tent, 
AtFaimouth,  just  as  the  nurse  entered  with  the  bean  soup  for  dinner, 
and  before  which  many  of  the  pale  faces  turned  paler,  but 
no  sooner  did  they  behold  the  palatable  food  I  had,  than 
every  countenance  lighted  up  with  such  an  unutterable  look 
of  gratitude,  that  it  must  really  be  seen  by  any  one  to  be 
realized.  The  next  day  I  spread  the  crackers  with  butter, 
and  then  added  a  third  layer  of  apple-butter,  from  the  can 
you  gave  me,  which  was  received  with  an  equal  amount  of 
gratitude  by  all.  ...  in  the  characteristic  manner  of  the 
.  soldier,  and  as  no  other  man  can  utter  the  word,  one  of 
them  exclaimed,  "  Bully  for  such  a  chaplain  as  you."  My 
dear  sir,  could  but  the  ladies  and  kind  friends  who  sustain 
you  come  and  witness  a  few  of  these  cases,  they  would  really 
believe  that  no  one  could  bestow  even  a  cup  of  cold  water, 
but  would  receive  their  reward.  .  .  . 

United    States    Christian    Commission,   First  Annual  Report 
(Philadelphia,  1863),  35-39  passim. 


No.  1 19] 


New   Orleans 


3*3 


119.     Farragut  at  New  Orleans    (1862) 

WE  then  proceeded  up  to  New  Orleans,  leaving  the 
Wissahicon  and  Kineo  to  protect  the  landing  of  the 
general's  troops.  Owing  to  the  slowness  of  some  of  the  ves 
sels,  and  our  want  of  knowledge  of  the  river,  we  did  not 
reach  the  English  Turn  until  about  10.30  A.M.  on  the  25th ; 
but  all  the  morning  I  had  seen  abundant  evidence  of  the 
panic  which  had  seized  the  people  in  New  Orleans.  Cotton- 
loaded  ships  on  fire  came  floating  down,  and  working  imple 
ments  of  every  kind,  such  as  are  used  in  ship-yards.  The 
destruction  of  property  was  awful.  We  soon  descried  the 
new  earthwork  forts  on  the  old  lines  on  both  shores.  We 
now  formed  and  advanced  in  the  same  order,  two  lines,  each 
line  taking  its  respective  work.  Captain  Bailey  was  still  far 
in  advance,  not  having  noticed  my  signal  for  close  order, 
which  was  to  enable  the  slow  vessels  to  come  up.  They 
opened  on  him  a  galling  fire,  which  caused  us  to  run  up  to 
his  rescue  ;  this  gave  them  the  advantage  of  a  raking  fire  on 
us  for  upwards  of  a  mile  with  some  twenty  guns,  while  we 
had  but  two  Q-inch  guns  on  our  forecastle  to  reply  to  them. 
It  was  not  long,  however,  before  we  were  enabled  to  bear 
away  and  give  the  forts  a  broadside  of  shells,  shrapnell,  and 
grape,  the  Pensacola  at  the  same  time  passing  up  and  giving 
a  tremendous  broadside  of  the  same  kind  to  the  starboard 
fort ;  and  by  the  time  we  could  reload,  the  Brooklyn,  Cap 
tain  Craven,  passed  handsomely  between  us  and  the  battery 
and  delivered  her  broadside,  and  shut  us  out.  By  this  time 
the  other  vessels  had  gotten  up,  and  ranged  in  one  after 
another,  delivering  their  broadsides  in  spiteful  revenge  for 
their  {i.e.  the  enemies']  ill-trea[t]ment  of  the  little  Cayuga. 
The  forts  were  silenced,  and  those  who  could  run  were 
running  in  every  direction.  We  now  passed  up  to  the  city 
and  anchored  immediately  in  front  of  it,  and  I  sent  Captain 


By  DAVID 
GLASGOW 
FARRAGUT 
(1801-1870). 
February  2, 
1862,  Far 
ragut  sailed 
from  Hamp 
ton  Roads 
with  orders 
to  take  New 
Orleans. 
February  20, 
a  land  force 
was  sent 
from  Fortress 
Monroe, 
under  Gen 
eral  Butler,  to 
cooperate 
with  him  and 
to  garrison 
the  city  after 
its  capture. 
April  25, 
1862,  the 
mayor  of 
New  Orleans 
surrendered 
the  city  to 
Farragut,  as 
flag-officer, 
who  handed 
it  over  to 
General 
Butler  on 
May  I.    This 
event  gave 
the  Union 
army  the 
control  of  the 
mouth  of  the 
Mississippi, 
and  also,  it  is 
worthy  of 
note,  caused 
the  Emperor 
Napoleon 
III  to  recon 
sider  his 
design  of 
recognizing 
the  Confed 
eracy  and 


3*4 


Civil  War 


[1862 


raising  the 
blockade. 

Shrapnell  = 
shells  filled 
with  bullets 
and  a  small 
bursting 
charge. 

The  "  Ca- 

yuga"  was 
Captain 
Bailey's  ves 
sel. 

Levee  = 
embank 
ment  along 
the  river. 


Forts  Jack 
son  and  St. 
Philip. 


Bailey  on  shore  to  demand  the  surrender  of  it  from  the 
authorities,  to  which  the  mayor  replied  that  the  city  was 
under  martial  law,  and  that  he  had  no  authority.  General 
Lovell,  who  was  present,  stated  that  he  should  deliver  up 
nothing,  but  in  order  to  free  the  city  from  embarrassment 
he  would  restore  the  city  authorities,  and  retire  with  his 
troops,  which  he  did.  .  .  . 

The  leVee  of  New  Orleans  was  one  scene  of  desolation. 
Ships,  steamers,  cotton,  coal,  &c.,  were  all  in  one  common 
blaze,  and  oil'r  ingenuity  was  much  taxed  to  avoid  the  float 
ing  conflagration.  .  .  . 

I  next  went  above  the  city  eight  miles,  to  Carrolton,  where 
I  learned  there  were  two  other  forts,  but  the  panic  had  gone 
before  me.  I  found  the  guns  spiked,  and  the  gun-carriages 
in  flames.  The  first  work,  on  the  right,  reaches  from  the 
Mississippi  nearly  over  to  Pontchartrain,  and  has  29  guns ; 
the  one  on  the  left  had  six  guns,  from  which  Commander 
Lee  took  some  fifty  barrels  of  powder,  and  completed  the 
destruction  of  the  gun-carriages,  &c.  A  mile  higher  up 
there  were  two  other  earthworks,  but  not  yet  armed.  .  .  . 

On  the  evening  of  the  2pth  Captain  Bailey  arrived  from 
below,  with  the  gratifying  intelligence  that  the  forts  had  sur 
rendered  to  Commander  Porter,  and  had  delivered  up  all 
public  property,  and  were  being  paroled,  and  that  the  navy 
had  been  made  to  surrender  unconditionally,  as  they  had 
conducted  themselves  with  bad  faith,  burning  and  sinking 
their  vessels  while  a  flag  of  truce  was  flying,  and  the  forts 
negotiating  for  their  surrender,  and  the  Louisiana,  their  great 
iron-clad  battery,  blown  up  almost  alongside  of  the  vessel 
where  they  were  negotiating ;  hence  their  officers  were  not 
paroled,  but  sent  home  to  be  treated  according  to  the  judg 
ment  of  the  government. 

General  Butler  came  up  the  same  day,  and  arrangements 
were  made  for  bringing  up  his  troops. 

I  sent  on  shore  and  hoisted  the  American  flag  on  the  cus- 


NO.  120]  Emancipation  315 

torn-house,  and  hauled  down  the  Louisiana  State  flag  from 
the  city  hall,  as  the  mayor  had  avowed  that  there  was  no 
man  in  New  Orleans  who  dared  to  haul  it  down ;  and  my 
own  convictions  are  that  if  such  an  individual  could  have 
been  found  he  would  have  been  assassinated. 

Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Report,  1862  (Washington,  1863),  279- 
281  passim. 


120.  Proclamation  of  Emancipation  (1862)  By  FRANCIS 

*  /  BlCKNELL 

CARPENTER 

THE  appointed  hour  found  me  at  the  well-remembered  ^portrait-  ^ 

door  of  the  official  chamber,  —  that  door  watched  painter,  who 

daily,  with  so  many  conflicting  emotions  of  hope  and  fear,  nfany^istin- 

by  the  anxious  throng  regularly  gathered  there.     The  Presi-  fg^^^gg 

dent  had  preceded  me,  and  was  already  deep  in  Acts  of  he  painted  a 

Congress,  with  which  the  writing-desk  was  strewed,  awaiting  ^picture"" 

his  signature.     He  received  me  pleasantly,  giving  me  a  seat  representing 

near  his  own  arm-chair ;   and  after  having  read  Mr.  Love-  of^h^eman- 

joy's  note,  he  took  off  his  spectacles,  and  said,  "  Well,  Mr.  Cir^t1^a 

C ,  we  will  turn  you  in  loose  here,  and  try  to  give  you  tion  on  janu- 

a  good  chance  to  work  out  your  idea."     Then,  without  pay- 


ing  much  attention  to  the  enthusiastic   expression   of  mv  execution  of 

f  ,  *    this  task,  he 

ambitious  desire  and  purpose,  he  proceeded  to  give  me  was  thrown 


a  detailed  account  of  the  history  and   issue  of  the  great 

proclamation.  sonal  contact 

"  It  had  got  to  be,"  said  he,  "  midsummer,  1862.    Things  President, 

had  gone  on  from  bad  to  worse,  until  I  felt  that  we  had  ™*Tjgin*d 

reached  the  end  of  our  rope  on  the  plan  of  operations  we  much  knowi- 

had  been  pursuing  ;  that  we  had  about  played  our  last  card,  character15 

and  must  change  our  tactics,  or  lose  the  game  !      I  now  de-  a°d  policy; 

j  ±1          j  f   ^  -  1-  hfi  afterward 

termmed  upon  the  adoption  of  the  emancipation  policy  ;  threw  his  re- 

and,  without  consultation  with,   or   the    knowledge  of  the   {^J^nto 
Cabinet,  I  prepared  the  original  draft  of  the  proclamation,   the  book 


316 


Civil   War  [1862 


from  which  and,  after  much  anxious  thought,  called  a  Cabinet  meeting 
taken*—  On*  uPon  the  subject.  This  was  the  last  of  July,  or  the  first  part 
Lincoln^  see  of  the  month  of  August,  1862."  (The  exact  date  he  did  not 
in,  and  be-  remember.)  "  This  Cabinet  meeting  took  place,  I  think,  upon 
-^nNe°mant  a  Saturday-  A11  were  present,  excepting  Mr.  Blair,  the  Post- 
cipation,  see  master-General,  who  was  absent  at  the  opening  of  the  dis- 
riesf>erv>>°ch~  cussion,  but  came  in  subsequently.  I  said  to  the  Cabinet 
that  I  had  resolved  upon  this  step,  and  had  not  called  them 
was  heidetmg  togetner  to  ask  their  advice,  but  to  lay  the  subject-matter  of  a 
July  22.  proclamation  before  them  ;  suggestions  as  to  which  would  be 

in  order,  after  they  had  heard  it  read.      Mr.  Lovejoy,"  said 
he,  "was  in   error  when  he  informed  you  that  it  excited 
no  comment,  excepting  on  the  part  of  Secretary  Seward. 
Chase  has       Various  suggestions  were  offered.     Secretary  Chase  wished 
counUn'his     t^ie  language  stronger  in  reference  to  the  arming  of  the 
diary  blacks.      Mr.  Blair,  after  he  came  in,  deprecated  the  policy, 

on  tne  ground  that  it  would  cost  the  Administration  the  fall 


den's  biogra-  elections.  Nothing,  however,  was  offered  that  I  had  not  al 
ready  fully  anticipated  and  settled  in  my  own  mind,  until 
Seward  was  Secretary  Seward  spoke.  He  said  in  substance  :  '  Mr.  Presi- 
State5.  ai  dent,  I  approve  of  the  proclamation,  but  I  question  the  ex 
pediency  of  its  issue  at  this  juncture.  The  depression 
of  the  public  mind,  consequent  upon  our  repeated  reverses, 
is  so  great  that  I  fear  the  effect  of  so  important  a  step.  It 
may  be  viewed  as  the  last  measure  of  an  exhausted  govern 
ment,  a  cry  for  help  ;  the  government  stretching  forth  its 
hands  to  Ethiopia,  instead  of  Ethiopia  stretching  forth  her 
hands  to  the  government.'  His  idea,"  said  the  President, 
"  was  that  it  would  be  considered  our  last  shriek,  on  the  re 
treat."  (This  was  his  precise  expression.)  "'Now,'  con 
tinued  Mr.  Seward,  '  while  I  approve  the  measure,  I  suggest, 
sir,  that  you  postpone  its  issue,  until  you  can  give  it  to  the 
country  supported  by  military  success,  instead  of  issuing  it, 
as  would  be  the  case  now,  upon  the  greatest  disasters  of  the 
war  !  '"  Mr.  Lincoln  continued  :  "  The  wisdom  of  the  view 


NO.  120]  Emancipation  317 

of  the  Secretary  of  State  struck  me  with  very  great  force. 

It  was  an  aspect  of  the  case  that,  in  all  my  thought  upon 

the  subject,  I  had  entirely  overlooked.     The  result  was  that 

I  put  the  draft  of  the  proclamation  aside,  as  you  do  your 

sketch  for  a  picture,  waiting  for  a  victory.     From  time  to 

time  I  added  or  changed  a  line,  touching  it  up  here  and 

there,  anxiously  watching  the  progress  of  events.     Well,  the 

next  news  we  had   was  of  Pope's  disaster,  at  Bull  Run.  August  30. 

Things  looked  darker  than  ever.     Finally,  came  the  week  of 

the  battle  of  Antietam.     I  determined  to  wait  no  longer.   September 

The  news  came,  I  think,  on  Wednesday,  that  the  advantage   l6>  I7* 

was  on  our  side.     I  was  then  staying  at  the  Soldiers'  Home, 

(three  miles  out  of  Washington.)     Here  I  finished  writing 

the  second  draft  of  the  preliminary  proclamation;  came  up 

on  Saturday ;  called  the  Cabinet  together  to  hear  it,  and  it 

was  published  the  following  Monday." 

At  the  final  meeting  of  September  2Oth,  another  interest 
ing  incident  occurred  in  connection  with  Secretary  Seward. 
The  President  had  written  the  important  part  of  the  procla 
mation  in  these  words  :  — 

"  That,  on  the  first  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-three,  all  per 
sons  held  as  slaves  within  any  State  or  designated  part  of  a 
State,  the  people  whereof  shall  then  be  in  rebellion  against 
the  United  States,  shall  be  then,  thenceforward,  and  forever 
FREE  •  and  the  Executive  Government  of  the  United  States, 
including  the  military  and  naval  authority  thereof,  will  recog 
nize  the  freedom  of  such  persons,  and  will  do  no  act  or  acts  to 
repress  such  persons,  or  any  of  them,  in  any  efforts  they  may 
make  for  their  actual  freedom."  "  When  I  finished  reading 
this  paragraph,"  resumed  Mr.  Lincoln,  "Mr.  Seward  stopped 
me,  and  said,  '  I  think,  Mr.  President,  that  you  should  insert 
after  the  word  "  recognize"  in  that  sentence,  the  words 
"  and  maintain."  '  I  replied  that  I  had  already  fully  con 
sidered  the  import  of  that  expression  in  this  connection, 


3i8 


Civil  War 


[1863 


but  I  had  not  introduced  it,  because  it  was  not  my  way  to 
promise  what  I  was  not  entirely  sure  that  I  could  perform, 
and  I  was  not  prepared  to  say  that  I  thought  we  were  ex 
actly  able  to  '  maintain  '  this." 

"  But,"  said  he,  "  Seward  insisted  that  we  ought  to  take 
this  ground  ;  and  the  words  finally  went  in  !  " 

"  It  is  ,a  somewhat  remarkable  fact,"  he  subsequently  re 
marked,  "  that  there  were  just  one  hundred  days  between 
the  dates  of  the  two  proclamations  issued  upon  the  22d  of 
September  and  the  ist  of  January.  I  had  not  made  the 
calculation  at  the  time." 

Having  concluded  this  interesting  statement,  the  President 
then  proceeded  to  show  me  the  various  positions  occupied 
by  himself  and  the  different  members  of  the  Cabinet,  on 
the  occasion  of  the  first  meeting.  "  As  nearly  as  I  remem 
ber,"  said  he,  "  I  sat  near  the  head  of  the  table ;  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  Treasury  and  the  Secretary  of  War  were  here, 
at  my  right  hand ;  the  others  were  grouped  at  the  left." 

F[rancis]  B[icknell]  Carpenter,  Six  Months  at  the  White  House 
•with  Abraham  Lincoln  (New  York,  1866),  20-24. 


By  DR.  AL 
BERT  GAIL- 
LARD  HART 
(1821-       ), 
long  a  prac 
tising  physi 
cian  in 
western 
Pennsylva 
nia,  a  volun 
teer  of  1861, 
and  a  soldier 
of  three 
years'  service 
in  the  Civil 
War  as  sur 
geon  of  the 


121.    In  the  Thick  of  the  Fight  (1863) 

HOSPITAL  4isT  REGIMENT  O.  V.  I.  AT  DIVISION  HOSPITAL 
«  SECOND   DIVISION,   CRITTENDEN'S   CORPS,  THREE   MILES 

NORTH  OF  MURPHYSBOROUGH,  TENNESSEE, 

JANUARY  ;TH,  1863. 

MY  dearest  wife; 
You  will  have  ere  this  some  account  of  the  battle 
of  Murphysborough,  or  Stone  River.  The  great  battle  was 
fought  on  the  3ist  of  December.  The  rebel  forces  attacked 
our  right  wing,  General  Mack  Cook's  corps,  and  took  us 
entirely  by  surprise.  Their  left  line  extended  much  beyond 


NO.  121]  Murfreesboro  319 

our  right  and  as  they  came  near  us  they  wheeled  their  4ist  Ohio 

extreme  left,  which  brought  them  in  a  position  to  rake  us  or  irJfantry^He 

fire  along  our  line.     No  command  can  long  stand  up  under  made  the 

,          -  ,  1111.  -i  ,  selection  for 

such  a  fire,  and  ours  broke  back  in  utter  rout,  .and  carried  this  work  out 


with  them  as  in  a  mighty  reflex  wave  division  after  division,  f 

Jeff  C.  Davis,  Johnson,  Sheridan,  and  Negley's  divisions,  and   his  war  let- 
the  right  of  our  own  Palmer's.     By  noon  our  line  had  been   served^  Pr 
driven  so  far  back  as  to  be  nearly  at  a  right  angle  to  the   Murph 
position  which  we  had  occupied  at  8  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
At  my  standpoint,  this  hospital  nearly  two  miles  in  the  rear,   boro. 
a  cloud  of  fugitives  numbering  thousands  were  seen  flying  "  M*c?f 
toward  the  rear,  not  an  army,  but  a  cloud  of  helpless,  terror-   was  Gen.  A. 
stricken,  totally  disorganized  and  disbanded  men,  followed   ^^  ^~  of 
by  a  few  hundred  rebel  cavalry,  who  shot  down  or  captured  "the  fighting 
the  men  at  pleasure.     Our  Division  Hospital  fell  into  their  McCooks< 
hands  and  a  mile  or  two  of  the  transportation  along  the  pike, 
on  which  we  were  advancing.     Our  left  at  the  same  time 
was  turned  by  the  rebel  cavalry.     Fortunately  our  cavalry 
coming  up  re-took  our  hospital  a  half  hour  after  the  rebels  Surgeons 
had  taken  possession  of  it,  and  I  saw  my  first  cavalry  fight  J^fcd  away 
between  our  own  and  rebel  cavalry.  as  prisoners. 

For  a  time  it  seemed  as  if  the  day  was  hopelessly  lost. 
Still  many  of  the  regiments  kept  their  men  in  the  rallying 
distance,  and  fell  back  in  partial  order.  They  formed  at 
last,  after  Rousseau's  reserves  had  come  into  line,  and  aided 
to  save  the  day.  Still  back  and  back  came  our  right,  and 
all  that  could  be  done  was  to  change  our  front  so  as  to  face 
the  rebels  as  they  came  surging  up.  Artillery  discharges  at 
the  rate  of  60  per  minute  could  not  leave  a  field  long 
contested.  Every  brigade  yielded  in  the  fatal  tide.  Two 
brigades  of  our  division  wheeled  into  the  same  line  ;  the 
1  9th,  our  own,  is  next  and  the  last.  The  right  of  our  brigade 
necessarily  falls  back  to  take  line  with  that  which  adjoins  it. 
Will  our  left  too  give  back?  The  4ist  is  on  the  extreme  left 
to  the  left  of  the  pike.  At  the  left  of  our  regiment  the 


320 


Civil  War 


tx«63 


A.  B.  Hazen, 
then  colonel 
of  the  4ist, 
later  a  major- 
general. 


This  is  a  ter 
rible  percent 
age  of  loss  for 
a  single  fight. 


retreat  ceases,  and  on  it,  as  on  a  pivot,  the  brigade  swings 
round  and  rests.  Five,  times  the  rebels  poured  a  sheet 
of  flame,  and  a  cloud  of  musketry  and  artillery  upon 
us.  Supported  by  Cockerel's  battery  we  hold  our  ground 
successfully. 

Too  much  credit  cannot  be  given  Colonel  Hazen  com 
manding  our  brigade.  Few  men  could  have  held  troops 
under  so  galling  a  fire.  Our  loss  is  double  that  of  regiments 
on  the  right  wing,  as  thousands  threw  away  their  muskets, 
and  did  not  fire  a  round. 

Our  complete  return  of  killed  and  wounded  is,  killed  16, 
wounded  94,  no  out  of  413  men  engaged. 

Two  days  after  the  battle  the  rebels  under  General  Breck- 
enridge  came  down  on  our  left  wing  with  10,000  men  mostly 
Kentuckians.  As  they  descended  the  slope  toward  Stone 
River,  Van  Cleve's  Division,  which  was  lying  opposite  where 
they  emerged  from  the  woods,  were  driven  out  like  a  flock 
of  sheep.  Most  fortunately  and  providentially  for  us  Gen 
eral  Rosecrans  had  caused  to  be  parked  52  pieces  of  artil 
lery  directly  opposite  their  point  of  attack.  Every  piece 
was  opened  upon  them  and  according  to  the  rebel  account 
when  they  went  back  in  40  minutes  they  left  2,000  men  dead 
and  wounded  upon  the  field. 

You  will  know  that  the  rebels  have  evacuated  Murphys- 
borough  and  are  in  full  march  for  the  South. 

From  MS.  letters  communicated  for  this  volume  by  Dr.  Hart. 


122. 


By«'A  .    Cave  Life  in  a  Besieged  City  (1863) 

LADY."  The 
account  from 
which  this 
extract  is 
taken  is  by 

an  anony-       ground  during  the  siege.     M  -  sent  over  and  had  a  cave 


O  constantly  dropped  the  shells  around  the  city,  that  the 
inhabitants  all  made  preparations  to  live  under  the 


NO.  122]       Siege   of  Vicksburg         321 

made  in  a  hill  near  by.     We  seized  the  opportunity  one  mous  hand. 

evening,  when  the  gunners  were  probably  at   their  supper,  inise^and 

for  we  had  a  few  moments  of  quiet,  to  go  over  and  take  faithfully 

-ITT  11  r      r  •        i      f  n  ,r  pictures  the 

possession.     We  were  under  the  care  of  a  friend  of  M  -  ,  conditions  in 


who  was  paymaster  on  the  staff  of  the  same  General  with 

whom  M  -  was  Adjutant.     We  had  neighbors  on  both  siege  by 
sides  of  us;  and  it  would  have  been  an  amusing  sight  to  a 

spectator  to  witness  the  domestic  scenes  presented  without  ample  of  the 

picturesque- 

by  the  number  of  servants  preparing  the  meals  under  the  ness  of  a 

high  bank  containing  the  caves.  Stive"-  nar" 

Our  dining,  breakfasting,  and  supper  hours  were  quite  Compare 

irregular.     When  the  shells  were  falling  fast,  the  servants  60,  84,'  86, 

came  in  for  safety,  and   our  meals  waited  for  completion  "i;11^1  I2I- 

some  little  time  ;  again  they  would  fall  slowly,  with  the  lapse  Vicksburg 
of  many  minutes  between,  and  out  would  start  the  cooks  to 


their  work.  poraries,  IV, 

Some  families  had  light  bread  made  in  large  quantities, 
and  subsisted  on  it  with  milk  (provided  their  cows  were  not  was~the~  hus. 
killed  from  one  milking  time  to  another),  without  any  more  band  of  the 
cooking,  until  called  on  to  replenish.  Though  most  of  us 
lived  on  corn  bread  and  bacon,  served  three  times  a  day,  the 
only  luxury  of  the  meal  consisting  in  its  warmth,  I  had  some 
flour,  and  frequently  had  some  hard,  tough  biscuit  made 
from  it,  there  being  no  soda  or  yeast  to  be  procured.  At 
this  time  we  could,  also,  procure  beef.  .  .  .  And  so  I 
went  regularly  to  work,  keeping  house  under  ground.  Our 
new  habitation  was  an  excavation  made  in  the  earth,  and 
branching  six  feet  from  the  entrance,  forming  a  cave  in  the 
shape  of  a  T.  In  one  of  the  wings  my  bed  fitted  ;  the  other 
I  used  as  a  kind  of  a  dressing  room  ;  in  this  the  earth  had 
been  cut  down  a  foot  or  two  below  the  floor  of  the  main 
cave  ;  I  could  stand  erect  here  ;  and  when  tired  of  sitting  in 
other  portions  of  my  residence,  I  bowed  myself  into  it,  and 
stood  impassively  resting  at  full  height  —  one  of  the  varia 
tions  in  the  still  shell-expectant  life.  M  -  's  servant 


322  Civil   War  [1863 

cooked  for  us  under  protection  of  the  hill.  Our  quarters 
were  close,  indeed ;  yet  I  was  more  comfortable  than  I 
expected  I  could  have  been  made  under  the  earth  in  that 
fashion. 

We  were  safe  at  least  from  fragments  of  shell  —  and  they 
were  flying  in  all  directions  ;  though  no  one  seemed  to  think 
our  cave  any  protection,  should  a  mortar  shell  happen  to 
fall  directly  on  top  of  the  ground  above  us.  ... 

And  so  the  weary  days  went  on  —  the  long,  weary  days  — 
when  we  could  riot  tell  in  what  terrible  form  death  might 
come  to  us  before  the  sun  went  down.  Another  fear  that 

troubled  M was,  that  our  provisions  might  not  last  us 

during  the  siege.  He  would  frequently  urge  me  to  husband 
all  that  I  had,  for  troublesome  times  were  probably  in  store 
for  us ;  told  me  of  the  soldiers  in  the  intrenchments,  who 
would  have  gladly  eaten  the  bread  that  was  left  from  our 
meals,  for  they  were  suffering  every  privation,  and  that  our 
servants  lived  far  better  than  these  men  who  were  defending 
the  city.  Soon  the  pea  meal  became  an  article  of  food  for 
us  also,  and  a  very  unpalatable  article  it  proved.  To  make 
it  of  proper  consistency,  we  were  obliged  to  mix  some  corn 
meal  with  it,  which  cooked  so  much  faster  than  the  pea 
meal,  that  it  burned  before  the  bread  was  half  done.  The 
taste  was  peculiar  and  disagreeable.  .  .  . 

Still,  we  had  nothing  to  complain  of  in  comparison  with 
the  soldiers :  many  of  them  were  sick  and  wounded  in  a 
hospital  in  the  most  exposed  parts  of  the  city,  with  shells 
falling  and  exploding  all  around  them.  .  .  . 

Even  the  very  animals  seemed  to  share  the  general  fear 
of  a  sudden  and  frightful  death.  The  dogs  would  be  seen 
in  the  midst  of  the  noise  to"  gallop  up  the  street,  and  then  to 
return,  as  if  fear  had  maddened  them..  On  hearing  the 
descent  of  a  shell,  they  would  dart  aside  —  then,  as  it  ex 
ploded,  sit  down  and  howl  in  the  most  pitiful  manner. 
There  were  many  walking  the  street,  apparently  without 
ho'mes.  .  .  . 


No.  123] 


Gettysburg 


323 


In  the  midst  of  other  miserable  thoughts,  it  came  into  my  Vicksburg 
mind  one  day,  that  these  dogs  through  hunger  might  become   ^urrende^d 
as  much  to  be  dreaded  as  wolves.     Groundless  was  this  to  Grant, 
anxiety,  for  in  the  course  of  a  week  or  two  they  had  almost 
disappeared. 

A  Lady,  My  Cave  Life  in  Vicksburg  (New  York,  etc.,  1864), 
58-78  passim.  (Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in 
the  year  1864,  by  D.  Appleton  and  Company.) 


123.    Battle  of  Gettysburg  (1863) 
THE    GREAT    VICTORY. 

The    Rebel    Army    Totally 
Defeated. 


ITS    REMAINS    DRIVEN    INTO 
THE   MOUNTAINS. 


It    is    There    Surrounded 
and  Hemmed  in. 

Its    Retreat    Across    the    Potomac 
River  Cut  Off. 


TWENTY    THOUSAND    PRISONERS    CAPTURED 
One  Hundred  and  Eighteen  Guns  Taken. 

The  Rebel  General  Longstreet  Killed 


By  a  corre 
spondent  of 
the  NEW 
YORK 
TRIBUNE. 
This  account 
of  one  of  the 
greatest  bat 
tles  of  the 
war,  from  the 
pages  of  a 
leading 
Northern 
paper,  will 
serve  to  con 
vey  an  idea 
of  how  the 
people  were 
kept  in 
formed  of 
what  was 
going  on  at 
the  front.  — 
On  the  cam 
paign  of  Get 
tysburg,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  IV,  No. 


324 


Civil   War 


[1863 


DETAILS    OF    THE    THREE    DAYS*    FIGHTING. 

The  Most  Terrific  Combat  on  Record 

Desperate  Charges  by  the  Rebel 
Troops  Massed., 

OUR     TROOPS     STAND     FIRM     AS     A     ROCK. 
The   Rebel  Assaults   Repeatedly   Repulsed. 


Their  Solid  Ranks  Dashed  into  Fragments. 
STILL     THE      UNION     ARMY      STAND      FIRM. 


The   Rebels    Pause  — Waver — Break 
and  Scatter. 

A    great    and    Glorious    Victory    for   the 
Potomac  Army. 


Lee  had 


penetrated 


"X/ESTERDAY,  the  third  day's  struggle  of  the  Army  of 
i  the  Potomac,  brought  another  triumph  to  our  army, 
and  last  night  another  sun  set  over  a  victorious  but  bloody- 
^^^  battle-field.  The  flower  of  the  Southern  army  threw 
itself  in  one  gigantic  death-struggle  upon  our  army,  its 
Generals  swearing  to  pierce  our  center  or  go  down  before 
the  valor  of  our  troops.  The  onset  was  fierce  and  bloody, 
and  cost  us  many  brave  men,  but  the  repulse  of  the  invaders 
was  complete,  and  thousands  of  slaughtered  Rebels  lay 
strewn  along  the  ground,  while  thousands  fell  into  our  hands 
as  prisoners.  Many  battle-flags  have  been  taken.  Four 
thousand  Rebels  captured  yesterday  are  on  their  way  to 
Baltimore,  and  several  thousand  are  in  camp  guarded  by 
our  men. 


NO.  123]  Gettysburg  325 

Gen.  Meade  has  now  the  admiration  of  the  whole  army. 
His  daring  acts  and  military  strategy  in  placing  in  position 
his  victorious  army  increase  confidence  in  his  generalship. 
He  has  fought  as  no  one  ever  fought  the  Potomac  army 
before.  .  .  . 

The  following  details  of  the  battle  were  taken  by  your 
correspondent  from  Gen.  Hancock,  who  commanded  the 
Second  Corps  during  the  fight  till  evening,  when  a  Rebel 
bullet  compelled  him  to  fall  to  the  rear. 

As  the  firing,  ceased  on  Thursday  night  and  our  army,  Thursday 
flushed,  with  victory,  covered  the  enemy's  ground,  it  held   ^  *£* s^' 
command  of  the  bloody  battle  field  of  the  day.  fighting. 

The  Rebel  flag  of  truce  was  denied,  and  Friday  morning  The  third 
found  our  army  re-enforced  by  the  reserves  of  the  Sixth   day'sfight 
Corps,   Gen.  Sedgwick,  and  Twelfth  Corps,  Gen.  Slocum. 
Holding  the  field,  our  army  was  in  line  of  battle  along'  the 
Emmettsburg  Turnpike  and  along  the  Taneytown  Road. 
Several  rifle  pits  on  the  extreme  right  were  left  in  possession 
of  the  enemy  on  Thursday  night. 

On  Friday  morning  the  ball  was  opened  by  Gen.  Geary, 
who   moved   upon   the   enemy  to   retake   these  rifle  pits. 
Firing  now  became  general,  and  continued  without  damage 
to  us  until   eleven  o'clock,  the  rifle-pits   falling  into   our 
possession.     From  1 1  till  i  o'clock  the  firing  slackened,  but 
as  i  o'clock  arrived,  there  were  indications  of  another  clash 
of  arms  more  bloody  than  the  historian  of  the  war  has  yet 
recorded.     The  Rebels  under  Gen.  Ewell  now  made  a  con-  This  was 
centration  of  all  their  artillery,  and  opened  a  terrible  artillery  JJJJfst0  terrible 
fire  on  our  left  center.    Battery  after  battery  roared,  shaking  cannonades 
the  surrounding  hills,  and  shot  and  shell  rained  death  and 
destruction  upon  our  lines. 

The  Second  Corps  occupied  the  center,  and  the  position 
which  withstood  the  last  convulsive  attack  of  the  Rebels  was 
commanded  by  Gen.  Hayes.  The  enemy  followed  their 
artillery  with  a  tremendous  infantry  assault  under  the  Rebel 


326 


Civil  War 


[1863 


General 
Pickett 
was  really  in 
command. 


Lee  was  still 
able  to  hold 
his  army  to 
gether  and 
recross  the 
Potomac,  but 
it  was  the  last 
campaign  in 
the  North. 


Gen.  Anderson,  coming  up  in  masses,  sometimes  in  close 
column  by  division.  Our  men  stood  like  serried  hosts,  and 
on  came  the  enemy,  crowding,  shouting,  and  rushing  toward 
our  guns  like  infuriated  demons.  There  was  no  waver  in 
our  lines.  On  came  the  Rebels,  while  the  canister  from 
batteries  told  fearfully  among  their  dying  ranks.  Now  they 
are  withia  twenty  yards  of  our  guns,  and  volley  after  volley 
of  shot  and  shell  and  whizzing  bullets  go  crashing  down 
among  them,  dealing  death  and  scattering  the  motley  ranks 
to  die  or  surrender. 

The  slaughter  was  fearful,  and  there  were  a  few  men  of 
the  enemy  who  did  not  find  even  a  grave  near  our  guns. 
The  Third  and  Fifth  Corps  now  joined  in  the  fight.  Gen. 
Hill's  division  alone  took  ten  battle  flags  as  this  last  move 
of  the  enemy  burst  upon  our  center.  A  panic  seemed  to 
seize  them.  Men  laid  down  on  the  ground  to  escape  our 
fire  and  lying  there  they  supplicatingly  held  up  white  pieces 
of  paper  in  token  of  surrender.  In  this  repulse  we  took 
several  thousand  prisoners,  and  crowds  of  Rebel  stragglers 
came  into  our  lines  giving  themselves  up  in  despair. 

Gen.  Hancock's  corps  now  flanked  the  field,  when  crowds 
of  disorganized  Rebels  threw  up  their  arms  and  surrendered, 
while  the  field  strewn  with  Rebel  wounded,  battle  flags  and 
arms  fell  into  our  possession. 

The  result  amounted  to  a  rout.  Cavalry  has  been  sent 
out  to  harvest  the  straggle[r]s.  Gen.  Hayes  is  said  to  have 
covered  himself  with  glory.  General  Doubleday  fell  fight 
ing  gallantly,  saying,  as  a  ball  pierced  his  head,  "  I'm  killed  ! 
I'm  killed  ! "  Gen.  Hancock  thinks  he  is  not  killed,  but 
seriously  wounded.  And  thus  night  has  drawn  her  mantle 
over  another  bloody  day,  but  a  day  so  bright  with  deeds  of 
heroism  and  grand  results,  with  patriotic  devotion  and 
sublime  death,  that  the  page  of  History  shall  glitter  with 
that  light.  .  .  . 

This  is  universally  allowed  to  have  been  the  most  des- 


NO.  124]      Lincoln   and   Slavery       327 

perate  battle  of  the  war.     The   2oth  Massachusetts  went 
into  action  with  two  hundred  and  fifty  and  came  out  with 

NINETY-FIVE.    .    .    . 

New-York  Tribune,  July  6,  1863,  p.  i. 


i 


124.    The  War  and  Slavery   (1864) 

J     v  By  ABRA 

HAM  LIN- 


AM  naturally  antislavery.     If  slavery  is  not  wrong,  noth-   JOLN 
ing  is  wrong.     I  cannot  remember  when  I  did  not  so   is  a  very  clear 


think  and  feel,  and  yet  I  have  never  understood  that  the 

presidency  conferred  upon  me  an  unrestricted  right  to  act  Lincoln's  at- 

officially  upon  this  judgment  and   feeling.     It  was  in  the  two  problem's 

oath  I  took  that  I  would,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  preserve,  E^Td^for  so 

protect,  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  lution  on  his 

I  could  not  take  the  office  without  taking  the  oath.     Nor  ofthToffiTe 

was  it  my  view  that  I  might  take  an  oath  to  get  power  and  of  chief  ma&- 

.......  T         ,  ,  istrate  ;  it  is 

break  the  oath  in  using  the  power.     I  understood,  too,  that  aiso  a  clear 

in  ordinary  civil  administration  this  oath  even  forbade  me  to  enu"ciation 

J  01  the  rea- 

practically  indulge   my  primary  abstract  judgment  on  the  sons  induc- 

moral  question  of  slavery.     I  had  publicly  declared  this  many  proclaim0 

times,  and  in  many  ways.     And  I  aver  that,  to  this  day,  I  military 

-_   .  ,  .  ,    -  emancipa- 

have  done  no  official  act  in  mere  deference  to  my  abstract  tion  and  to 
judgment  and  feeling  on  slavery.     I  did  understand,  how- 
ever,  that  my  oath  to  preserve  the  Constitution  to  the  best 

r  T_-VI.  j  ,1        j    .         c  •         i 

of  my  ability  imposed  upon  me  the  duty  of  preserving,  by 

every  indispensable  means,  that  government  —  that  nation, 

J  ' 


_ 

,  For  Lincoln's 

of  which   that  Constitution  was  the  organic  law.     \\  as  it  views  on 

possible  to  lose  the  nation  and  yet  preserve  the  Constitution  ?  above7  Nos 

By  general  law,  life  and  limb  must  be  protected,  yet  often  a  i",  120.— 

limb  must  be  amputated  to  save  a  life  ;  but  a  life  is  never  seec^xv?' 

wisely  given  to  save  a  limb.     I  felt  that  measures  otherwise  above-  —  For 

unconstitutional  might  become  lawful  by  becoming  indis-  Civil  War, 


328 


Civil   War 


pensable  to  the  preservation  of  the  Constitution  through  the 
preservation  of  the  nation.  Right  or  wrong,  I  assumed  this 
ground,  and  now  avow  it.  I  could  not  feel  that,  to  the  best 
of  my  ability,  I  had  even  tried  to  preserve  the  Constitution, 
if,  to  save  slavery  or  any  minor  matter,  I  should  permit  the 
wreck  of  government,  country,  and  Constitution  all  together. 
When,  early  in  the  war,  General  Fremont  attempted  military 
emancipation,  I  forbade  it,  because  I  did  not  then  think  it 
an  indispensable  necessity.  When,  a  little  later,  General 
Cameron,  then  Secretary  of  War,  suggested  the  arming  of 
the  blacks,  I  objected  because  I  did  not  yet  think  it  an 
indispensable  necessity.  When,  still  later,  General  Hunter 
attempted  military  emancipation,  I  again  forbade  it,  because 
I  did  not  yet  think  the  indispensable  necessity  had  come. 
When  in  March  and  May  and  July,  1862, 1  made  earnest  and 
successive  appeals  to  the  border  States  to  favor  compensated 
emancipation,  I  believed  the  indispensable  necessity  for 
military  emancipation  and  arming  the  blacks  would  come 
unless  averted  by  that  measure.  They  declined  the  propo 
sition,  and  I  was,  in  my  best  judgment,  driven  to  the  alter 
native  of  either  surrendering  the  Union,  and  with  it  the 
Constitution,  or  of  laying  strong  hand  upon  the  colored  ele 
ment.  I  chose  the  latter.  In  choosing  it,  I  hoped  for 
greater  gain  than  loss ;  but  of  this,  I  was  not  entirely  con 
fident.  More  than  a  year  of  trial  now  shows  no  loss  by  it 
in  our  foreign  relations,  none  in  our  home  popular  senti 
ment,  none  in  our  white  military  force  —  no  loss  by  it  any 
how  or  anywhere.  On  the  contrary  it  shows  a  gain  of  quite 
a  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  soldiers,  seamen,  and  labor 
ers.  These  are  palpable  facts,  about  which,  as  facts,  there 
can  be  no  caviling.  We  have  the  men ;  and  we  could  not 
have  had  them  without  the  measure. 

And  now  let  any  Union  man  who  complains  of  the  meas 
ure  test  himself  by  writing  down  in  one  line  that  he  is  for 
subduing  the  rebellion  by  force  of  arms ;  and  in  the  next, 


a  ii 

&:-c 

ill 


^ 


•si1 


111 


^-  PC    ^ 
^         G 

si! 

rt    42     f 

P,    _  -i 


i   E   2 
1.1* 

«  O    c 


1x0    C 

50.9 

^      <l)     "ti 

73  -c  -2 
X   —    tn 


SI  I  | 

2  191 

<J?  fe    rt   ^ 

^*  CL              C 

O  S    0 

^3  X  -C    -O 

^  x»    9<  •« 


NO.  i25]         Surrender   of  Lee          329 

that  he  is  for  taking  these  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  men 
from  the  Union  side,  and  placing  them  where  they  would  be 
but  for  the  measure  he  condemns.  If  he  cannot  face  his 
case  so  stated,  it  is  only  because  he  cannot  face  the  truth. 
...  In  telling  this  tale  I  attempt  no  compliment  to  my 
own  sagacity.  I  claim  not  to  have  controlled  events,  but 
confess  plainly  that  events  have  controlled  me.  Now,  at 
the  end  of  three  years'  struggle,  the  nation's  condition  is 
not  what  either  party,  or  any  man,  devised  or  expected. 
God  alone  can  claim  it.  Whither  it  is  tending  seems  plain. 
If  God  now  wills  the  removal  of  a  great  wrong,  and  wills 
also  that  we  of  the  North,  as  well  as  you  of  the  South,  shall 
pay  fairly  for  our  complicity  in  that  wrong,  impartial  history 
will  find  therein  new  cause  to  attest  and  revere  the  justice 
and  goodness  of  God. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  Complete  Works  (edited  by  John  G.  Nicolay 
and  John  Hay,  New  York,  1894),  II,  508-509  passim. 


I2C.    Surrender  of  Lee  (i86c)  ey  HORACE 

J  J I  PORTER 

(1837-        ) 

f~^  ENERAL  GRANT  began  the  conversation  by  saying  :  who  was  on 

V_T   "  I  met  you  once  before,  General  Lee,  while  we  were  General  ° 

serving  in  Mexico,  when  you  came  over  from  General  Scott's  ^^erved 

headquarters  to  visit  Garland's  brigade,  to  which  I  then  be-  with  the 

longed.     I  have  always  remembered  your  appearance,  and  I  Potomac  tin 

think  I  should  have  recognized  you  anywhere."    "Yes,"  re-  after  the  bat- 

J  *  tleofAntie- 

plied  General  Lee,  "  I  know  I  met  you  on  that  occasion,  tam.    He 

and  I  have  often  thought  of  it  and  tried  to  recollect  how  JJ^ough  the 

you  looked,  but  I  have  never  been  able  to  recall  a  single  Chicka- 
feature."     After  some  further  mention  of  Mexico,  General 
Lee  said  :  "  I  suppose,  General  Grant,  that  the  object  of  our 

present  meeting  is  fully  understood.      I  asked  to  see  you  to  land.   Com- 


33°  Civil  War  [1865 

ing  East  as  an  ascertain  upon  what  terms  you  would  receive  the  surrender 
of  my  army."     General  Grant  replied:    "The  terms  I  pro- 


staff,  he  ac-      p0se  are  those  stated  substantially  in  my  letter  of  yesterday, 
him  through    —  that  is,  the  officers  and  men  surrendered  to  be  paroled 


anc^  disqualified  from  taking  up  arms  again  until  properly 
paign,  the  exchanged,  and  all  arms,  ammunition,  and  supplies  to  be 
Richmond  delivered  up  as  captured  property."  Lee  nodded  an  assent, 
and  Peters-  an(j  saj(j-:  «  Those  are  about  the  conditions  which  I  ex- 

burg,  and 

was  present  pected  would  be  proposed."  General  Grant  then  continued  : 
ofApponiat-  "  Yes,  I  think  our  correspondence  indicated  pretty  clearly 
tox.  He  the  action  that  would  be  taken  at  our  meeting  ;  and  I  hope 

came  out  .  .       .  ,  .  .......  ,  , 

brevet  briga-    it  may  lead  to  a  general  suspension  of  hostilities  and  be  the 

H?sif  aneTe-   means  °^  preventing  any  further  loss  of  life." 

witness's  Lee  inclined  his  head  as  indicating  his  accord  with  this 

closing  event  wish,  and  General  Grant  then  went  on  to  talk  at  some  length 

in  the^Civii      jn  a  very  pleasant  vein  about  the  prospects  of  peace.     Lee 

the  s'urren-      was  evidently  anxious  to  proceed  to  the  formal  work  of  the 

'femporarSs"'  surrender,  and  he  brought  the  subject  up  again  by  saying  : 

IV,  No.  "  I  presume,  General  Grant,  we  have  both  carefully  con 

sidered  the  proper  steps  to  be  taken,  and  I  would  suggest 

that  you  commit  to  writing  the  terms  you  have  proposed,  so 

that  they  may  be  formally  acted  upon." 

"  Very  well,"  replied  General  Grant,  "  I  will  write  them 
out."  And  calling  for  his  manifold  order-book,  he  opened 
it  on  the  table  before  him  and  proceeded  to  write  the  terms. 
The  leaves  had  been  so  prepared  that  three  impressions  of 
the  writing  were  made.  He  wrote  very  rapidly,  and  did  not 
pause  until  he  had  finished  the  sentence  ending  with  "  offi 
cers  appointed  by  me  to  receive  them."  Then  he  looked 
toward  Lee,  and  his  eyes  seemed  to  be  resting  on  the 
handsome  sword  that  hung  at  that  officer's  side.  He  said 
afterward  that  this  set  him  to  thinking  that  it  would  be  an 
unnecessary  humiliation  to  require  the  officers  to  surrender 
their  swords,  and  a  great  hardship  to  deprive  them  of  their 
personal  baggage  and  horses,  and  after  a  short  pause  he  wrote 


NO.  125]        Surrender   of  Lee  331 

the  sentence  :  "  This  will  not  embrace  the  side-arms  of  the 
officers,  nor  their  private  horses  or  baggage."  .  .  .  When 
this  had  been  done,  he  handed  the  book  to  General  Lee 
and  asked  him  to  read  over  the  letter.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  When  Lee  came  to  the  sentence  about  the  officers' 
side-arms,  private  horses,  and  baggage,  he  showed  for  the 
first  time  during  the  reading  of  the  letter  a  slight  change  of 
countenance,  and  was  evidently  touched  by  this  act  of  gen 
erosity.  It  was  doubtless  the  condition  mentioned  to  which 
he  particularly  alluded  when  he  looked  toward  General 
Grant  as  he  finished  reading  and  said  with  some  degree 
of  warmth  in  his  manner :  "  This  will  have  a  very  happy 
effect  upon  my  army." 

General  Grant  then  said  :  "  Unless  you  have  some  sug 
gestions  to  make  in  regard  to  the  form  in  which  I  have 
stated  the  terms,  I  will  have  a  copy  of  the  letter  made  in  ink 
and  sign  it." 

"  There  is  one  thing  I  would  like  to  mention,"  Lee  replied 
after  a  short  pause.  "  The  cavalrymen  and  artillerists  own 
their  own  horses  in  our  army.  Its  organization  in  this  re 
spect  differs  from  that  of  the  United  States."  This  expres 
sion  attracted  the  notice  of  our  officers  present,  as  showing 
how  firmly  the  conviction  was  grounded  in  his  mind  that  we 
were  two  distinct  countries.  He  continued  :  "  I  would  like 
to  understand  whether  these  men  will  be  permitted  to  retain 
their  horses  ?  " 

"You  will  find  that  the  terms  as  written  do  not  allow 
this,"  General  Grant  replied  ;  "only  the  officers  are  permitted 
to  take  their  private  property." 

Lee  read  over  the  second  page  of  the  letter  again,  and 
then  said  : 

"  No,  I  see  the  terms  do  not  allow  it ;  that  is  clear."  His 
face  showed  plainly  that  he  was  quite  anxious  to  have  this 
concession  made,  and  Grant  said  very  promptly  and  without 
giving  Lee  time  to  make  a  direct  request : 


332  Civil   War  [1865 

"  Well,  the  subject  is  quite  new  to  me.  Of  course  I  did 
not  know  that  any  private  soldiers  owned  their  animals,  but 
I  think  this  will  be  the  last  battle  of  the  war  —  I  sincerely 
hope  so  —  and  that  the  surrender  of  this  army  will  be  fol 
lowed  soon  by  that  of  all  the  others,  and  I  take  it  that  most 
of  the  men  in  the  ranks  are  small  farmers,  and  as  the  country 
has  been  so  raided  by  the  two  armies,  it  is  doubtful  whether 
they  will  be  able  to  put  in  a  crop  to  carry  themselves  and 
their  families  through  the  next  winter  without  the  aid  of  the 
horses  they  are  now  riding,  and  I  will  arrange  it  in  this  way  : 
I  will  not  change  the  terms  as  now  written,  but  I  will  instruct 
the  officers  I  shall  appoint  to  receive  the  paroles  to  let  all 
the  men  who  claim  to  own  a  horse  or  mule  take  the  animals 
home  with  them  to  work  their  little  farms."  (This  expres 
sion  has  been  quoted  in  various  forms  and  has  been  the  sub 
ject  of  some  dispute.  I  give  the  exact  words  used.)  .  .  . 

.  .  .  General  Lee  now  took  the  initiative  again  in  leading 
the  conversation  back  into  business  channels.  He  said  : 

"  I  have  a  thousand  or  more  of  your  men  as  prisoners, 
General  Grant,  a  number  of  them  officers  whom  we  have 
required  to  march  along  with  us  for  several  days.  I  shall 
be  glad  to  send  them  into  your  lines  as  soon  as  it  can  be 
arranged,  for  I  have  no  provisions  for  them.  I  have,  indeed, 
nothing  for  my  own  men.  They  have  been  living  for  the 
last  few  days  principally  upon  parched  corn,  and  we  are 
badly  in  need  of  both  rations  and  forage.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  General  Grant  replied  :  "  I  should  like  to  have  our 
men  sent  within  our  lines  as  soon  as  possible.  I  will  take 
steps  at  once  to  have  your  army  supplied  with  rations,  but  I 
am  sorry  we  have  no  forage  for  the  animals."  .  .  . 

...  At  a  little  before  4  o'clock  General  Lee  shook  hands 
with  General  Grant,  bowed  to  the  other  officers,  and  with 
Colonel  Marshall  left  the  room.  One  after  another  we  fol 
lowed,  and  passed  out  to  the  porch.  Lee  signaled  to  his 
orderly  to  bring  up  his  horse,  and  while  the  animal  was  being 


NO.  126]    "  The  First  American  '      333 

bridled  the  general  stood  on  the  lowest  step  and  gazed  sadly 
in  the  direction  of  the  valley  beyond  where  his  army  lay  — 
now  an  army  of  prisoners.  He  smote  his  hands  together  a 
number  of  times  in  an  absent  sort  of  a  way ;  seemed  not  to 
see  the  group  of  Union  officers  in  the  yard  who  rose  respect 
fully  at  his  approach,  and  appeared  unconscious  of  everything 
about  him.  All  appreciated  the  sadness  that  overwhelmed 
him,  and  he  had  the  personal  sympathy  of  every  one  who, 
beheld  him  at  this  supreme  moment  of  trial.  The  approach 
of  his  horse  seemed  to  recall  him  from  his  reverie,  and  he 
at  once  mounted.  General  Grant  now  stepped  down  from 
the  porch,  and,  moving  toward  him,  saluted  him  by  raising 
his  hat.  He  was  followed  in  this  act  of  courtesy  by  all  our 
officers  present ;  Lee  raised  his  hat  respectfully,  and  rode 
off  to  break  the  sad  news  to  the  brave  fellows  whom  he  had 
so  long  commanded. 

Robert  Underwood  Johnson  and  Clarence  Clough  Buel,  editors, 
Battles  and  Leaders  of  the  Civil  ifiar  (Century  Company, 
New  York,  1889),  IV,  737-743  passim. 


126.    Abraham  Lincoln   (1865) 


V. 


LIFE  may  be  given  in  many  ways, 
And  loyalty  to  Truth  be  sealed 
As  bravely  in  the  closet  as  the  field, 
So  generous  is  Fate  ; 
But  then  to  stand  beside  her 
When  craven  churls  deride  her, 
To  front  a  lie  in  arms  and  not  to  yield,  — 
This  shows,  methinks,  God's  plan 
And  measure  of  a  stalwart  man, 


By  JAMES 
RUSSELL 
LOWELL,  for 
whom  see 
above,  No. 
104.  —  This 
is  a  great 
tribute  to  the 
greatest  man 
in  our  coun 
try's  history. 


334  Civil  War  [1865 

Limbed  like  the  old  heroic  breeds, 
Who  stands  self-poised  on  manhood's  solid  earth, 
Not  forced  to  frame  excuses  for  his  birth, 
Fed  from  within  with  all  the  strength  he  needs. 

VI. 

Such  was  he,  our  Martyr-chief, 
Whom  late  the  Nation  he  had  led, 
With  ashes  on  her  head, 
Wept  with  the  passion  of  an  angry  grief: 
Forgive  me  if  from  present  things  I  turn 
To  speak  what  in  my  heart  will  beat  and  burn, 
And  hang  my  wreath  on  his  world-honored  urn. 
Nature,  they  say,  doth  dote, 
And  cannot  make  a  man 
Save  on  some  worn-out  plan, 
Repeating  us  by  rote  ; 

For  him  her  Old- World  mould  aside  she  threw, 
And,  choosing  sweet  clay  from  the  breast 

Of  the  unexhausted  West, 
With  stuff  untainted  shaped  a  hero  new, 
Wise,  steadfast  in  the  strength  of  God,  and  true. 

How  beautiful  to  see 

Once  more  a  shepherd  of  mankind  indeed 
Who  loved  his  charge,  but  never  loved  to  lead, 
One  whose  meek  flock  the  people  joyed  to  be, 
Not  lured  by  any  cheat  of  birth, 
But  by  his  clear-grained  human  worth, 
And  brave  old  wisdom  of  sincerity  ! 
They  knew  that  outward  grace  is  dust, 
They  could  not  choose  but  trust 
In  that  sure-footed  mind's  unfaltering  skill, 

And  supple-tempered  will 

That  bent  like  perfect  steel  to  spring  again  and  thrust. 
The  lines  en-  [His  was  no  lonely  mountain-peak  of  mind, 


NO.  126]    "  The   First  American "     335 

Thrusting  to  thin  air  o'er  our  cloudy  bars,  closed  in 

A  sea-mark  now,  now  lost  in  vapors  blind  ;  noHiTthe"6 

Broad  prairie  rather,  genial,  level-lined,  original  1865 

-i-     •  r  1        j  r  •      Ji     t        11  u  i  •    j  edition. 

Fruitful  and  friendly  for  all  human  kind, 

Yet  also  nigh  to  heaven  and  loved  of  loftiest  stars.] 

Nothing  of  Europe  here, 
Or,  then,  of  Europe  fronting  mornward  still, 

Ere  any  names  of  Serf  and  Peer 
Could  Nature's  equal  scheme  deface  ; 
[And  thwart  her  genial  will ;] 
Here  was  a  type  of  the  true  elder  race, 
And  one  of  Plutarch's  men  talked  with  us  face  to  face. 

I  praise  him  not ;  it  were  too  late ; 
And  some  innative  weakness  there  must  be 
In  him  who  condescends  to  victory 
Such  as  the  Present  gives,  and  cannot  wait, 
Safe  in  himself  as  in  a  fate. 
So  always  firmly  he  ; 
He  knew  to  bide  his  time 
And  can  his  fame  abide, 
Still  patient  in  his  simple  faith  sublime, 

Till  the  wise  years  decide  ; 
Great  captains,  with  their  guns  and  drums, 
Disturb  our  judgment  for  the  hour ; 

But  at  last  silence  comes ; 
These  all  are  gone,  and,  standing  like  a  tower, 
Our  children  shall  behold  his  fame, 

The  kindly- earnest,  brave,  foreseeing  man, 
Sagacious,  patient,  dreading  praise,  not  blame, 
New  birth  of  our  new  soil,  the  first  American. 

James  Russell  Lowell,  Ode  recited  at  the  Commemoraticfn  of  the 
Living  and  Dead  Soldiers  of  Harvard  University,  July  21, 
1865  (Cambridge,  1865),  15-18. 


By  SIDNEY 
ANDREWS, 
who  spent 
the  months 
of  Septem 
ber,  October, 
and  Novem 
ber,  1865,  in 
the  States  of 
North  Caro 
lina,  South 
Carolina,  and 
Georgia,  as 
correspond 
ent  of  the 
Boston  Ad 
vertiser  and 
the  Chicago 
Tribune. 
His  letters  to 
those  papers 
were  pub 
lished  in 
book  form 
during  the 
spring  of  the 
next  year. 
He  observed 
closely  and 
commented 
intelligently 
on  what  he 
saw.  —  On 
the  negro, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  IV, 
ch. 

—  On  re 
construction, 
see  American 
Orations,  IV, 
3-15,  125- 
188;  Ameri 
can  History 
Studies, 


CHAPTER    XIX  — RECONSTRUCTION, 
1865-1871 

127.    Condition  of  the  South   (1865) 

A  CITY  of  ruins,  of  desolation,  of  vacant  houses,  of 
widowed  women,  of  rotting  wharves,  of  deserted 
warehouses,  of  weed-wild  gardens,  of  miles  of  grass-grown 
streets,  of  acres  of  pitiful  and  voiceful  barrenness,  —  that  is 
Charleston,  wherein  Rebellion  loftily  reared  its  head  five  years 
ago,  on  whose  beautiful  promenade  the  fairest  of  cultured 
women  gathered  with  passionate  hearts  to  applaud  the 
assault  of  ten  thousand  upon  the  little  garrison  of  Fort 
Sumter  !  .  ..  . 

We  never  again  can  have  the  Charleston  of  the  decade 
previous  to  the  war.  The  beauty  and  pride  of  the  city  are 
as  dead  as  the  glories  of  Athens.  Five  millions  of  dollars 
could  not  restore  the  ruin  of  these  four  past  years ;  and  that 
sum  is  so  far  beyond  the  command  of  the  city  as  to  seem 
the  boundless  measure  of  immeasurable  wealth.  Yet,  after 
all,  Charleston  was  Charleston  because  of  the  hearts  of  its 
people.  St.  Michael's  Church,  they  held,  was  the  centre  of 
the  universe ;  and  the  aristocracy  of  the  city  were  the  very 
elect  of  God's  children  on  earth.  One  marks  now  how  few 
young  men  there  are,  how  generally  the  young  women  are 
dressed  in  black.  The  flower  of  their  proud  aristocracy  is 
buried  on  scores  of  battle-fields.  If  it  were  possible  to 
restore  the  broad  acres  of  crumbling  ruins  to  their  foretime 
style  and  uses,  there  would  even  then  be  but  the  dead  body 
of  Charleston.  .  .  . 

Of  Massachusetts  men,  some  are  already  in  business  here, 

336 


NO  127]      Southern    Conditions       337 

and  others  came  on  to  "see  the  lay  of  the  land,"  as  one   No. 9;  Con- 
of  them  said.     "That's  all  right,"  observed  an  ex-Rebel  fifST*91 
captain  in  one  of  our  after-dinner  chats,  —  "  that's  all  right ;   See  above 
let's    have    Massachusetts    and    South    Carolina    brought   Nos.  35, 94- 
together,  for   they  are   the   only  two   States   that   amount   ££  "  '  "9' 
to  anything."  .  .  . 

There  are  many  Northern  men  here  already,  though  one 
cannot  say  that  there  is  much  Northern  society,  for  the 
men  are  either  without  families  or  have  left  them  at  home. 
Walking  out  yesterday  with  a  former  Charlestonian,  —  a  man 
who  left  here  in  the  first  year  of  the  war  and  returned  soon 
after  our  occupation  of  the  city,  —  he  pointed  out  to  me  the 
various  "  Northern  houses  "  ;  and  I  shall  not  exaggerate  if  I 
say  that  this  classification  appeared  to  include  at  least  half 
the  stores  on  each  of  the  principal  streets.  "The  presence 
of  these  men,"  said  he,  "was  at  first  very  distasteful  to  our 
people,  and  they  are  not  liked  any  too  well  now;  but  we 
know  they  are  doing  a  good  work  for  the  city." 

I  fell  into  some  talk  with  him  concerning  the  political 
situation,  and  found  him  of  bitter  spirit  toward  what  he  was 
pleased  to  denominate  "  the  infernal  radicals."  When  I 
asked  him  what  should  be  done,  he  answered :  "  You 
Northern  people  are  making  a  great  mistake  in  your  treat 
ment  of  the  South.  We  are  thoroughly  whipped ;  we  give 
up  slavery  forever  ;  and  now  we  want  you  to  quit  reproaching 
us.  Let  us  back  into  the  Union,  and  then  come  down  here 
and  help  us  build  up  the  country."  .  .  . 

Business  is  reviving  slowly,  though  perhaps  the  more 
surely.  The  resident  merchants  are  mostly  at  the  bottom 
of  the  ladder  of  prosperity.  They  have  idled  away  the 
summer  in  vain  regrets  for  vanished  hopes,  and  most  of  them 
are  only  just  now  beginning  to  wake  to  the  new  life.  Some 
have  already  been  North  for  goods,  but  more  are  preparing 
to  go ;  not  heeding  that,  while  they  vacillate  with  laggard 
time,  Northern  men  are  springing  in  with  hands  swift  to  catch 
z 


338 


Reconstruction  [1865 


opportunity.  It  pains  me  to  see  the  apathy  and  indifference 
that  so  generally  prevails ;  but  the  worst  feature  of  the 
situation  is,  that  so  many  young  men  are  not  only  idle,  but 
give  no  promise  of  being  otherwise  in  the  immediate  future. 
Many  of  the  stores  were  more  or  less  injured  by  the 
shelling.  A  few  of  these  have  been  already  repaired,  and 
are  now  .occupied,  —  very  likely  by  Northern  men.  A 
couple  of  dozen,  great  and  small,  are  now  in  process  of 
repair ;  and  scores  stand  with  closed  shutters  or  gaping 
doors  and  windows.  .  .  .  Rents  of  eligible  store-rooms  are 
at  least  from  one  fourth  to  one  third  higher  than  before  the 
war,  and  resident  business  men  say  only  Northern  men  who 
intend  staying  but  a  short  time  can  afford  to  pay  present 
prices.  .  .  . 

"  March  to  It  would  seem  that  it  is  not  clearly  understood  how 
i8<Lfea>  thoroughly  Sherman's  army  destroyed  everything  in  its 
line  of  march,  —  destroyed  it  without  questioning  who 
suffered  by  the  action.  That  this  wholesale  destruction 
was  often  without  orders,  and  often  against  most  positive 
orders,  does  not  change  the  fact  of  destruction.  The  Rebel 
leaders  were,  too,  in  their  way,  even  more  wanton,  and  just 
as  thorough  as  our  army  in  destroying  property.  They  did 
not  burn  houses  and  barns  and  fences  as  we  did ;  but,  during 
the  last  three  months  of  the  war,  they  burned  immense 
quantities  of  cotton  and  rosin. 

The  action  of  the  two  armies  put  it  out  of  the  power  of 
men  to  pay  their  debts.  The  values  and  the  bases  of  value 
were  nearly  all  destroyed.  Money  lost  about  everything  it 
had  saved.  Thousands  of  men  who  were  honest  in  purpose 
have  lost  everything  but  honor.  The  cotton  with  which  they 
meant  to  pay  their  debts  has  been  burned,  and  they  are 
without  other  means.  What  is  the  part  of  wisdom  in  respect 
to  such  men  ?  It  certainly  cannot  be  to  strip  them  of  the 
last  remnant.  Many  of  them  will  pay  in  whole  or  in  part, 
if  proper  consideration  be  shown  them.  It  is  no  question 


NO.  128]         A   Negro   School  339 

of  favor  to  any  one  as  a  favor,  but  a  pure  question  of 
business,  —  how  shall  the  commercial  relations  of  the  two 
sections  be  re-established?  In  determining  it,  the  actual 
and  exceptional  condition  of  the  State  with  respect  to 
property  should  be  constantly  borne  in  mind.  .  .  . 

That  Rebellion  sapped  the  foundations  of  commercial 
integrity  in  the  State  is  beyond  question.  That  much  of 
the  Northern  indebtedness  will  never  be  paid  is  also  beyond 
question.  .  .  . 

The  city  ir  under  thorough  military  rule ;  but  the  iron 
hand  rests  very  lightly.  Soldiers  do  police  duty,  and  there 
is  some  nine-o'clock  regulation ;  but,  so  far  as  I  can  learn, 
anybody  goes  anywhere  at  all  hours  of  the  night  without 
molestation.  "There  never  was  such  good  order  here 
before,"  said  an  old  colored  man  to  me.  The  main  street 
is  swept  twice  a  week,  and  all  garbage  is  removed  at  sun 
rise.  "  If  the  Yankees  was  to  stay  here  always  and  keep 
the  city  so  clean,  I  don't  reckon  we'd  have  'yellow  jack' 
here  any  more,"  was  a  remark  I  overheard  on  the  street. 
"Now  is  de  fust  time  sence  I  can  'mem'er  when  brack  men 
was  safe  in  dc  street  af'er  nightfall,"  stated  the  negro  tailor 
in  whose  shop  I  sat  an  hour  yesterday. 

Sidney  Andrews,  The  South  since  the  War  (Boston,  1866),  1-8 
passim. 


128.      A    Negro    School     (1862)  By  ELIZA 

BETH  HYDE 

ONE  bright  November  morning  I  started  to  take  pos-   BOTUME, 
one  of  the 
session  of  my  contraband  school.   .  .  .  first  teachers 

The  schoolhouse  to  which  I  was  appointed  was  a  rough,  o^Sfe'cfro- 

wooden  building  standing  on  palmetto  posts  two  or  three  lifia  coast, 

feet  from  the  ground,  with   an  open  piazza  on  one  side,  knows  the 

When  I  first  came  in  sight  of  this  building,  the  piazza  was  South  from 

crowded  with  children,  all  screaming  and  chattering  like  a  quaintance 


340 


Reconstruction 


[1862 


both  before 
and  after  the 
war.     Her 
narrative 
shows  her  to 
be  a  keen  ob 
server  and  an 
accurate  re 
porter.     It    . 
deals  with 
the  contra 
bands, 
chiefly  the 
women  and 
children, 
telling  of 
their  escape 
from  the  war 
and  of  the 
attempts  to 
educate 
them. 
Though 
marked  by 
some  confu 
sion  of  ar 
rangement,  it 
seems  to  be 
founded  on 
a  contempo 
rary  journal. 
—  On  the 
negroes  in 
reconstruc 
tion,  see  Con 
temporaries, 
IV,  ch. 


flock  of  jays  and  blackbirds  in  a  quarrel.  But  as  soon 
as  they  saw  me  they  all  gave  a  whoop  and  a  bound  and 
disappeared.  When  I  reached  the  door  there  was  no  living 
thing  to  be  seen ;  all  was  literally  "  as  still  as  a  mouse ;  "  so 
I  inspected  my  new  quarters  while  waiting  for  my  forces. 

There  was  one  good  sized  room  without  partitions  ;  it  was 
not  ceiled,  but  besides  the  usual  heavy  board  shutters  its  six 
windows  were  glazed.  This  was  a  luxury  which  belonged 
to  but  few  6f  the  school-buildings.  Indeed,  these  glazed 
windows  had  been  held  up  to  me  as  a  marked  feature  in  my 
new  location. 

Th6  furniture  consisted  of  a  few  wooden  benches,  a  tall 
pine  desk  with  a  high  office  stool,  one  narrow  blackboard 
leaning  against  a  post,  and  a  huge  box  stove  large  enough 
to  warm  a  Puritan  meeting-house  in  the  olden  times.  The 
pipe  of  the  stove  was  put  through  one  window. 

...  I  believe  this  was  the  first  building  ever  erected 
exclusively  for  a  colored  school.  .  .  .  All  the  "  contraband 
schools  "  were  at  that  time  kept  in  churches,  or  cotton-barns, 
or  old  kitchens.  Some  teachers  had  their  classes  in  tents. 

Inspection  over,  I  vigorously  rang  a  little  cracked  hand 
bell  which  I  found  on  the  desk.  Then  I  saw  several  pairs 
of  bright  eyes  peering  in  at  the  open  door.  But  going 
towards  them,  there  was  a  general  scampering,  and  I  could 
only  see  a  head  or  a  foot  disappearing  under  the  house. 
Again  I  rang  the  bell,  with  the  same  result,  until  I  began  to 
despair  of  getting  my  scholars  together.  When  I  turned  my 
back  they  all  came  out.  When  I  faced  about  they  darted 
off.  In  time,  however,  I  succeeded  in  capturing  one  small 
urchin,  who  howled  vociferously,  "  O  Lord  !  O  Lord  ! " 
This  brought  out  the  others,  who  seemed  a  little  scared  and 
much  amused.  I  soon  reassured  my  captive,  so  the  rest 
came  in.  Then  I  tried  to  "  seat "  them,  which  was  about 
as  easy  as  keeping  so  many  marbles  in  place  on  a  smooth 
floor.  Going  towards  half  a  dozen  little  fellows  huddled 


NO.  128]          A   Negro   School  341 

together  on  one  bench,  they  simultaneously  darted  down 
under  the  seat,  and  scampered  off  on  their  hands  and  feet 
to  a  corner  of  the  room,  looking  very  much  like  a  family  of 
frightened  kittens.  ...  I  "  halted  "  the  rest,  and  got  them 
on  to  their  feet  and  into  their  seats.  Then  I  looked  them 
over.  .  .  . 

All  these  children  were  black  as  ink  and  as  shy  as  wild 
animals.  ...  I  tried  in  vain  to  fix  upon  some  distinguish 
ing  mark  by  which  I  might  know  one  from  another.  Some 
of  these  children  had  been  in  a  school  before,  but  they  were 
afraid  of  white  people,  and  especially  of  strangers.  As  they 
said  of  a  teacher  on  a  subsequent  occasion,  "  Us  ain't  know 
she."  .  .  . 

...  In  time,  after  some  more  skirmishing,  the  little  gang 
before  me  was  brought  into  a  degree  of  order.  They 
listened,  apparently,  with  open  mouths  and  staring  eyes 
to  what  I  had  to  say.  But  I  soon  discovered  my  words 
were  like  an  unknown  tongue  to  them.  I  must  first  know 
something  of  their  dialect  in  order  that  we  might  understand 
each  other. 

Now  I  wished  to  take  down  the  names  of  these  children ; 
so  I  turned  to  the  girl  nearest  me  and  said,  "  What  is  your 
name?" 

"  It  is  Phyllis,  ma'am." 

"  But  what  is  your  other  name  ?  " 

"Only  Phyllis,  ma'am." 

I  then  explained  that  we  all  have  two  names ;  but  she  still 
replied,  "  Nothing  but  Phyllis,  ma'am." 

Upon  this  an  older  girl  started  up  and  exclaimed,  "  Pshaw, 
gal!  What's  you'm  title?"  whereupon  she  gave  the  name 
of  her  old  master. 

After  this  each  child  gave  two  names,  most  of  them  funny 
combinations.  Sometimes  they  would  tell  me  one  thing, 
and  when  asked  to  repeat  it,  would  say  something  quite 
different. 


342 


Reconstruction 


[1865 


I  thought  of  Adam's  naming  the  animals,  and  wondered 
if  he  had  been  as  much  puzzled  as  I.  Certainly  he  gave  out 
the  names  at  first  hand,  and  had  no  conflicting  incongruities 
to  puzzle  him.  In  time  I  enrolled  fifteen  names,  the  number 
present. 

The  next  morning  I  called  the  roll,  but  no  one  answered, 
so  I  was  obliged  to  go  around  again  and  make  out  a  new  list. 
I  could  not  distinguish  one  from  another.  They  looked  like 
so  many  peas  in  a  pod.  The  woolly  heads  of  the  girls  and 
boys  looked  just  alike.  All  wore  indiscriminately  any  cast- 
off  garments  given  them,  so  it  was  not  easy  to  tell  "  which 
was  which."  Were  there  twenty-five  new  scholars,  or 
only  ten? 

The  third  morning  it  was  the  same  work  over  again. 
There  were  forty  children  present,  many  of  them  large 
boys  and  girls.  I  had  already  a  list  of  over  forty  names. 
Amongst  these  were  most  of  the  months  of  the  year  and 
days  of  the  week,  besides  a  number  of  Pompeys,  Cudjos, 
Sambos,  and  Rhinas,  and  Rosas  and  Floras.  I  now  wrote 
down  forty  new  names,  and  I  began  to  despair  of  ever 
getting  regulated.  .  .  . 

Elizabeth  Hyde  Botume,  First  Days  amongst  the  Contrabands 
(Boston,  1893),  41-47  passim. 


By  ROBERT 
EDWARD 
LEE  (1807- 
1870),  com 
manding 
general  of  the 
armies  of  the 
Confederacy. 
After  the  war 
Lee  retired  to 
private  life, 
taking  a  posi 
tion  as  presi- 


129.    A  Southerner's  Advice  on 
Reconstruction   (1865) 

I    HAVE   received    your  letter  of  the   23d   ult. 
[August,   1865],   and   in   reply  will   state   the 
course  I  have  pursued  under  circumstances  similar  to  your 
own,  and  will  leave  you  to  judge  of  its  propriety.     Like 
yourself,  I  have,  since  the  cessation  of  hostilities,  advised 


NO.  i29]     A  Southerner's  Advice    343 

all  with  whom  I  have  conversed  on  the  subject,  who  come   dent  of 
within  the  terms  of  the  President's  proclamations,  to  take 


the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  accept  in  good  faith  the  amnesty   Lexington, 
offered.     But  I  have  gone  further,  and  have  recommended  now  Wa'sh- 


to  those  who  were  excluded  from  their  benefits,  to  make 
application  under  the  proviso  of  the  proclamation  of  the  versity,  and 
29th   of  May,   to   be   embraced   in   its   provisions.      Both  eTce  to  theU 


classes,  in  order  to  be  restored  to  their  former  rights  and  workofreo- 

»  oncihngthe 

privileges,  were  required  to  perform  a  certain  act,  and  I  do  South  to  the 

not  see  that  an  acknowledgment  of  fault  is  expressed  in  one  j^  S1This 

more  than  the  other.     The  war  being  at  an  end.  the  Southern  letter,  written 

,.,.,,..  to  a  private 

States  having  laid  down  their  arms,  and  the  questions  at  issue  person 


between  them  and  the  Northern  States  having  been  decided, 

I  believe  it  to  be  the  duty  of  every  one  to  unite  in  the  the  attitude 

restoration  of  the  country,  and  the  reestablishment  of  peace 


and  harmony.     These  considerations  governed  me  in  the  which  he  . 

IT  1-11  '  i        /-    sougnt  to  m- 

counsels  1  gave  to  others,  and  induced  me  on  the  1301  of  duce  others 
June  to  make  application  to  be  included  in  the  terms  of  the  o^Lee*  'sTe 
amnesty  proclamation.  I  have  not  received  an  answer,  Contempora- 

.    .    f  U4.UV  4.U       j       •    •  ru        ries>  IV»  No- 

and  cannot  inform  you  what  has  been  the  decision  of  the  .—  onthe 
President.  But,  whatever  that  may  be,  I  do  not  see  how  ££"  southern 
the  course  I  have  recommended  and  practised  can  prove  whites,  see 
detrimental  to  the  former  President  of  the  Confederate 
States.  It  appears  to  me  that  the  allayment  of  passion,  the 
dissipation  of  prejudice,  and  the  restoration  of  reason,  will 
alone  enable  the  people  of  the  country  to  acquire  a  true 
knowledge  and  form  a  correct  judgment  of  the  events  of 
the  past  four  years.  It  will,  I  think,  be  admitted  that 
Mr.  Davis  has  done  nothing  more  than  all  the  citizens  of 
the  Southern  States,  and  should  not  be  held  accountable  for 
acts  performed  by  them  in  the  exercise  of  what  had  been 
considered  by  them  unquestionable  right.  I  have  too  exalted 
an  opinion  of  the  American  people  to  believe  that  they  will 
consent  to  injustice  ;  and  it  is  only  necessary,  in  my  opinion, 
that  truth  should'  be  known,  for  the  rights  of  every  one  to  be 


344 


Reconstruction 


(Entered, 


secured.     I  know  of  no  surer  way  of  eliciting  the  truth  than 
bv  burying  contention  with  the  war.  .  .  . 


gress,  in  the 
ir 
Appleton 

pany.) 


year  1874,  by  Reverend  J.  William  Jones,  Personal  Reminiscences,  Anecdotes^ 
D.  Appletc 
and  Com- 


and  Letters  of  Gen.  Robert  E.  Lee  (New  York,  1875^),  205-206. 


By  THAD- 

DEUS  STE 
VENS  (1792- 
1868).   From 
March,  1859, 
to  his  death 
in  August, 
1868,  he  was 
one  of  the 
leaders  of  the 
most  ad 
vanced  wing 
of  the  Repub 
licans  in  the 
national 
House  of 
Representa 
tives.     He 
initiated  and 
had  a  large 
share  in  the 
adoption  of 
the  Four 
teenth 

Amendment, 
and,  as  chair 
man  of  the 
House  Com 
mittee  on  Re 
construction, 
reported  the 
bill  dividing 
the  South  into 
five  military 
districts  until 
it  should 
adopf  consti 
tutions  grant 
ing  suffrage 
and  equal 
rights  to 
negroes.     In 
a  speech  of 
February  24, 


130.    Congressional   Reconstruction   (1865) 


N' 


PO  orie  doubts,  that  the  late  rebel  States  have 
lost  their  constitutional  relations  to  the  Union, 
and  are  incapable  of  representation  in  Congress,  except  by 
permission  of  the  Government.  It  matters  but  little,  with 
this  admission,  whether  you  call  them  States  out  of  the 
Union,  and  now  conquered  territories,  or  assert  that  because 
the  Constitution  forbids  them  to  do  what  they  did  do,  that 
they  are  therefore  only  dead  as  to  all  national  and  political 
action,  and  will  remain  so  until  the  Government  shall  breathe 
into  them  the  breath  of  life  anew  and  permit  them  to  occupy 
their  former  position.  In  other  words,  that  they  are  not  out 
of  the  Union,  but  are  only  dead  carcasses  lying  within  the 
Union.  In  either  case,  it  is  very  plain  that  it  requires  the 
action  of  Congress  to  enable  them  to  form  a  State  govern 
ment  and  send  representatives  to  Congress.  Nobody,  I 
believe,  pretends  that  with  their  old  constitutions  and  frames 
of  government  they  can  be  permitted  to  claim  their  old 
rights  under  the  Constitution.  They  have  torn  their  con 
stitutional  States  into  atoms,  and  built  on  their  foundations 
fabrics  of  a  totally  different  character.  Dead  men  cannot 
raise  themselves.  Dead  States  cannot  restore  their  own 
existence  "  as  it  was."  Whose  especial  duty  is  it  to  do  it  ? 
In  whom  does  the  Constitution  place  the  power?  Not  in  the 
judicial  branch  of  Government,  for  it  only  adjudicates  and 
does  not  prescribe  laws.  Not  in  the  Executive,  for  he  only 
executes  and  cannot  make  laws.  Not  in  the  Commander- 


NO.  i3o]  By   Congress  345 

in-Chief  of  the  armies,  for  he  can  only  hold  them  under  1868,  he  pro 
military  rule  until  the  sovereign    legislative  power  of  the  jJUpeach^ 
conqueror  shall  give  them  law.  .  .  .  ment  of 

,      .         _.        „  ,  Johnson,  was 

Congress  alone  can  do  it.     But  Congress  does  not  mean  one  of  the 


the  Senate,,  or  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  President, 

all  acting  severally.      Their  joint  action  constitutes  Con-  pare  the  arti- 

gress.  .  .  .     Congress  must  create  States  and  declare  when  chairman  ™fS 

they  are  entitled  to  be  represented.     Then  each    House  the  board  of 

'       .  managers 

must  judge   whether   the   members  presenting  themselves  appointed  to 


from  a  recognized  State  possess  the  requisite  qualifications 
of  age,  residence,  and  citizenship  ;  and  whether  the  election  extract,  from 
and  returns  are  according  to  law.     The  Houses,  separately,   December 
can  judge  of  nothing  else.      It  seems  amazing  that  any  man  if^f^s'ife 
of  legal  education  could  give  it  any  larger  meaning.  extreme  Re- 

It  is  obvious  from  all  this  that  the  first  duty  of  Congress  SjjSoi?*; 
is  to  pass  a  law  declaring  the  condition  of  these  outside  or  Stevens,  see 
defunct  States,  and  providing  proper  civil  governments  for    d?at!on"iv, 
them.      Since  the  conquest  they  have  been   governed  by  JJ8*""00 
martial  law.'    Military  rule  is  necessarily  despotic,  and  ought  sionai  recon- 
not  to  exist  longer  than  is  absolutely  necessary.     As  there   NcTiL™1  See 
are  no  symptoms  that  the  people  of  these  provinces  will  be   above- 
prepared   to  participate   in  constitutional   government  for 
some  years,  I  know  of  no  arrangement  so  proper  for  them 
as  territorial  governments.     There  they  can  learn  the  princi 
ples  of  freedom  and  eat  the  fruit  of  foul  rebellion.     Under 
such  governments,  while  electing  members  to  the  Territorial 
Legislatures,  they  will  necessarily  mingle  with  those  to  whom 
Congress  shall  extend  the  right  of  suffrage.     In  Territories 
Congress  fixes  the  qualifications  of  electors  ;  and  I  know  of 
no  better  place  nor  better  occasion  for  the  conquered  rebels 
and  the  conqueror  to  practice  justice  to  all  men,  and  accus 
tom  themselves  to  make  and  obey  equal  laws.  .  .  . 

According  to  my  judgment  they  ought  never  to  be  recog 
nized  as  capable  of  acting  in  the  Union,  or  of  being  counted 
as  valid  States,  until  the  Constitution  shall  have  been  so 


346 


Reconstruction 


amended  as  to  make  it  what  its  framers  intended ;  and  so 
as  to  secure  perpetual  ascendency  to  the  party  of  the  Union  ; 
and  so  as  to  render  our  republican  Government  firm  and 
stable  forever.  The  first  of  those  amendments  is  to  change 
the  basis  of  representation  among  the  States  from  Federal 
numbers  to  actual  voters.  .  .  . 

But  this  is  not  all  that  we  ought  to  do  before  these  invet 
erate  rebels  are  invited  to  participate  in  our  legislation. 
We  have  turned,  or  are  about  to  turn,  loose  four  million 
slaves  without .  a  hut  to  shelter  them  or  a  cent  in  their 
pockets.  The  infernal  laws  of  slavery  have  prevented  them 
from  acquiring  an  education,  understanding  the  commonest 
laws  of  contract,  or  of  managing  the  ordinary  business  of 
life.  This  Congress  is  bound  to  provide  for  them  until  they 
can  take  care  of  themselves.  If  we  do  not  furnish  them  with 
homesteads,  and  hedge  them  around  with  protective  laws ; 
if  we  leave  them  to  the  legislation  of  their  late  masters,  we 
had  better  have  left  them  in  bondage.  Their  condition 
would  be  worse  than  that  of  our  prisoners  at  Anderson- 
ville.  If  we  fail  in  this  great  duty  now,  when  we  have  the 
power,  we  shall  deserve  and  receive  the  execration  of  history 
and  of  all  future  ages. 

Congressional  Globe,  39  Cong.,  i  sess.  (Washington,  1866),  Part 
I,  72-74  passim. 


By  GENERAL 
OLIVER 
OTIS  HOW 
ARD  (1830- 
),  who 
served  with 
distinction 
during  the 
war,  and 
after  its  close, 
from  May, 


1 3  *  •    A  Military  Governor  in  Louisiana 
(1865-1866) 

IN  no  other  State  have  there  arisen   so  many  difficult 
questions  with  reference   to  labor,  the   status  of  the 
freedmen,  and  the  power  of  military  authorities.    The  assist 
ant  commissioner  of  the  State  has  been  able  to  give  general 


No.  131] 


Louisiana 


347 


satisfaction  to  the  whites  and  freedmen,  and  aid  in  the  resto 
ration  of  law  and  order.  Harmonious  relations  have  existed 
between  the  State  officials  and  bureau  officers,  which  has 
materially  aided  the  administration  of  the  bureau.  I  am 
sorry  to  report  a  lack  of  hearty  co-operation  on  the  part  of 
the  municipal  authorities  of  New  Orleans  with  the  plans  of 
General  Baird  for  the  employment,  protection,  and  educa 
tion  of  the  freedmen.  Much  that  is  to  be  regretted  with 
reference  to  the  present  condition  of  colored  people  of  New 
Orleans  can  be  traced  to  this  cause. 

A  large  amount  of  abandoned  property  was  held  by  the 
bureau  officer  during  the  year  1865,  but  was  restored  as 
rapidly  as  claimants  could  present  proper  proofs  of  owner 
ship  and  loyalty.  This  property,  consisting  of  large  planta 
tions  and  city  property,  furnished  all  the  funds  necessary  to 
carry  on  the  affairs  of  the  bureau [.]  As  nearly  all  of  this 
property  was  restored  prior  to  January  i,  1866,  this  source 
of  revenue  has  ceased.  .  .  . 

General  Baird  reports  that  "  outrages  upon  freedmen 
reported  from  the  distant  parishes  of  the  State  remain 
uncorrected  for  want  of  adequate  military  force  to  make 
arrests.  This  condition  of  affairs  can  only  be  remedied  by 
force.  The  perpetrators  of  the  outrages  are  lawless  and 
irresponsible  men,  the  terror  of  property  holders  and  labor 
ers.  They  are  countenanced  by  the  community,  either 
through  sympathy  or  fear." 

General  Sheridan  says  :  "  Homicides  are  frequent  in  some 
localities ;  sometimes  they  are  investigated  by  a  coroner's 
jury,  which  justifies  the  act  and  releases  the  perpetrator ; 
in  other  instances,  when  the  proof  comes  to  the  knowledge 
of  an  agent  of  the  bureau,  the  parties  are  held  to  bail  in  a 
nominal  sum,  for  appearance  at  the  next  term  of  court,  but 
the  trial  of  a  white  man  for  the  killing  of  a  freedman  can,  in 
the  existing  state  of  society  in  this  State,  be  nothing  more  or 
less  than  a  farce." 


1865,  to  July', 
1874,  was 
commis 
sioner  of  the 
Freedman's 
Bureau  at 
Washington. 
General 
Sheridan, 
whom  he 
largely 
quotes  in  his 
report,  had  a 
low  opinion 
of  the  politi 
cians  of  Lou 
isiana  and 
Texas,  and 
was  in  favor 
of  strong 
measures. 
From  July  17 
to  August  15, 

1866,  Sheri 
dan  was  in 
charge  of  the 
military  divi 
sion  of  the 
Gulf,  and 
later,  by  the 
act  of  March 
2,  1867,  di 
viding  the 
ten  Southern 
States  into 
five  military 
districts,  he 
was  put  in 
command  of 
the  fifth  dis 
trict,  which 
included 
Louisiana 
and  Texas. 

Baird  was 
assistant 
commis 
sioner  of 
Louisiana. 


348  Reconstruction         [1865-1866 

I  regret  that  the  reports  of  officers  of  the  bureau  reveal 
such  a  bad  state  of  society.  It  will  be  impossible  for  the 
military  authorities  to  restore  order  and  remedy  the  evils 
complained  of  by  General  Sheridan  without  an  increase  of 
the  number  of  troops  in  the  State.  .  .  . 

General  Baird  says  :  "  The  '  civil  rights  bill '  has  gone  into 
operation  in  this  State,  and  is  having  a  good  effect,  restrain 
ing  those  who  are  disposed  to  set  United  States  laws  at 
defiance  or  to  treat  them  with  contempt.  Several  magistrates 
are  under  arrest  for  violating  its  provisions.  The  machinery 
for  the  execution  of  the  law  is  yet  in  a  very  imperfect  con 
dition." 

General  Sheridan  reports :  "  That  the  location  of  home 
steads  by  the  freedmen  is  progressing  favorably,  but  it  is  a 
question  whether  they  will  be  allpwed  to  remain  peaceably 
upon  the  lands  selected."  The  agent  for  the  location  of 
homesteads  reports  depredations  on  the  public  lands,  such 
as  cutting  timber,  &c.,  by  white  citizens.  Circumstances 
beyond  the  control  of  the  bureau  have  greatly  injured 
the  once  prosperous  schools  of  this  State.  Enemies  of  the 
bureau  and  its  officers  have  made  a  general  attack  upon  the 
school  administration.  General  Baird,  being  without  money, 
was  obliged  to  suspend  all  the  public  schools,  promising  that 
as  soon  as  possible  they  should  commence  again.  The 
colored  people  seeing  their  public  schools  closed  did  not 
abandon  the  education  of  their  children,  but  opened  a  large 
number  of  private  schools.  A  tax  system  was  devised  by 
which  the  people  were  to  support  their  own  education.  For 
many  reasons  this  tax  became  oppressive,  and  was  never 
popular.  The  schools  rapidly  decreased,  and  a  chaotic  state 
ensued  from  which  it  took  time  to  recover. 

General  Sheridan  reports,  under  date  of  September  30,  a 
great  increase  of  interest,  and  the  prospect  of  flourishing 
schools  this  autumn  and  winter.  The  present  number  of 
schools  is  73  \  teachers,  90 ;  scholars,  3,389. 


NO.  i32]  Failure  349 

The  number  of  irregular  and  private  schools  cannot  at 
present  be  ascertained,  but  they  are  numerous. 

General  Sheridan  reports  that  the  total  suspension  of  the 
issue  of  rations  will  cause  much  distress  among  the  people 
that  most  need  aid,  viz,  widows  and  families  of  soldiers 
killed  in  the  army,  and  that  the  cotton  and  corn  crop  is 
tnearly  an  entire  failure  in  some  parishes.     He  has  found  it  Tneariy  = 
impossible  to  induce  [t]he  State  authorities  to  provide  for  printer's  Y 
either  white  or  black  paupers.  erT°.r  irl  fj* 

original,  the 

The  number  of  rations  issued  in  this  State  from  June  i,   "  t  "  evidently 
1865,  to  September  i,  1866,  (one  year  and  three  months,) 


was  as  follows:    Aggregate,  612,788  —  to  whites,  157,491;   place  in  the 
to  freedmen,  455,290;  average  rations  per  month,  40,852;  below. 
average  freedmen  and  refugees  assisted  daily,  1,362. 

Report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  House  Executive  Documents, 
39  Cong.,  2  sess.  No.  i  (Washington,  1867),  III,  742-744 
passim. 


132.    Failure  of  Reconstruction  (1871) 

CHAMBER- 

I  PROPOSE  to  lay  aside  all  partisanship,  and  simply  to   LAIN}j^835- 
state  facts  as  I  conceive  them  to  exist.     Let  us  look  at   Massachu 
setts  man 
our  State  when  the  reconstruction  acts  first  took  effect  in  who  served 

o/-o  in  the  Union 

army,  and 

A  social  revolution  had  been  accomplished  —  an  entire  after  the  war, 

reversal  of  the  political  relations  of  most  of  our  people  had  moved  "to6" 
ensued.      The  class  which  formerly  held  all  the  political 

power  of  our  State  were  stripped  of  all.  became  a  cot- 

The  class  which  had  formerly  been  less  than  citizens,  with  From^ses'to 

no  political  power  or  social  position,  were  made  the  sole  l872  he  was 

*  .       .  -     ,  ,..,  _     .        ~  T        f        attorney-gen- 

depositanes  of  the  political  power  of  the  State.      I  refer  erai  of  South 
now  to  practical  results,  not  to  theories.     The  numerical  ^nd^n"^  5 
relations  of  the  two  races  here  were  such  that  one  race,  was  elected 


35° 


Reconstruction 


governor  of 

the  State. 
His  testi 
mony  is  very 
interesting, 
coming  as  it 
does  from 
one  who,  if 
he  were  in 
clined  to  be 
partial,  would 
lean  rather 
to  the  side 
of  the  na 
tional  gov 
ernment. 


under  the  new  laws,  held  absolute  political  control  of  the 
State. 

The  attitude  and  action  of  both  races  under  these  new 
conditions,  while  not  unnatural,  was,  as  I  must  think,  unwise 
and  unfortunate.  One  race  stood  aloft  and  haughtily  re 
fused  to  seek  the  confidence  of  the  race  which  was  just 
entering ,  on  its  new  powers ;  while  the  other  race  quickly 
grasped  all  the  political  power  which  the  new  order  of 
things  had  placed  within  their  reach. 

From  the  nature  of  the  case,  the  one  race  were  devoid  of 
political  experience,  of  all  or  nearly  all  education,  and  de 
pended  mainly  for  all  these  qualities  upon  those  who,  for 
the  most  part,  chanced  to  have  drifted  here  from  other 
States,  or  who,  in  very  rare  instances,  being  former  resi 
dents  of  the  State,  now  allied  themselves  with  the  other 
race.  No  man  of  common  prudence,  or  who  was  even 
slightly  familiar  with  the  working  of  social  forces,  could  have 
then  failed  to  see  that  the  elements  which  went  to  compose 
the  now  dominant  party  were  not  of  the  kind  which  produce 
public  virtue  and  honor,  or  which  could  long  secure  even 
public  order  and  peace. 

I  make  all  just  allowance  for  exceptional  cases  of  indi 
vidual  character,  but  I  say  that  the  result  to  be  expected, 
from  the  very  nature  of  the  situation  in  1868,  was  that  a 
scramble  for  office  would  ensue  among  the  members  of  the 
party  in  power,  which,  again,  from  the  nature  of  the  case, 
must  result  in  filling  the  offices  of  the  State,  local  and  gen 
eral,  with  men  of  no  capacity  and  little  honesty  or  desire  to 
really  serve  the  public. 

.The  nation  had  approved  the  reconstruction  measures, 
not  because  they  seemed  to  be  free  of  danger,  nor  because 
they  were  blind  to.  the  very  grave  possibilities  of  future  evils, 
but  in  the  hope  that  the  one  race,  wearing  its  new  laurels 
and  using  its  new  powers  with  modesty  and  forbearance, 
would  gradually  remove  the  prejudices  and  enlist  the  sym- 


NO.  132]  Failure  351 

pathies  and  cooperation  of  the  other  race,  until  a  fair  degree 
of  political  homogeneity  should  be  reached,  and  race  lines 
should  cease  to  mark  the  limits  of  political  parties. 

Three  years  have  passed,  and  the  result  is  —  what?     In- 
competency,  dishonesty,  corruption   in  all   its  forms,  have 
"  advanced  their  miscreated  fronts,"  have  put  to  flight  the 
small  remnant  that  opposed  them,  and  now  rules  the  party  Error  in 
which  rules  the  State.  original> 

You  may  imagine  the  chagrin  with  which  I  make  this 
statement.  Truth  alone  compels  it.  My  eyes  see  it  —  all 
my  senses  testify  to  the  startling  and  sad  fact.  I  can  never 
be  indifferent  to  anything  which  touches  the  fair  fame  of 
that  great  national  party  to  which  all  my  deepest  convictions 
attach  me,  and  I  repel  the  libel  which  the  party  bearing  that 
name  in  this  State  is  daily  pouring  upon  us.  I  am  a  repub 
lican  by  habit,  by  conviction,  by  association,  but  my  repub 
licanism  is  not,  I  trust,  composed  solely  of  equal  parts  of 
ignorance  and  rapacity. 

Such  is  the  plain  statement  of  the  present  condition  of 
the  dominant  party  of  our  State. 

What  is  the  remedy  ?  That  a  change  will  come,  and  come 
speedily,  let  no  man  doubt.  Corruption  breeds  its  own  kind. 
Ignorance  rushes  to  its  downfall.  Close  behind  any  political 
party  which  tolerates  such  qualities  in  its  public  representa 
tives  stalks  the  headsman.  If  the  result  is  merely  political 
disruption,  let  us  be  profoundly  thankful.  Let  us  make  haste 
to  prevent  it  from  being  social  disruption  —  the  sundering 
of  all  the  bonds  which  make  society  and  government  possible. 

Charleston  Daily  Republican,  May  8,  1871  ;  quoted  in  Testimony 
taken  by  the  Joint  Select  Committee  to  inquire  into  the  Condi 
tion  of  Affairs  in  the  Late  Insurrectionary  States,  —  South 
Carolina,  Part  II  (Washington,  1872),  IV,  Appendix  iv,  1250- 
1251.  (This  is  the  same  as  Senate  Report,  42  Cong.,  2  sess., 
No.  41,  Pt-  4-) 


By  SAMUEL 
JONES  TIL- 
DEN  (1814- 
1886).*  By 
1868  Tilden 
had  come  to 
be  recog 
nized  as  the 
leader  of  the 
Democratic 
party  in  New 
York  State. 
The  cele 
brated  ex 
posure  of  the 
"  Tweed 
Ring  "  ap 
peared  in  the 
New  York 
Times  in 
July,  1871; 
but  Tilden 
had  taken  a 
stand  against 
this  corrupt 
faction  a  year 
earlier 
through  his 
decided  op 
position  to 
the  "  Tweed 
charter." 
He  also  de 
nounced  the 
"  side-part 
ners"  of 
Tweed,  who, 
with  the  aid 
of  the  courts, 
were  plun 
dering  the 
stock-holders 
of  the  Erie 
Railroad.  — 


CHAPTER    XX  — UNION    RESTORED, 

1871-1885 

133.    Iniquities  of  the  Tweed  Ring 
(1869-1871) 

THE  Ring  had  its  origin  in  the  Board  of  Supervisors. 
That  body  was  created  by  an  Act  passed  in  1857  in 
connection  with  the  charter  of  that  year.  The  Act  pro 
vided  that  but  six  persons  should  be  voted  for  by  each 
elector,  and  twelve  should  be  chosen.  In  other  words,  the 
nominees  of  the  Republican  and  Democratic  party  caucuses 
should  be  elected.  At  the  next  session  the  term  was  ex 
tended  to  six  years.  So  we  had  a  body  composed  of  six 
Republicans  and  six  Democrats,  to  change  a  majority  of 
which  you  must  control  the  primaries  of  both  of  the  great 
National  and  State  parties  for  four  years  in  succession. 
Not  an  easy  job,  certainly  !  .  .  . 

The  Ring  was  doubly  a  Ring ;  it  was  a  Ring  between  the 
six  Republican  and  the  six  Democratic  supervisors.  It  soon 
grew  to  a  Ring  between  the  Republican  majority  in  Albany 
and  the  half-and-half  supervisors,  and  a  few  Democratic 
officials  of  this  city. 

The  very  definition  of  a  Ring  is  that  it  encircles  enough 
influential  men  in  the  organization  of  each  party  to  control 
the  action  of  both  party  machines,  —  men  who  in  public 
push  to  extremes  the  abstract  ideas  of  their  respective 
parties,  while  they  secretly  join  their  hands  in  schemes  for 
personal  power  and  profit. 

The  Republican  partners  had  the  superior  powe*.     They 


*  Copyright,  1885. 
352 


NO.  133]        The   Tweed   Ring         353 

could  create  such  institutions  as  the  Board  of  Supervisors,   On  the 
and   could   abolish   them    at  will.     They  could  extinguish 
offices  and  substitute  others ;    change  the  laws  which  fix 
their  duration,  functions,  and   responsibilities ;   and  nearly  the  period, 
always  could  invoke  the  executive  power  of  removal.     The 


Democratic  members,  who  in  some  city  offices  represented  191-420; 
the  "  firm  "  to  the  supposed  prejudices  of  a  local  Demo-  ^eSi  iy,  ch." 
cratic  majority,  were  under  the  necessity  of  submitting  to 
whatever  terms  the  Albany  legislators  imposed;  and  at 
length  found  out  by  experience,  what  they  had  not  intel 
lect  to  foresee,  —  that  all  real  power  was  in  Albany.  They 
began  to  go  there  in  person  to  share  it.  The  lucrative  city 
offices  —  subordinate  appointments,  which  each  head  of 
department  could  create  at  pleasure,  with  salaries  in  his  dis 
cretion,  distributed  among  the  friends  of  the  legislators ; 
contracts ;  money  contributed  by  city  officials,  assessed  on 
their  subordinates,  raised  by  jobs  under  the  departments, 
and  sometimes  taken  from  the  city  treasury  —  were  the 
pabulum  of  corrupt  influence  which  shaped  and  controlled 
all  legislation.  Every  year  the  system  grew  worse  as  a  gov 
ernmental  institution,  and  became  more  powerful  and  more 
corrupt.  The  executive  departments  gradually  swallowed 
up  all  local  powers,  and  themselves  were  mere  deputies  of 
legislators  at  Albany,  on  whom  alone  they  were  dependent. 
The  Mayor  and  Common  Council  ceased  to  have  much  legal 
authority,  and  lost  all  practical  influence.  There  was  nobody 
to  represent  the  people  of  the  city ;  there  was  no  discussion, 
there  was  no  publicity.  Cunning  and  deceptive  provisions 
of  law  concocted  in  the  secrecy  of  the  departments,  com 
missions,  and  bureaus,  agreed  upon  in  the  lobbies  at  Albany 
between  the  city  officials  and  the  legislators  or  their  go- 
betweens,  appeared  on  the  statute  book  after  every  session. 
In  this  manner  all  institutions  of  government,  all  taxation, 
all  appropriations  of  money  for  our  million  of  people  were 

formed.     For  many  years  there  was  no  time  when  a  vote 

. 

2  A 


354  Union   Restored       [1869-1871 

at  a  city  election  would  in  any  practical  degree  or  manner 
affect  the  city  government. 

The  Ring  became  completely  organized  and  matured  on 
the  ist  of  January,  1869,  when  Mr.  A.  Oakey  Hall  became 
mayor.  Mr.  Connolly  had  been  comptroller  two  years 
earlier.  Its  power  had  already  become  great,  but  was  as 
nothing  compared  with  what  it  acquired  on  the  5th  of  April, 
1870,  by  an  Act  which  was  a  mere  legislative  grant  of  the 
offices,  giving  the  powers  of  local  government  to  individuals 
of  the  Ring  for  long  periods,  and  freed  from  all  accounta 
bility,  as  if  their  names  had  been  mentioned  as  grantees  in 
the  Bill.  Its  duration  was  through  1869,  1870,  and  1871, 
until  its  overthrow  at  the  election  of  November,  when  it  lost 
most  of  the  senators  and  assemblymen  from  this  city,  and  was 
shaken  in  its  hold  on  the  legislative  power  of  the  State.  .  .  . 

In  1870,  for  the  "first  time  in  four  and  twenty  years,  the 
Democrats  had  the  law-making  power.  They  had  in  the 
Senate  just  one  vote,  and  in  the  Assembly  seven  votes,  more 
than  were  necessary  to  pass  a  Bill,  —  if  so  rare  a  thing  should 
happen  as  that  every  member  was  present  and  all  should 
agree.  This  result  brought  more  dismay  than  joy  to  the 
Ring.  They  had  intrenched  themselves  in  the  legislative 
bodies  against  the  people  of  this  city.  But  the  Democratic 
party  was  bound  by  countless  pledges  to  restore  local  gov 
ernment  to  the  voting  power  of  the  people  of  the  city.  The 
Ring  could  trade  in  the  lobbies  at  Albany,  or  with  the  half- 
and-half  Supervisors  in  the  mysterious  chambers  of  that 
Board.  They  might  even  risk  a  popular  vote  on  mayor,  if 
secure  in  the  departments  which  had  all  the  patronage  and 
which  could  usually  elect  their  own  candidate.  But  they 
had  no  stomach  for  a  free  fight  over  the  whole  government, 
at  a  separate  election. 

Their  motives  were  obvious,  on  a  general  view  of  human 
nature.  None  but  the  Ring  then  knew  that  in  the  secret 
recesses  of  the  Supervisors,  and  other  similar  bureaus,  were 


NO.  134]         The  Tweed  Ring          355 

hidden  ten  millions  of  bills  largely  fraudulent,  and  that,  in 
the  perspective,  were  eighteen  other  millions,  nearly  all 
fraudulent.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  Tweed  was  in  his  office  until  April,  1874;  Connolly 
nntil  1875,  and  Sweeney  until  1875.  They,  with  the  mayor, 
were  vested  with  the  exclusive  legal  power  of  appropriating 
all  moneys  raised  by  taxes  or  by  loans,  and  an  indefinite 
authority  to  borrow.  Practically,  they  held  all  power  of 
municipal  legislation  and  all  power  of  expending  as  well 
as  of  appropriating  moneys.  .  .  . 

They  wielded  the  enormous  patronage  of  offices  and  con-   Tilden  was 
tracts ;  they  swayed  all  the  institutions  of  local  government,   sp^SnnTm- 

—  the  local  judiciary,  the  unhappily  localized  portion  of  the   peachment 
State  judiciary,  which  includes  the  Circuit  Courts,  the  Oyer  against '" 
and  Terminers,  the  Special  Terms  and  the  General  Terms,   ^olnd^" 

—  in  a  word,  everything  below  the  Court  of  Appeals.     They   Barnard, 
also  controlled  the  whole  machinery  of  elections.      New   Ring.°f 
York  city,  with  its  million  of  people,  with  its  concentration 

of  vast  interests  of  individuals  in  other  States  and  in  foreign 
countries,  with  its  conspicuous  position  before  the  world, 
had  practically  no  power  of  self-government.  It  was  ruled, 
and  was  to  be  ruled  so  long  as  the  terms  of  these  offices 
continued,  —  from  four  to  eight  years,  —  as  if  it  were  a  con 
quered  province.  The  central  source  of  all  this  power  was 
Albany.  The  system  emanated  from  Albany ;  it  could  only 
be  changed  at  Albany.  ... 

Samuel  J.  Tilden,  Writings  and  Speeches  (edited  by  John  Bige- 
low,  New  York,  Harper  &  Brothers,  1885),  I,  560-582  passim. 


134.    Treaty  of  Washington  (1871)  By  CALEB 

THE  TREATY  OF  WASHINGTON,  whether  it  be  regarded  Gushing  had 

in  the  light  of  its  general  spirit  and  object,  of  its  had,  ,conf.idr 

.       °    .  J  erable  diplo- 

particular  stipulations,  or  of  its  relation  to  the  high  con-  matic  experi- 


356 


Union    Restored 


[1871 


ence.    As 
American 
commis 
sioner  in 
China  in 
1844,  ne  ne~ 
gotiated  the 
first  treaty 
between  that 
country  and 
the  United 
States,  and 
was  later  our 
Chinese  min 
ister.     In 
1868  he  was 
sent  by  the 
government 
to  Bogota  on 
a  diplomatic 
mission.     In 
1872  he  was 
one  of  the 
council  for 
the  United 
States  at  the 
Geneva  con 
ference  for 
the  settle 
ment  of  the 
Alabama 
claims. 
From  1874  to 
1877  he  was 
minister  to 
Spain.     His 
Treaty  of 
Washington 
was  pub 
lished  in 
1877.    This 
extract  is  an 
example  of  a 
careful  work 
written  by  a 
participant  in 
a  negotiation. 
—  On  the 
relations  with 
England,  see 
Contempora 
ries,  IV,  ch. 


tracting  parties,  constitutes  one  of  the  most  notable  and 
interesting  of  all  the  great  diplomatic  acts  of  the  present 
age. 

It  disposes,  in  forty-three  articles,  of  five  different  sub 
jects  of  controversy  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States,  two  of  them  European  or  imperial,  three  American 
or  colonial,  and  some  of  them  of  such  nature  as  most  im- 
mfnently  to  imperil  the  precious  peace  of  the  two  great 
English-speaking  nations. 

Indeed,  several  of  these  objects  of  controversy  are  ques 
tions  coeval  with  the  national  existence  of  the  United  States, 
and  which,  if  lost  sight  of  occasionally  in  the  midst  of  other 
pre-occupations  of  peace  or  war,  yet  continually  came  to 
the  surface  again  from  time  to  time  to  vex  and  disturb  the 
good  understanding  of  both  Governments.  Others  of  the 
questions,  although  of  more  modern  date,  incidents  of  our 
late  Civil  War,  were  all  the  more  irritating,  as  being  fresh 
wounds  to  the  sensibility  of  the  people  of  the  United  States. 

If,  to  all  these  considerations,  be  added  the  fact  that 
negotiation  after  negotiation  respecting  these  questions  had 
failed  to  resolve  them  in  a  satisfactory  manner,  it  will  be 
readily  seen  how  great  was  the  diplomatic  triumph  achieved 
by  the  Treaty  of  Washington. 

It  required  peculiar  inducements  and  agencies  to  accom 
plish  this  great  result. 

Prominent  among  the  inducements  were  the  pacific  spirit 
of  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  the  Queen  of 
Great  Britain,  and  of  their  respective  Cabinets,  and  the 
sincere  and  heartfelt  desire  of  a  great  majority  of  the  people 
of  both  countries  that  no  shadow  of  offense  should  be 
allowed  any  longer  to  linger  on  the  face  of  their  international 
relations. 

Great  Britain,  it  is  but  just  to  her  to  say,  if  not  confessedly 
conscious  of  wrong,  yet,  as  being  the  party  to  whom  wrong 
was  imputed,  did  honorably  and  wisely  make  the  decisive 


NO.  134]    Treaty   of  Washington     357 

advance  toward  reconciliation,  by  consenting  to  dispatch 
five  Commissioners  to  Washington,  there,  under  the  eye  of 
the  President,  to  treat  with  five  Commissioners  on  behalf  of 
the  United  States.  .  .  . 

On  the  part  of  the  United  States  were  five  persons, — 
Hamilton  Fish,  Robert  C.  Schenck,  Samuel  Nelson,  Eben- 
ezer  Rockwood  Hoar,  and  George  H.  Williams,  —  eminently 
fit  representatives  of  the  diplomacy,  the  bench,  the  bar,  and 
the  legislature  of  the  United  States  :  on  the  part  of  Great 
Britain,  Earl  De  Grey  and  Ripon,  President  of  the  Queen's 
Council;  Sir  Stafford  Northcote,  ex-Minister  and  actual 
Member  of  the  House  of  Commons  ;  Sir  Edward  Thornton, 
the  universally  respected  British  Minister  at  Washington; 
Sir  John  Macdonald,  the  able  and  eloquent  Premier  of  the 
Canadian  Dominion ;  and,  in  revival  of  the  good  old  time, 
when  learning  was  equal  to  any  other  title  of  public  honor, 
the  Universities  in  the  person  of  Professor  Mountague 
Bernard.  .  .  . 

In  the  face  of  many  difficulties,  the  Commissioners,  on 
the  8th  of  May,  1871,  completed  a  treaty,  which  received 
the  prompt  approval  of  their  respective  Governments ; 
which  has  passed  unscathed  through  the  severest  ordeal 
of  a  temporary  misunderstanding  between  the  two  Govern 
ments  respecting  the  construction  of  some  of  its  provisions ; 
which  has  already  attained  the  dignity  of  a  monumental  act 
in  the  estimation  of  mankind ;  and  which  is  destined  to 
occupy  hereafter  a  lofty  place  in  the  history  of  the  diplomacy 
and  the  international  jurisprudence  of  Europe  and  America. 

Coming  now  to  the  analysis  of  this  treaty,  we  find  that 
Articles  I.  to  XI.  inclusive  make  provisions  for  the  settle 
ment  by  arbitration  of  the  injuries  alleged  to  have  been 
suffered  by  the  United  States  in  consequence  of  the  fitting 
out,  arming,  or  equipping,  in  the  ports  of  Great  Britain,  of 
Confederate  cruisers  to  make  war  on  the  United  States. 

Articles  XII.  to  XVII.  inclusive  make  provision  to  settle, 


358 


Union    Restored  [is76 


by  means  of  a  mixed  Commission,  all  claims  on  either  side 
for  injuries  by  either  Government  to  the  citizens  of  the 
other  during  the  late  Civil  War,  other  than  claims  growing 
out  of  the  acts  of  Confederate  cruisers  disposed  of  by  the 
previous  articles  of  the  Treaty. 

Articles  XVIII.  to  XXV.  inclusive  contain  provisions  for 
the  permanent  regulation  of  the  coast  fisheries  on  the 
Atlantic  shores  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  British 
Provinces  of  Quebec,  Nova  Scotia,  and  New  Brunswick, 
and  the  Colony  of  Prince  Edward's  Island  (including  the 
Colony  of  Newfoundland  by  Article  XXXII.). 

Articles  XXVI.  to  XXXIII.  inclusive  provide  for  the 
reciprocal  free  navigation  of  certain  rivers,  including  the 
River  St.  Lawrence ;  for  the  common  use  of  certain  canals 
in  the  Canadian  Dominion  and  in  the  United  States ;  for 
the  free  navigation  of  Lake  Michigan ;  for  reciprocal  free 
transit  across  the  territory  either  of  the  United  States  or  of 
the  Canadian  Dominion,  as  the  case  may  be :  the  whole, 
subject  to  legislative  provisions  hereafter' to  be  enacted  by 
the  several  Governments. 

Articles  XXXIV.  to  XLII.  provide  for  determining  by 
arbitration  which  of  two  different  channels  between  Van 
couver's  Island  and  the  main-land  constitutes  the  true 
boundary-line  in  that  region  of  the  territories  of  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain. 

Caleb  Gushing,  The  Treaty  of  Washington  (New  York,  Harper  & 
Brothers,  1873),  9-14  pas  sun. 


By  JOHN  i  7  C.    "Centennial  Hymn"  (1876) 

GREENLEAF 

WHITTIER,  T 

for  whom  see  *< 

99.  This  was  /""VUR  fathers'  God  !  from  out  whose  hand 

to"  pneri!ig  ^^   The  centuries  fall  like  grains  of  sand, 

of  the  inter-  We  meet  to-day,  united,  free, 


NO.  135]      "  Centennial   Hymn  '       359 


And  loyal  to  our  land  and  Thee, 
To  thank  Thee  for  the  era  done, 
And  trust  Thee  for  the  opening  one. 

II. 

Here,  where  of  old,  by  Thy  design, 
The  fathers  spake  that  word  of  Thine 
Whose  echo  is  the  glad  refrain 
Of  rended  bolt  and  falling  chain, 
To  grace  our  festal  time,  from  all 
The  zones  of  earth  our  guests  we  call. 

III. 

Be  with  us  while  the  New  World  greets 
The  Old  World  thronging  all  its  streets, 
Unveiling  all  the  triumphs  won 
By  art  or  toil  beneath  the  sun ; 
And  unto  common  good  ordain 
This  rivalship  of  hand  and  brain. 

IV. 

Thou,  who  hast  here  in  concord  furled 
The  war  flags  of  a  gathered  world, 
Beneath  our  Western  skies  fulfil 
The  Orient's  mission  of  good-will, 
And,  freighted  with  love's  Golden  Fleece, 
Send  back  its  Argonauts  of  peace. 

V. 

For  art  and  labor  met  in  truce, 
For  beauty  made  the  bride  of  use, 
We  thank  Thee ;  but,  withal,  we  crave 
The  austere  virtues  strong  to  save, 


national  Ex 
hibition  at 
Philadelphia, 
May  10,  1876, 
to  celebrate 
the  centenary 
of  American 
indepen 
dence.    The 
music  for  the 
hymn,  which 
may  be  found 
in  the  Atlan 
tic  Monthly 
for  June, 
1876,  was 
composed  by 
Professor 
John  K. 
Paine  of 
Harvard 
University. 


36° 


Union    Restored 


[1879 


The  honor  proof  to  place  or  gold, 
The  manhood  never  bought  nor  sold  ! 

VI. 

Oh  make  Thou  us,  through  centuries  long, 
In  peace  secure,  in  justice  strong ; 
Around  our  gift  of  freedom  draw 
The  safeguards  of  Thy  righteous  law : 
And,  cast  in  some  diviner  mould, 
Let  the  new  cycle  shame  the  old  ! 

John  Greenleaf  Whittier,  Complete  Poetical  Works  (Household 
Edition,  Boston,  1879),  409. 


From  the 
NEW  YORK 
WORLD. 
This  is  an 
example  of 
casual  news 
paper  reports 
used  as  a 
source ; they 
give,  with 
many  inaccu 
racies  of  de 
tail,  a  picture 
of  the  actual 
workings  of 
public  affairs 
not  to  be  had 
from  official 
documents. 
The  United 
States  ceased 
to  redeem  its 
notes  in  gold 
Jan.  i,  1862, 
and  had 
never  re 
sumed  till 
Jan.  i,  1879. 
—  On 


136.    Resumption  of  Specie  Payments 

(1879) 

THE   DAY   OF   RESUMPTION. 

MUCH    MORE    GOLD    RECEIVED    THAN    PAID    OUT    AT    THE ' SUB - 
TREASURY THE    FLAGS   UP. 

DUTIES    PAID    IN    PAPER  AND  THE   BANKS   HANDING  ALMOST  NO 
COIN   OVER  THEIR   COUNTERS. 

BEFORE  the  bankers  and  merchants  had  left  their 
breakfast  tables  yesterday  [Jan.  2,  1879]  tne  °ity 
down  town  was  in  holiday  attire.  The  national  flag  floated 
from  every  bank,  from  the  Government  buildings  and  the 
insurance  buildings  and  hung  in  the  windows  or  over  the 
doors  of  private  banking  offices.  The  only  exception  to 
the  general  rule  was  at  the  Stock  Exchange,  whose  bare 
flag  pole  poked  up  into  the  snow-storm  until  2  P.M.  This 


NO.  136]  Resumption  361 

neglect  was  noticed  and  criticised,  and  finally  an  enterpris-   finances,  see 
ing  official  of  the  Exchange  ordered  the  flag  hoisted,  and 


hoisted  it  was.     The  flags  were  about  the  only  outward  and   Iv-  191-366; 

J  Contempora- 

visible  sign  of  Resumption  Day.  ries,  IV,  ch. 

It  had  been  fancied  that  at  the  opening  of  the  Sub- 
Treasury  rather  an  animated  demand  for  gold  would  be 
developed,  but  it  wasn't.  The  opening  at  10  A.M.  was 
greeted  with  a  salute  from  the  Navy-  Yard.  Every  prepara 
tion  had  been  made  to  redeem  United  States  notes  in  gold, 
but  up  to  10.30  only  one  solitary  individual  had  come  for 
gold  and  he  wanted  only  $210.  Up  to  1.30  P.M.,  $10,000 
had  been  disbursed  and  this  included  the  payment  to  one 
person  of  $5,000.  He  was  a  burly  good-natured  man,  who 
was  so  glad  to  see  gold  again  that  he  gave  his  bag  an  enthu 
siastic  whirl  in  the  air  and  losing  his  balance  let  it  drop  on 
the  stone  floor.  The  cord  that  held  the  bag  snapped  and 
from  its  golden  throat  the  eagles  rolled  helter-skelter.  He 
picked  them  up  with  some  concern,  and  counting  his  pile 
over  again  went  up  to  the  counter  and  said  :  "  I  guess  you 
had  better  give  me  something  with  less  ring  in  it,  that 
doesn't  roll  so  much."  The  cashier  accommodated  him 
with  $5,000  in  crisp  legal-tender  notes  and  cancelled  that 
transaction.  On  coin  obligations  falling  due  most  of  the 
applicants  preferred  to  be  paid  in  currency.  Up  to  3  P.M. 
there  had  been  redeemed  in  gold  $130,000  of  United  States 
notes,  and  $400,000  in  gold  had  been  taken  in  and  paid  for 
in  United  States  notes,  so  thoroughly  has  gold  resumed  its 
old  position.  The  associated  banks  deposited  $300,000  in 
gold  certificates  and  received  in  exchange  that  amount 
in  Clearing-House  certificates,  representing  hitherto  legal 
tenders  specially  deposited  in  the  vaults  of  the  Sub-Treasury. 
An  order  was  received  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
discontinuing  the  redemption  of  called  bonds  at  the  Sub- 
Treasury.  This  restores  the  former  order  of  things,  the 
privilege  of  redeeming  called  bonds  at  the  Sub-Treasury 


362 


Union   Restored  [i879 


having  been  enforced  only  when  a  recent  attempt  was  made 
by  speculators  to  lock  up  gold  and  disturb  the  money  mar 
ket.  For  the  future  called  bonds  will  have  to  be  sent  to 
Washington  for  redemption.  The  Treasury  officials  were 
inclined  to  think  that  the  Government  will  find  great  diffi 
culty  in  getting  rid  of  its  gold  coin. 

At  the  Clearing- House  the  clearances  were  unusually 
large,  but  in  accordance  with  a  recent  resolution  the  gold 
exchanges  were  dropped. 

The  Gold  Room  was  open  only  for  the  closing  of  con 
tracts  entered  into  on  December  31.  The  clerk  shut  the 
indicator  which  had  gone  to  sleep  at  "100,"  locked  his  desk 
at  noon,  and  announced  "This  shop  is  closed  henceforward." 
Not  a  transaction  was  placed  upon  the  record  book  all  day. 
The  gold  clearances  were  made  for  the  last  time  at  the 
Bank  of  the  State  of  New  York  and  included  only  the 
unsettled  transactions  of  the  Gold  Room  on  December  31. 

At  the  Custom-House  the  first  payment  of  duties  made 
was  made  in  three  $1,000  legal-tender  notes.  The  Custom- 
House  officials  will  continue  to  take  gold  and  silver  cer 
tificates  until  all  which  are  outstanding  are  in.  They  will 
continue  to  make  up  their  accounts  in  detail,  giving  the 
amount  received  in  gold  and  silver  certificates,  gold  and 
silver  coin  and  legal-tender  notes.  Only  one  wagon  was 
required  to  take  the  coin  received  yesterday  to  the  Sub- 
Treasury —  usually  five  have  been  needed.  The  total  re 
ceipts  for  duties  reached  $194,000,  distributed  as  follows  : 
Gold  certificates  $30,000;  silver  certificates  $26,000;  gold 
coin  $35,000;  silver  coin  $1,000;  and  United  States  notes 
$102,000.  .  .  . 

SOME  GRUMBLING  IN  WASHINGTON.   .   .   . 

Quite  a  number  of  people  came  with  greenbacks  expect 
ing  that  they  would  get  the  gold  for  them,  ignorant  of  the 


wo.  137] 


Civil   Service 


363 


fact  that  the  Government  would  redeem  its  notes  only  in 
New  York.  A  member  of  Congress  from  the  West  planked 
down  a  fifty-dollar  bill  and  said  :  "  Give  me  fifty  one-dollar 
gold  pieces."  His  attention  was  called  to  the  law,  which 
says  that  the  Treasury  shall  redeem  its  notes  in  sums  of 
fifty  dollars  and  upwards  at  the  sub-Treasury  in  New  York. 

"  Don't  you  resume  everywhere  ?  "  he  asked  in  aston 
ishment. 

"We  do  not,"  said  the  teller. 

"  You  ought  to,"  he  asserted  authoritatively.  "  As  soon 
as  Congress  reassembles  I  will  see  to  it  that  the  necessary 
legislation  is  enacted  that  will  compel  Mr.  Sherman  to  redeem 
United  States  notes  whenever  presented  at  any  branch  of 
the  Department." 

New  York  World,  January  3,  1879,  P-  *• 


:37-    Workings  of  Civil  Service  Reform 
(1881) 


A 


By  GEORGE 

CURTIS 

(1824-1892). 

Although 


VITAL  and  enduring  reform  in  administra 
tive  methods,  although  it  be  but  a  return  to 
the  constitutional  intention,  can  be  accomplished  only  by 
the  commanding  impulse  of  public  opinion.  Permanence  is 
secured  by  law,  not  by  individual  pleasure.  But  in  this 
country  law  is  only  formulated  public  opinion.  Reform  of 
the  Civil  Service  does  not  contemplate  an  invasion  of  the 
constitutional  prerogative  of  the  President  and  the  Senate, 
nor  does  it  propose  to  change  the  Constitution  by  statute. 
The  whole  system  of  the  Civil  Service  proceeds,  as  I  said, 
from  the  President,  and  the  object  of  the  reform  movement 
is  to  enable  him  to  fulfil  the  intention  of  the  Constitution  by 
revealing  to  him  the  desire  of  the  country  through  the  action 


political 


active  inter- 


office.    He 


Grant  on  a 

commission 

to  draw  up 


the  civil 


364 


Union    Restored 


service,  and  of  its  authorized  representatives.  When  the  ground-swell  of 
guidance5 the  public  opinion  lifts  Congress  from  the  rocks,  the  President 

national          wjn  gladly  float  with  it  into  the  deep  water  of  wise  and 

Civil  Service  .&  .     J     . 

Reform  patriotic  action.  .  .  . 

established"8  ^he  root  °*  t'ie  comP^ex  ev^  •  •  •  is  personal  favoritism, 
in  1881.—  This  produces  congressional  dictation,  senatorial  usurpation, 
see  American  arbitrary  removals,  interference  in  elections,  political  assess- 
Orations,  iv,  ments,  and  all  the  consequent  corruption,  degradation,  and 
reform,  see  danger  that  experience  has  disclosed.  The  method  of 
^Oration" iv  ref°rm»  therefore,  must  be  a  plan  of  selection  for  appoint- 
400-420;  ment  which  makes  favoritism  impossible.  The  general  feel- 
riS/tvT4  inS  undoubtedly  is  that  this  can  be  accomplished  by  a  fixed 
No-  limited  term.  But  the  terms  of  most  of  the  offices  to  which 

the  President  and  the  Senate  appoint,  and  upon  which  the 
myriad  minor  places  in  the  service  depend,  have  been  fixed 
and  limited  for  sixty  years,  yet  it  is  during  that  very  period 
that  the  chief  evils  of  personal  patronage  have  appeared.  .  .  . 
If,  then,  legitimate  cause  for  removal  ought  to  be  de 
termined  in  public  as  in  private  business  by  the  respon 
sible  appointing  power,  it  is  of  the  highest  public  necessity 
that  the  exercise  of  that  power  should  be  made  as  absolutely 
honest  and  independent  as  possible.  But  how  can  it  be 
made  honest  and  independent  if  it  is  not  protected  so  far  as 
practicable  from  the  constant  bribery  of  selfish  interest  and 
the  illicit  solicitation  of  personal  influence  ?  The  experience 
of  our  large  public  patronage  offices  proves  conclusively  that 
the  cause  of  the  larger  number  of  removals  is  not  dishonesty 
or  incompetency ;  it  is  the  desire  to  make  vacancies  to  fill. 
This  is  the  actual  cause,  whatever  cause  may  be  assigned. 
The  removals  would  not  be  made  except  for  the  pressure 
of  politicians.  But  those  politicians  would  not  press  for 
removals  if  they  could  not  secure  the  appointment  \  of  their 
favorites.  Make  it  impossible  for  them  to  secure  appoint 
ment,  and  the  pressure  would  instantly  disappear  and 
arbitrary  removal  cease. 


NO.  137]  Civil   Service  365 

So  long,  therefore,  as  we  permit  minor  appointments  to 
be  made  by  mere  personal  influence  and  favor,  a  fixed 
limited  term  and  removal  during  that  term  for  cause  only 
would  not  remedy  the  evil,  because  the  incumbents  would 
still  be  seeking  influence  to  secure  reappointment,  and  the 
aspirants  doing  the  same  to  replace  them.  Removal  under 
plea  of  good  cause  would  be  as  wanton  and  arbitrary  as  it  is 
now,  unless  the  power  to  remove  were  intrusted  to  some 
other  discretion  than  that  of  the  superior  officer,  and  in  that 
case  the  struggle  for  reappointment  and  the  knowledge  that 
removal  for  the  term  was  practically  impossible  would  totally 
demoralize  the  service.  To  make  sure,  then,  that  removals 
shall  be  made  for  legitimate  cause  only,  we  must  provide  that 
appointment  shall  be  made  only  for  legitimate  cause.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  The  reform  ...  is  essentially  the  people's  reform. 
With  the  instinct  of  robbers  who  run  with  the  crowd  and 
lustily  cry  "Stop  thief!"  those  who  would  make  the  public 
service  the  monopoly  of  a  few  favorites  denounce  the  deter 
mination  to  open  that  service  to  the  whole  people  as  a  plan 
to  establish  an  aristocracy.  The  huge  ogre  of  patronage, 
gnawing  at  the  character,  the  honor,  and  the  life  of  the 
country,  grimly  sneers  that  the  people  cannot  help  them 
selves  and  that  nothing  can  be  done.  But  much  greater 
things  have  been  done.  Slavery  was  the  Giant  Despair  of 
many  good  men  of  the  last  generation,  but  slavery  was  over 
thrown.  If  the  spoils  system,  a  monster  only  less  threaten 
ing  than  slavery,  be  unconquerable,  it  is  because  the  country 
has  lost  its  convictions,  its  courage,  and  its  common-sense. 
"  I  expect,"  said  the  Yankee  as  he  surveyed  a  stout  antago 
nist,  "  I  expect  that  you're  pretty  ugly,  but  I  cal'late  I'm 
a  darned  sight  uglier."  I  know  that  patronage  is  strong,  but 
I  believe  that  the  American  people  are  very  much  stronger. 

George  William  Curtis,  Orations  and  Addresses  (edited  by 
Charles  Eliot  Norton,  New  York,  Harper  &  Brothers,  1894), 
II,  186-196  passim. 


366 


Union   Restored 


By  THOMAS 
JEFFERSON 
MORGAN 

(1839-       ), 
Commis 
sioner  of 
Indian  Af 
fairs  under 
President 
Harrison 


138.  Our  Treatment  of  the  Indians  (1891 


question  has 
been  a  seri 
ous  and  diffi 
cult  problem 
ever  since  the 
beginnings 
of  civilization 
(see  above, 
Nos.  9,  38, 
80).    This  is 
a  summary 
of  the  matter 
by  a  man 
who  had 
every  oppor 
tunity  of 
knowing 
about  it.  — 
On  the  Indi 
ans,  see  Con 
temporaries, 
IV,  ch. 


T 


KHERE  are  certain  things  which  the  people  of 
the  United  States  will  do  well  to  remember. 

First.  —  The  people  of  this  country  during  the  past  hun 
dred  years  have  spent  enormous  sums  of  money  in  Indian 
wars.  These  wars  have  cost  us  vast  quantities  of  treasure 
and  multitudes  of  valuable  lives,  besides  greatly  hindering 
the  development  of  the  country,  have  destroyed  great 
numbers  of  Indians,  and  have  wrought  upon  them  incalcu 
lable  disaster.  The  record  which  the  nation  has  made  for 
itself  in  this  sanguinary  conflict  is  not  one  to  be  proud  of. 

Second.  —  So  long  as  the  Indians  remain  in  their  present 
condition,  the  possibility  of  other  wars,  costly  and  dreadful, 
hangs  over  us  as  a  perpetual  menace.  The  recent  events 
have  shown  us  how  easy  it  is  to  spread  alarm  throughout  our 
entire  borders,  and  what  fearful  possibilities  there  are  in 
store  for  us. 

Third.  —  Indian  wars  are  unnecessary,  and  if  we  will  but 
take  proper  precautions,  they  may  be  entirely  avoided  in 
the  future.  Justice,  firmness,  kindness,  and  wisdom  will  not 
only  prevent  future  wars,  but  will  promote  the  prosperity 
and  welfare  of  the  Indians,  as  well  as  of  the  entire  common 
wealth. 

Fourth. — :We  should  remember  that  the  circumstances 
surrounding  the  Indians  are  constantly,  in  many  cases,  aggra 
vating  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  their  procuring  a  proper 
supply  of  food ;  and  that  unless  wise  precautions'  are  taken 
at  once  to  assist  them  in  the  development  of  the  resources 
of  the  lands  upon  which  they  are  compelled  to  live,  they 
will  be  confronted  more  and  more  with  the  dread  spectre 
of  hunger,  and  we  with  that  of  war.  We  are  called  upon 
not  so  much  to  feed  them,  as  we  are  to  make  it  possible  for 
them  to  feed  themselves. 


NO.  138]  Indians  367 

Fifth.  —  The  only  possible  solution  of  our  Indian  troubles 
lies  in  the  suitable  education  of  the  rising  generation.  So 
long  as  the  Indians  remain  among  us  aliens,  speaking  foreign 
languages,  unable  to  communicate  with  us  except  through 
the  uncertain  and  often  misleading  medium  of  interpreters, 
so  long  as  they  are  ignorant  of  our  ways,  are  superstitious 
and  fanatical,  they  will  remain  handicapped  in  the  struggle 
for  existence,  will  be  an  easy  prey  to  the  medicine  man  and 
the  false  prophet,  and  will  be  easily  induced,  by  reason  of 
real  or  imaginary  wrongs,  to  go  upon  the  war-path.  An 
education  that  will  give  them  the  mastery  of  the  English 
language,  train  their  hands  to  useful  industries,  awaken 
within  them  ambition  for  civilized  ways,  and  develop  a  con 
sciousness  of  power  to  achieve  honorable  places  for  them 
selves,  and  that  arouses  within  them  an  earnest  and  abiding 
patriotism,  will  make  of  them  American  citizens,  and  render 
future  conflicts  between  them  and  the  Government  im 
possible. 

Sixth.  —  Let  it  be  especially  remembered  that  the  recent 
troubles,  deplorable  as  they  have  been,  have  been  very 
small  and  insignificant  compared  with  what  they  might  have 
been ;  and  that  this  has  been  brought  about  largely  by  the 
influence  exerted  upon  the  Indians  through  the  schools  of 
learning  which  have  been  established,  and  have  already 
accomplished  so  much  for  their  enlightenment  and  elevation. 
The  influence  for  good  exerted  by  the  great  school  at  Car 
lisle  alone,  throughout  the  whole  country,  has  been  beyond 
estimate,  and  has  repaid  the  Government  many  times  over 
every  dollar  that  has  been  put  into  that  institution. 

Seventh.  —  It  should  be  remembered  that  the  time  for 
making  provision  for  the  education  of  the  entire  body  of 
Indian  youth  is  now,  and  that  any  delay  or  postponement 
in  the  matter  is  hazardous  and  unwise. 

Eighth.  —  In  our  judgment  of  the  Indians  and  of  the 
difficulties  of  the  Indian  question,  we  should  remember  that 


368 


Union   Restored  [1891 


the  most  perplexing  element  in  the  problem  is  not  the  In 
dian,  but  the  white  man.  The  white  man  furnishes  the 
Indians  with  arms  and  ammunition  ;  the  white  man  provides 
him  with  whiskey ;  the  white  man  encroaches  upon  his 
reservation,  robs  him  of  his  stock,  defrauds  him  of  his  prop 
erty,  invades  the  sanctity  of  his  home,  and  treats  him  with 
contempt,  thus  arousing  within  the  Indian's  breast  those 
feelings  of  a  sense  of  wrong,  and  dishonor,  and  wounded 
manhood  that  prepares  him  to  vindicate  his  honor  and 
avenge  his  wrongs. 

In  the  late  troubles  in  Dakota,  the  wrongs  and  outrages 
inflicted  upon  the  Indians  have  vastly  exceeded  those  in 
flicted  by  them  upon  the  whites. 

Ninth.  —  We  should  not  forget  that  the  prime  object  to  be 
aimed  at  is  the  civilization  of  the  Indians  and  their  absorp 
tion  into  our  national  life,  and  that  the  agencies  for  the 
accomplishment  of  this  work  are  not  bayonets,  but  books. 
A  school-house  will  do  vastly  more  for  the  Indians  than  a 
fort.  It  is  better  to  teach  the  Indian  to  farm  than  to  teach 
him  to  fight.  Civil  policemen  are  in  every  way  to  be  pre 
ferred  to  Indian  scouts,  and  we  can  much  better  afford  to 
spend  money  in  the  employment  of  the  Indians  in  useful 
industries,  than  to  enroll  them  as  soldiers  in  the  army. 

Tenth.  —  Finally,  let  us  not  forget  what  progress  has 
already  been  made  in  this  work  of  civilization ;  how  potent 
are  the  forces  now  at  work  in  preparing  them  for  citizenship  ; 
how  hopeful  is  the  outlook  if  we,  as  a  people,  simply  do  our 
duty.  Let  us  keep  our  faith  with  the  Indian ;  protect  him 
in  his  rights  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  ; 
provide  for  all  his  children  a  suitable  English  and  industrial 
education ;  throw  upon  them  the  responsibilities  of  citizen 
ship,  and  welcome  them  to  all  the  privileges  of  American 
freemen. 

The  end  at  which  we  aim  is  that  the  American  Indians 
shall  become  as  speedily  as  possible  Indian-Americans  ;  that 


NO.  lag]  Americans  369 

the  savage  shall  become  a  citizen ;  that  the  nomad  shall 
cease  to  wander,  and  become  a  resident  in  a  fixed  habitation  ; 
that  hunting  shall  cease  to  be  a  necessity,  and  become  a 
pastime ;  that  the  smouldering  fires  of  war  shall  become 
extinguished;  that  tribal  animosities  shall  end;  that  the 
Indians,  no  longer  joining  in  the  "Sun  Dance,"  or  the 
"  Ghost  Dance,"  or  other  ceremonies  in  which  they  recount 
their  wrongs  and  glory  in  the  deeds  of  blood  of  their  an- . 
cestors,  shall  gather  at  their  firesides  to  talk  of  the  memory 
of  their  days  in  school,  and  assemble  in  their  places  of  wor 
ship  to  thank  the  Great  Father  above  for  the  blessings  of  a 
Christian  civilization  vouchsafed  to  them  in  common  with 
us  all. 

Thomas  J.  Morgan,  The  Present  Phase  of  the  Indian  Question 
(Boston,  1891),  18-21. 


I-2Q.    Character  of  the  Americans  (1888)  By  JAMES 

°'  \  -         •  i  BRYCE 

(1838-       ). 

THE   Americans   are   a  good-natured  people,  kindly,  jjjjjjjy 

helpful  to  one  another,  disposed  to  take  a  charitable  Parliament, 

view  even  of  wrongdoers.     Their  anger  sometimes  flames  JSnis?ry  of 

up,  but  the  fire  is  soon  extinct.     Nowhere  is  cruelty  more  Gr<;at  Britain 

abhorred.     Even  a  mob  lynching  a  horse  thief  in  the  West  stone,  has 


has  consideration  for  the  criminal,  and  will  give  him  a  good 

drink  of  whisky  before  he  is  strung  up.    Cruelty  to  slaves  was  traveller  in 

unusual  while  slavery  lasted,  the  best  proof  of  which  is  the  states"and 

quietness  of  the  slaves  during  the  war  when  all  the  men  and  is  universally 

many  of  the  boys  of  the  South  were  serving  in  the  Confed-  edged  to  be 

erate  armies.     As  everybody  knows,  juries  are  more  lenient  anVrmfs? 

to  offences  of  all  kinds  but  one,  offences  against  women,  appreciative 

than  they  are  anywhere  in  Europe.     The  Southern  "  rebels  "  observer  of 

were  soon  forgiven  :  and  though  civil  wars  are  proverbially  Amerlcan 

I    government. 

bitter,  there  have  been  few  struggles  in  which  the  comba-   The  extract 

2  B 


37° 


Union   Restored 


[1888 


is  a  good 
example  of 
the  matured 
generaliza 
tions  of  a 
man  who  has 
seen  things 
for  himself. 
—  For  earlier 
critics,  see 
above,  Nos. 
64,  82.  —  For 
discussions 
of  American 
institutions, 
see  Contem 
poraries,  IV, 
ch. 


tants  did  so  many  little  friendly  acts  for  one  another,  few  in 
which  even  the  vanquished  have  so  quickly  buried  their 
resentments.  It  is  true  that  newspapers  and  public  speak 
ers  say  hard  things  of  their  opponents  ;  but  this  is  a  part  of 
the  game,  and  is  besides  a  way  of  relieving  their  feelings : 
the  bark  is  sometimes  the  louder  in  order  that  a  bite  may 
not  follow.  Vindictiveness  shown  by  a  public  man  excites 
general  disapproval,  and  the  maxim  of  letting  bygones  be 
bygones  is  pushed  so  far  that  an  offender's  misdeeds  are 
often  forgotten  when  they  ought  to  be  remembered  against 
him. 

All  the  world  knows  that  they  are  a  humorous  people. 
They  are  as  conspicuously  the  purveyors  of  humour  to  the 
nineteenth  century  as  the  French  were  the  purveyors  of  wit 
to  the  eighteenth.  Nor  is  this  sense  of  the  ludicrous  side 
of  things  confined  to  a  few  brilliant  writers.  It  is  diffused 
among  the  whole  people  ;  it  colours  their  ordinary  life,  and 
gives  to  their  talk  that  distinctively  new  flavour  which  a 
European  palate  enjoys.  .  .  . 

They  are  a  hopeful  people.  Whether  or  no  they  are 
right  in  calling  themselves  a  new  people,  they  certainly 
seem  to  feel  in  their  veins  the  bounding  pulse  of  youth. 
They  see  a  long  vista  of  years  stretching  out  before  them, 
in  which  they  will  have  time  enough  to  cure  all  their  faults, 
to  overcome  all  the  obstacles  that  block  their  path.  They 
look  at  their  enormous  territory  with  its  still  only  half- 
explored  sources  of  wealth,  they  reckon  up  the  growth  of 
their  population  and  their  products,  they  contrast  the  com 
fort  and  intelligence  of  their  labouring  classes  with  the  con 
dition  of  the  masses  in  the  Old  World.  They  remember  the 
dangers  that  so  long  threatened  the  Union  from  the  slave 
power,  and  the  rebellion  it  raised,  and  see  peace  and  har 
mony  now  restored,  the  South  more  prosperous  and  con 
tented  than  at  any  previous  epoch,  perfect  good  feeling 
between  all  sections  of  the  country.  It  is  natural  for  them 


NO.  139]  Americans  371 

to  believe  in  their  star.  And  this  sanguine  temper  makes 
them  tolerant  of  evils  which  they  regard  as  transitory,  re 
movable  as  soon  as  time  can  be  found  to  root  them  up. 

They  have  unbounded  faith  in  what  they  call  the  People 
and  in  a  democratic  system  of  government.  The  great 
States  of  the  European  continent  are  distracted  by  the  con 
tests  of  Republicans  and  Monarchists,  and  of  rich  and  poor, 
—  contests  which  go  down  to  the  foundations  of  govern 
ment,  and  in  France  are  further  embittered  by  religious 
passions.  Even  in  England  the  ancient  Constitution  is 
always  under  repair,  and  while  many  think  it  is  being  ruined 
by  changes,  others  hold  that  still  greater  changes  are  needed 
to  make  it  tolerable.  No  such  questions  trouble  native 
American  minds,  for  nearly  everybody  believes,  and  every 
body  declares,  that  the  frame  of  government  is  in  its  main 
lines  so  excellent  that  such  reforms  as  seem  called  for  need 
not  touch  those  lines,  but  are  required  only  to  protect  the 
Constitution  from  being  perverted  by  the  parties.  Hence  a 
further  confidence  that  the  people  are  sure  to  decide  right 
in  the  long  run,  a  confidence  inevitable  and  essential  in  a 
government  which  refers  every  question  to  the  arbitrament 
of  numbers.  .  .  . 

Religion  apart,  they  are  an  unreverential  people.  I  do 
not  mean  irreverent,  —  far  from  it;  nor  do  I  mean  that 
they  have  not  a  great  capacity  for  hero-worship,  as  they 
have  many  a  time  shown.  I  mean  that  they  are  little  dis 
posed,  especially  in  public  questions  —  political,  economi 
cal,  or  social  —  to  defer  to  the  opinions  of  those  who  are 
wiser  or  better  instructed  than  themselves.  Everything 
tends  to  make  the  individual  independent  and  self-reliant. 
He  goes  early  into  the  world ;  he  is  left  to  make  his  way 
alone ;  he  tries  one  occupation  after  another,  if  the  first  or 
second  venture  does  not  prosper  ;  he  gets  to  think  that  each 
man  is  his  own  best  helper  and  adviser.  Thus  he  is  led,  I 
will  not  say  to  form  his  own  opinions,  for  even  in  America 


372  Union   Restored 

few  are  those  who  do  that,  but  to  fancy  that  he  has  formed 
them,  and  to  feel  little  need  of  aid  from  others  towards  cor 
recting  them.  .  .  . 

They  are  a  changeful  people.  Not  fickle,  for  they  are  if 
anything  too  tenacious  of  ideas  once  adopted,  too  fast  bound 
by  party  ties,  too  willing  to  pardon  the  errors  of  a  cherished 
leader.  But  they  have  what  chemists  call  low  specific  heat ; 
they  grow  warm  suddenly  and  cool  as  suddenly ;  they  are 
liable  to  swift  and  vehement  outbursts  of  feeling  which  rush 
like  wildfire  across  the  country,  gaining  glow,  like  the  wheel 
of  a  railway  car,  by  the  accelerated  motion.  The  very  simi 
larity  of  ideas  and  equality  of  conditions  which  makes  them 
hard  to  convince  at  first  makes  a  conviction  once  implanted 
run  its  course  the  more  triumphantly.  They  seem  all  to 
take  flame  at  once,  because  what  has  told  upon  one,  has 
told  in  the  same  way  upon  all  the  rest,  and  the  obstructing 
and  separating  barriers  which  exist  in  Europe  scarcely  exist 
here.  Nowhere  is  the  saying  so  applicable  that  nothing  suc 
ceeds  like  success.  The  native  American  or  so-called  Know- 
nothing  party  had  in  two  years  from  its  foundation  become 
a  tremendous  force,  running,  and  seeming  for  a  time  likely 
to  carry,  its  own  presidential  candidate.  In  three  years 
more  it  was  dead  without  hope  of  revival.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  The  Americans  are  at  bottom  a  conservative  people, 
in  virtue  both  of  the  deep  instincts  of  their  race  and  of  that 
practical  shrewdness  which  recognizes  the  value  of  perma 
nence  and  solidity  in  institutions.  They  are  conservative  in 
their  fundamental  beliefs,  in  the  structure  of  their  govern 
ments,  in  their  social  and  domestic  usages.  They  are  like 
a  tree  whose  pendulous  shoots  quiver  and  rustle  with  the 
lightest  breeze,  while  its  roots  enfold  the  rock  with  a  grasp 
which  storms  cannot  loosen. 

James  Bryce,  The  American  Commonwealth  (third  edition,  New 
York,  etc.,  1895),  II,  281-292  passim. 


CHAPTER  XXI—  THE  SPANISH  WAR, 

1895-1899 

140.    Troubles  in  Cuba  (1867-1873)       By 

WILLIAM  J. 

^TARKS     H 

IN  1867  the  Spanish  government  instituted  a  new  and  contributor 
onerous  system  of  taxation,  which  created  so  great 
dissatisfaction  among  both  Cubans  and  Spaniards  in  the 
central  and  eastern  departments,  that  some  of  the  more 
sanguine  revolutionary  leaders  believed  that  a  combination 
could  be  formed  between  the  two  classes,  by  which  the 
representatives  of  Spain  could  be  easily  driven  out  and  the 
autonomy  established.  .  .  . 

The  more  important  military  operations  of  the  insurrec 
tion  commenced   in   1870,  and   their  history  is  soon  told. 
De  Rodas,  accustomed  only  to  the   European  method   of 
warfare,  determined  to  concentrate  his  forces  and  crush  the 
insurgents  at  once.     During  the  latter   part  of  December, 
1869,  three  thousand  men  under  Gen.  Puello,  a  native  of 
San  Domingo,  moved  from  Puerto  Principe  to  Nuevitas  and   Puerto  Prin- 
thence  took  up  the  line  of  march  for  Guaimaro.     On  the   Sd  city"  36* 
first  of  January  they  encountered  the  Cubans  under  the   miles  from  its 
American  General  Jordan,  were  sadly  beaten  and  compelled   tPa°s^  which  is 


to  return  with  great  loss  to  the  coast.     Soon  afterward,  a 
still  larger  Spanish  force,  numbering  forty-five  hundred  men   Guaimaro  in 
under  Brigadier  Goyeneche,  moved  directly  on  Guaimaro.   {afn™  south 
The  want  of  arms  and  ammunition,  and  especially  of  artil-   of  Nuevitas. 
lery,  prevented  the  Cubans  from  opposing  successful  resist 
ance  to  their  march,  and  they  reached  their  objective  point 

373 


374  Spanish  War          [i867-i873 

to  find  the  seat  of  the  republican  government  abandoned 
and  partially  destroyed.  .  .  . 

The  extent  of  country  occupied  by  the  insurgents  is  very 
great,  and  it  is  not  probable  that  any  Spanish  force  that  can 
be  sent  against  them  can  bring  them  into  submission.  In 
the  remote  localities  occupied  by  them,  the  Cubans  have 
manufactories  of  various  kinds.  Powder  in  small  quantities 
has  been  manufactured,  but  under  difficulties  owing  to  the 
want  of  material. 

Around  In  the  mountains  of  Camaguey  are  to  be  found  the  head- 

dpeT°  quarters  of  Cespedes  and  those  of  the  republican  army,  and 

here  too  the  Cuban  House  of  Representatives  holds  its 
sessions  when  occasion  demands.  The  patriot  army  is  sub 
divided  into  divisions,  with  headquarters  at  such  localities  in 
the  respective  departments  as  the  exigencies  of  the  service 
will  permit.  The  policy  of  the  Cubans  is  the  same  as  that 
adopted  by  the  Dominicans  upon  the  last  invasion  of  their 
island  by  the  Spaniards  and  by  the  Mexican  Liberals  under 
Juarez  during  the  French  intervention ;  that  is,  of  keeping 
out  of  the  way  of  their  enemy  and  allowing  him  to  wear 
himself  out  in  a  hostile  country,  and  in  a  climate  deadly  to 
Europeans.  But  though  the  insurgents  adopt  this  course  in 
the  main,  they  are  constantly  attacking  the  Spanish  columns 
when  opportunity  offers,  and  often  inflict  heavy  loss  upon 
them. 

The  plan  of  operating  with  small  detachments,  adopted 
by  the  Spaniards  after  the  futile  march  of  Goyeneche  upon 
Guaimaro,  has  been  continued  for  two  years  ;  military  posts 
have  been  established  at  various  points  throughout  the 
departments,  and  expeditionary  columns  have  been  sent 
out.  These  have  given  the  war  its  peculiarly  bloody  and 
desolating  character.  The  orders  are  to  kill  every  man  in 
the  country,  whether  armed  or  otherwise.  When  an  igno 
rant  peasant,  a  Chinaman,  or  a  negro  is  captured,  he  is 
brought  into  the  presence  of  the  commanding  officer,  who 


NO.  i4o]         Cuban   Troubles 


375 


so-called 
trades  "  was 


United 


Vaimaseda 


questions  him  in  reference  to  the  whereabouts  of  the  insur 

gents,  and  then  gives  a  signal  to  an  officer  in  attendance, 

who  takes   the  victim  out  in  advance  of  the  column  and 

shoots  him,  leaving  the  body  to  the  vultures.     If  the  pris 

oner  is  of  any  prominence,  he  is  taken  to  Havana,  there  to 

perish  on  the  garrote  for  the  delectation  of  the  volunteers, 

as  in  the  case  of  Goicuria,  the  brothers  Aguero  and  Ayestu- 

ran.     The  women  and  children,  when  captured,  are  sent  to  This  policy 

the  cities,  where  they  are  ostensibly  provided  for,  but  are  in 

reality  exposed  to  the  greatest  suffering.     Every  house  is 

burned,    fruits   and   growing   crops   destroyed,    cattle   and 

horses  driven  off,  all  small  stock  killed,  and,  in  a  word,  the 

country  over  which  the  troops  are  operating  is  rendered  a  greatly 

desert,  bare  of  animal  life  and  of  aught  that  can  contribute 

tO  SUStain  it.    ... 

...  In  consequence  of  that  conservative  tendency  which 
is  the  natural  consequence  of  authority,  Valmaseda,  like  his 
predecessor,  opposed    those  sanguinary  and  radical  meas- 
ures  which  found  their  advocacy  in  the  Casino  Espanol  or   1870-71. 
Spanish  Club  of  Habana.     Additional  troops  were  sent  to   /.<?.  Havana. 
him  from  Spain  as  they  could  be  spared  for  that  purpose, 
but  still  the  insurrection  continued,  a  fact  which  was  attrib 
uted   to  his  leniency.     The   murmurs  became  louder  and 
deeper  as  the  months  passed  on,  and  it  was  not  long  before 
the  once  favorite  Count  followed  De  Rodas  to  Spain.     His 
successor  distinguished  his  accession  by  an  attempt  to  bring   Campos, 
the  volunteers  into  submission.     As  he  succeeds  or  fails  in 
this,  so  is  his  government  likely  to  prove  a  success  or  a 
failure.  ... 

To  the  credit  of  the  Great  Republic  be  it  said,  that  she 
at  one  time  interested  herself  to  change  the  character  of  the 
warfare  in  Cuba  and  to  stop  the  horrible  barbarities  which 
were  disgracing  civilization.  Under  date  of  August  loth, 
1869,  General  Sickles,  American  Minister  in  Madrid,  was 
instructed  solemnly  to  protest  in  the  name  of  the  President 


376 


Spanish   War 


[1895 


In  1873  the 
United 
States  again 
remonstrated 
against  the 
continuance 
of  a  devastat 
ing  and  inef 
fectual  war, 
and  in  1878 
the  Spanish, 
through  Gen 
eral  Campos, 
offered  terms 
of  peace, 
which  were 
accepted. 


against  any  longer  prosecuting  the  war  in  Cuba  in  this  bar 
barous  manner.  The  protest  was  apparently  received  in  a 
proper  spirit,  and  response  was  made  that  orders  had 
been  given  to  prevent  such  scenes  of  cruelty  in  the  future. 
Doubtless  in  this  reply  the  statesmen  of  Spain  were  influ 
enced  by  that  sentiment  of  humanity  which  they  professed, 
and  by  that  advanced  liberalism  upon  which  the  revolution 
of  1868,  to  which  they  owed  their  position,  was  based,  but 
the  cruelties  and  barbarities  continue. 

To-day  Cuba,  in  its  independent  relations  an  outlaw 
among  the  nations,  stands  alone.  Maintaining  a  heroic 
struggle  amid  every  obstacle,  she  is  confident,  as  were  our 
forefathers,  of  that  good  time  coming  when  victory  shall 
perch  on  her  banners  and  liberty  belong  to  her  people. 

William  J.  Starks,  Cuba  and  the  Cuban  Insurrection,  in  Scrtb- 
ner^s  Monthly,  May,  1873  (New  York,  1873),  VI,  12-21  passim. 


By  DON 

ENRIQUE 
JOSE 
VARONA, 
previously  a 
Cuban 

deputy  to  the 
Spanish 
Cortes.    The 
extract  is 
taken  from  a 
pamphlet 
submitted  to 
the  Secretary 
of  State  by 
T.  Estrada 
Palma,  "  au 
thorized  rep 
resentative 
of  the  Cubans 


141.    A  Cuban  Indictment  of  Spanish 
Rule   (1895) 

IN  exchange  for  all  that  Spain  withholds  from  us  they 
say  that  it  has  given  us  liberties.  This  is  a  mockery. 
The  liberties  are  written  in  the  constitution  but  obliterated 
in  its  practical  application.  Before  and  after  its  promulga 
tion  the  public  press  has  been  rigorously  persecuted  in 
Cuba.  Many  journalists,  such  as  Senores  Cepeda  and 
L6pes  Brinas,  have  been  banished  from  the  country  without 
the  formality  of  a  trial.  .  .  .  The  official  organ  of  the 
home-rule  party,  El  Pais,  named  before  El  Triunfo,  has 
undergone  more  than  one  trial  for  having  pointed  in 
measured  terms  to  some  infractions  of  the  law  on  the  part 


NO. i4i]  Spanish   Rule  377 

of  officials,  naming  the  transgressors.     In  1887  that  period-   in  arms."    it 
ical  was  subjected  to  criminal  proceedings  simply  because   October 03, 
it  had  stated  that  a  son  of  the  president  of  the   Havana   l895.  and 

well  states 

"audiencia     was  holding  a  certain  office  contrary  to  law.   the  defects 

They  say  that  in  Cuba  the  people  are  at  liberty  to  hold 
public  meetings,  but  every  time  the  inhabitants  assemble, 
previous  notification  must  be  given  to  the  authorities,  and 
a  functionary  is  appointed  to  be  present,  with  power  to 
suspend  the  meeting  whenever  he  deems  such  a  measure 
advisable.  The  meetings  of  the  "  Circulo  de  Trabajadores" 
(an  association  of  workingmen)  were  forbidden  by  the 
authorities  under  the  pretex[t]  that  the  building  where  they 
were  to  be  held  was  not  sufficiently  safe.  Last  year  the 
members  of  the  "  Circulo  de  Hacendados "  (association  of 
planters)  invited  their  fellow-members  throughout  the  coun 
try  to  get  up  a  great  demonstration  to  demand  a  remedy 
which  Jhe  critical  state  of  their  affairs  required.  The 
Government  found  means  to  prevent  their  meeting.  .  .  . 
The  work  of  preparation  was  already  far  advanced  when 
a  friend  of  the  Government,  Senor  Rodriguez  Correa,  stated 
that  the  Governor- General  looked  with  displeasure  upon 
and  forbade  the  holding  of  the  great  meeting.  This  was 
sufficient  to  frighten  the  "Circulo"  and  to  secure  the  failure 
of  the  project.  It  is  then  evident  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Cuba  can  have  meetings  only  when  the  Government  thinks 
it  advisable  to  permit  them. 

Against  this  political  regime,  which  is  a  sarcasm  and  in 
which  deception  is  added  to  the  most  absolute  contempt 
for  right,  the  Cubans  have  unceasingly  protested  since  it 
was  implanted%i  1878.  It  would  be  difficult  to  enumerate 
the  representations  made  in  Spain,  the  protests  voiced  by 
the  representatives  of  Cuba,  the  commissions  that  have 
crossed  the  ocean  to  try  to  impress  upon  the  exploiters  of 
Cuba  what  the  fatal  consequences  of  their  obstinacy  would 
be.  The  exasperation  prevailing  in  the  country  was  such 


378  Spanish   War  [i895 

that  the  "junta  central"  of  the  home-rule  party  issued  in 
1892  a  manifesto  in  which  it  foreshadowed  that  the  moment 
might  shortly  arrive  when  the  country  would  resort  to 
"  extreme  measures,  the  responsibility  of  which  would  fall 
on  those  who,  led  by  arrogance  and  priding  themselves 
on  their  power,  hold  prudence  in  contempt,  worship  force, 
and  shield  themselves  with  their  impunity." 

This  manifesto,  which  foreboded  the  mournful  hours  of 
the  present  war,  was  unheeded  by  Spain,  and  not  until  a 
division  took  place  in  the  Spanish  party,  which  threatened 
to  turn  into  an  armed  struggle,  did  the  statesmen  of  Spain 
think  that  the  moment  had  arrived  to  try  a  new  farce,  and 
to  make  a  false  show  of  reform  in  the  administrative  regime 
of  Cuba.  .  .  . 

This  project,  to  which  the  Spaniards  have  endeavored  to 
give  capital  importance  in  order  to  condemn  the  revolution 
as  the  work  of  impatience  and  anarchism,  leaves  intact  the 
political  regime  of  Cuba.  It  does  not  alter  the  electoral 
law.  It  does  not  curtail  the  power  of  the  bureaucracy.  It 
increases  the  power  of  the  general  Government.  It  leaves 
the  same  burdens  upon  the  Cuban  taxpayer,  and  does  not 
give  him  the  right  to  participate  in  the  information  of  the 
budgets.  The  reform  is  confined  to  the  changing  of  the 
council  of  administration  (now  in  existence  in  the  island, 
and  the  members  of  which  are  appointed  by  the  Govern 
ment)  into  a  partially  elective  body.  One-half  of  its 
members  are  to  be  appointed  by  the  Government  and  the 
other  half  to  be  elected  by  the  qualified  electors  —  that  is, 
Le.  those  who  assessed  and  pay  for  a  certain  amount  of  taxes.  The 
who,  etc.  Governor-General  has  the  right  to  veto  all  its  resolutions 
and  to  suspend  at  will  the  elective  members.  This  council 
is  to  make  up  a  kind  of  special  budget  embracing  the  items 
included  now  in  the  general  budget  of  Cuba  under  the  head 
of  "Fomento."  The  State  reserves  for  itself  all  the  rest. 
Thus  the  council  can  dispose  of  2.75  per  cent  of  the 


NO. i4i]  Spanish    Rule  379 

revenues  of  Cuba,  while  the  Government  distributes,  as  at 
present,  97.25  per  cent  for  its  expenses,  in  the  form  we  have 
explained.  The  general  budget  will,  as  heretofore,  be  made 
up  in  Spain ;  the  tariff  laws  will  be  enacted  by  Spain.  The 
debt,  militarism,  and  bureaucracy  will  continue  to  devour 
Cuba,  and  the  Cubans  will  continue  to  be  treated  as  a  sub 
jugated  people.  All  power  is  to  continue  in  the  hands  of 
the  Spanish  Government  and  its  delegates  in  Cuba,  and  all 
the  influence  with  the  Spanish  residents.  This  is  the  self- 
government  which  Spain  has  promised  to  Cuba,  and  which 
it  is  announcing  to  the  world,  .  .  . 

The  Cubans  would  have  been  wanting  not  only  in  self- 
respect  but  even  in  the  instincts  of  self-preservation  if  they 
could  have  endured  such  a  degrading  and  destructive  regime. 
Their  grievances  are  of  such  a  nature  that  no  people,  no 
human  community  capable  of  valuing  its  honor  and  of 
aspiring  to  better  its  condition,  could  bear  them  without 
degrading  and  condemning  itself  to  utter  nullity  and  anni 
hilation. 

Spain  denies  to  the  Cubans  all  effective  powers  in  their 
own  country. 

Spain  condemns  the  Cubans  to  a  political  inferiority  in 
the  land  where  they  are  born. 

Spain  confiscates  the  product  of  the  Cuban's  labor  without 
giving  them  in  return  either  safety,  prosperity,  or  education. 

Spain  has  shown  itself  utterly  incapable  of  governing  Cuba. 

Spain  exploits,  impoverishes,  and  demoralizes  Cuba. 

To  maintain  by  force  of  arms  this  monstrous  regime, 
which  brings  ruin  on  a  country  rich  by  nature  and  degrades 
a  vigorous  and  intelligent  population,  a  population  filled 
with  noble  aspirations,  is  what  Spain  calls  to  defend  its 
honor  and  preserve  the  prestige  of  its  social  functions  as  a 
civilizing  power  of  America. 

Senate  Reports,  55  Cong.,  2  sess.,  No.  885,  pp.  28-29  passim. 


38o 


Spanish   War 


By  COLONEL 
THEODORE 
ROOSEVELT 
(1858-       ), 
lormer  As 
sistant  Secre 
tary  of  War, 
and  later 
governor  of 
New  York ; 
second  in 
command  of 
the  First 
United  States 
Volunteer 
Cavalry, 
commonly 
called  the 
"  Rough 
Riders." 
The  horses 
of  the  regi 
ment  were 
not  taken  to 
Cuba,  and 
the  troops 
fought  in 
front.    Land 
ing  in  Cuba 
on  June  22, 
1898,  they 
began  their 
march  on  the 
23d,  and  this 
fight  oc 
curred  on  the 
24th  at  Las 
Guasimas. 
Wood 
was  at  this 
time  colonel 
of  the  regi 
ment,  and  for 
gallantry 
here  and  at 
San  Juan  was 
later  pro 
moted  to  be 
a  general. 


142.    The  Rough  Riders  at  the  Front 
(1898) 

I  HAD  not  seen  Wood  since  the  beginning  of  the  skir 
mish,  when  he  hurried  forward.  When  the  firing 
opened  some  of  the  men  began  to  curse.  "  Don't  swear  — 
shoot ! "  growled  Wood,  as  he  strode  along  the  path  leading 
his  horse,  and  everyone  laughed  and  became  cool  again. 
The  Spanish  outposts  were  very  near  our  advance  guard, 
and  some  minutes  of  the  hottest  kind  of  firing  followed 
before  they  were  driven  back  and  slipped  off  through  the 
jungle  to  their  main  lines  in  the  rear.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  When  I  came  to  the  front  I  found  the  men  spread  out 
in  a  very  thin  skirmish  line,  advancing  through  comparatively 
open  ground,  each  man  taking  advantage  of  what  cover  he 
could,  while  Wood  strolled  about  leading  his  horse,  Brodie 
being  close  at  hand.  How  Wood  escaped  being  hit,  I  do 
not  see,  and  still  less  how  his  horse  escaped.  I  had  left 
mine  at  the  beginning  of  the  action,  and  was  only  regretting 
that  I  had  not  left  my  sword  with  it,  as  it  kept  getting 
between  my  legs  when  I  was  tearing  my  way  through  the 
jungle.  I  never  wore  it  again  in  action.  Lieutenant  Rivers 
was  with  Wood,  also  leading  his  horse.  Smedburg  had  been 
sent  off  on  the  by  no  means  pleasant  task  of  establishing 
communications  with  Young. 

Very  soon  after  I  reached  the  front,  ...  I  noticed  Good 
rich,  of  Houston's  troop,  tramping  along  behind  his  men, 
absorbed  in  making  them  keep  at  good  intervals  from  one 
another  and  fire  slowly  with  careful  aim.  As  I  came  close 
up  to  the  edge  of  the  troop,  he  caught  a  glimpse  of  me, 
mistook  me  for  one  of  his  own  skirmishers  who  was  crowd 
ing  in  too  closely,  and  called  out,  "  Keep  your  interval,  sir ; 
keep  your  interval,  and  go  forward." 

A  perfect  hail  of  bullets  was  sweeping  over  us  as  we 


NO.  142]  Rough   Riders  381 

advanced.  Once  I  got  a  glimpse  of  some  Spaniards,  appar 
ently  retreating,  far  in  the  front,  and  to  our  right,  and  we 
fired  a  couple  of  rounds  after  them.  Then  I  became  con 
vinced,  after  much  anxious  study,  that  we  were  being  fired 
at  from  some  large  red-tiled  buildings,  part  of  a  ranch  on 
our  front.  Smokeless  powder,  and  the  thick  cover  in  our 
front,  continued  to  puzzle  us,  and  I  more  than  once  con 
sulted  anxiously  the  officers  as  to  the  exact  whereabouts  of 
our  opponents.  I  took  a  rifle  from  a  wounded  man  and 
began  to  try  shots  with  it  myself.  It  was  very  hot  and 
the  men  were  getting  exhausted,  though  at  this  particular 
time  we  were  not  suffering  heavily  from  bullets,  the  Spanish 
fire  going  high.  As  we  advanced,  the  cover  became  a  little 
thicker  and  I  lost  touch  of  the  main  body  under  Wood ;  so 
I  halted  and  we  fired  industriously  at  the  ranch  buildings 
ahead  of  us,  some  five  hundred  yards  off.  Then  we  heard 
cheering  on  the  right,  and  I  supposed  that  this  meant  a 
charge  on  the  part  of  Wood's  men,  so  I  sprang  up  and 
ordered*  the  men  to  rush  the  buildings  ahead  of  us.  They 
came  forward  with  a  will.  There  was  a  moment's  heavy 
firing  from  the  Spaniards,  which  all  went  over  our  heads, 
and  then  it  ceased  entirely.  WThen  we  arrived  at  the  build 
ings,  panting  and  out  of  breath,  they  contained  nothing  but 
heaps  of  empty  cartridge-shells  and  two  dead  Spaniards, 
shot  through  the  head. 

The  country  all  around  us  was  thickly  forested,  so  that  it 
was  very  difficult  to  see  any  distance  in  any  direction.  The 
firing  had  now  died  out,  but  I  was  still  entirely  uncertain  as 
to  exactly  what  had  happened.  I  did  not  know  whether  the 
enemy  had  been  driven  back  or  whether  it  was  merely  a  lull 
in  the  fight,  and  we  might  be  attacked  again ;  nor  did  I 
know  what  had  happened  in  any  other  part  of  the  line, 
while  as  I  occupied  the  extreme  left,  I  was  not  sure  whether 
or  not  my  flank  was  in  danger.  At  this  moment  one  of  our 
men  who  had  dropped  out,  arrived  with  the  information 


382 


Spanish   War 


[1898 


(fortunately  false)  that  Wood  was  dead.  Of  course,  this 
meant  that  the  command  devolved  upon  me,  and  I  hastily 
set  about  taking  charge  of  the  regiment.  I  had  been  par 
ticularly  struck  by  the  coolness  and  courage  shown  by  Ser 
geants  Dame  and  Mcllhenny,  and  sent  them  out  with  small 
pickets  to  keep  watch  in  front  and  to  the  left  of  the  left 
wing.  I  sent  other  men  to  fill  the  canteens  with  water,  and 
threw  the  rest  out  in  a  long  line  in  a  disused  sunken  road, 
which  gave  them  cover,  putting  two  or  three  wounded  men, 
who  had  hitherto  kept  up  with  the  fighting-line,  and  a  dozen 
men  who  were  suffering  from  heat  exhaustion  —  for  the  fight 
ing  and  running  under  that  blazing  sun  through  the  thick 
dry  jungle  was  heart-breaking  —  into  the  ranch  buildings. 
Then  I  started  over  toward  the  main  body,  but  to  my  delight 
encountered  Wood  himself,  who  told  me  the  fight  was  over 
and  the  Spaniards  had  retreated.  .  .  . 

The  Rough  Riders  had  lost  eight  men  killed  and  thirty- 
four  wounded  .  .  .  The  First  Cavalry,  white,  lost  seven 
men  killed  and  eight  wounded ;  the  Tenth  Cavalry,  colored, 
one  man  killed  and  ten  wounded  ;  so,  out  of  964  men 
engaged  on  our  side,  16  were  killed  and  52  wounded.  The 
Spaniards  were  under  General  Rubin,  with,  as  second  in 
command,  Colonel  Alcarez.  They  had  two  guns,  and  eleven 
companies  of  about  a  hundred  men  each  .  .  . 

Theodore  Roosevelt,  The  Rough  Riders,  in  Scribner*s  Magazine, 
March,  1899  (New  York,  1899),  XXV,  272-274  passim. 


H3- 


The  Conditions  of  the  Philippines 
(1898) 


IF  the  United  States  evacuate  these  islands,  anarchy  and 
civil  war  will  immediately  ensue  and  lead  to  foreign 
intervention.     The  insurgents  were  furnished  arms  and  the 


NO.  143]  Philippines  383 

moral  support  of  the  Navy  prior  to  our  arrival,  and  we  can  for  the  use 

not  ignore  obligations,  either  to  the  insurgents  or  to  foreign  °an  comrrfis- 

nations,  which  our  own  acts  have  imposed  upon  us.     The  sionforthe 

Spanish  Government  is  completely  demoralized,  and  Spanish  of  1° peace  at 

power  is  dead  beyond   possibility  of  resurrection.      Spain  ^V Green?" 

would  be  unable  to  govern  these  islands  if  we  surrendered  was  in  com- 

them.      Spaniards  individually  stand   in  great  fear  of  the  se^ondEJri- 

insurgents.     The  Spanish  Government  is  disorganized  and  gade,  Second 

Division, 

their  treasury  bankrupt,  with  a  large  floating  debt.     The   Eighth  Army 
loss  of  property  has  been  great.     On  the  other  hand,  the   p 
Filipinos  can  not  govern  the  country  without  the  support 
of  some  strong  nation.     They  acknowledge  this  themselves, 
and  say  their  desire  is  for  independence  under  American 
protection ;  but  they  have  only  vague  ideas  as  to  what  our 
relative  positions  would  be  —  what  part  we  should  take  in 
collecting  and  expending  the  revenue  and  administering  the 
government. 

The  hatred  between  the  Spanish  and  natives  is  very  in 
tense  and  can  not  be  eradicated.  The  natives  are  all 
Roman  Catholics  and  devoted  to  the  church,  but  have  bitter 
hatred  for  monastic  orders  —  Dominican,  Franciscan,  and 
Recollects.  They  insist  that  these  be  sent  out  of  the  coun 
try  or  they  will  murder  them.  These  friars  own  the  greater 
part  of  the  land,  and  have  grown  rich  by  oppressing  the 
native  husbandmen.  Aguinaldo's  army  numbers  10,000  to 
15,000  men  in  vicinity  of  Manila,  who  have  arms  and  am 
munition,  but  no  regular  organization.  They  receive  no 
pay,  and  are  held  together  by  hope  of  booty  when  they 
enter  Manila.  They  are  composed  largely  of  young  men 
and  boys  from  surrounding  country,  who  have  no  property 
and  nothing  to  lose  in  a  civil  war.  Aguinaldo  has  two  or 
three  ships,  and  is  sending  armed  men  to  the  northern  por 
tions  of  Luzon  and  to  other  islands.  The  Spaniards  there, 
being  cut  off  from  communication  with  Manila  and  Spain, 
can  not  be  reenforced. 


Spanish  War 


Provinces  of 
Turkey, 
forcibly 
seized  by 
Austria  in 
1878-79. 
A  native  re 
volt  in  Egypt 
was  sup 
pressed  by 
England  in 
1882. 


The  result  will  be  an  extension  of  the  civil  war  and 
further  destruction  of  property.  'There  are  in  Manila  itself 
nearly  200,000  native  Filipinos,  among  whom  are  large 
numbers  with  more  or  less  Spanish  and  Chinese  blood  who 
are  men  of  character,  education,  ability,  and  wealth.  They 
hate  the  Spanish,  are  unfriendly  toward  other  nations,  and 
look  only  to  America  for  assistance.  They  are  not  altogether 
in  sympathy  with  Aguinaldo,  fearing  the  entry  of  his  army 
into  Manila  almost  as  much  as  the  Spaniards  fear  it.  They 
say  Aguinaldo  is  not  fitted  either  by  ability  or  experience  to 
be  the  head  of  a  native  government,  and  doubt  if  he  would 
be  elected  President  in  an  honest  election.  Principal  foreign 
interests  here  are  British,  and  their  feeling  is  unanimous  in 
favor  of  American  occupation.  They  have  already  forwarded 
a  memorial  to  their  Government  asking  for  it  as  the  only 
way  to  protect  life  and  property. 

Altogether  the  situation  here  is  somewhat  similar  to 
Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  in  1878,  and  Egypt  in  1882,  and 
the  only  practicable  solution  seems  to  be  on  lines  somewhat 
similar  to  those  adopted  in  those  cases.  The  length  of  our 
occupation  would  depend  on  circumstances  as  developed  in 
the  future,  but  should  be  determined  solely  in  our  discretion 
without  obligation  to  or  consultation  with  other  powers. 
This  plan  can  only  be  worked  out  by  careful  study  by  the 
Paris  Commission,  and  they  should  have  advice  and  full 
information  from  some  one  who  has  been  here  during  our 
occupation  and  thoroughly  understands  the  situation.  It  is 
not  understood  in  America,  and  unless  properly  dealt  with 
at  Paris  will  inevitably  lead  to  future  complications  and 
possibly  war. 

The  currency  of  the  country  is  silver.  The  Mexican  dollar 
is  preferred,  and  worth  about  47  cents  gold,  but  the  gold 
dollar  will  not  buy  in  labor  or  merchandise  any  more  than 
the  Mexican  dollar,  and  any  attempt  to  establish  a  gold 
basis  for  currency  would  ruin  any  business  in  the  islands. 


No.  144] 


Beginning 


The  total  revenue  is  about  $17,000,000  Mexican,  derived 
about  35  per  cent  from  customs,  50  per  cent  from  internal 
taxes,  and  15  per  cent  from  state  lottery  and  sale  of  monop 
olies.  More  than  two-thirds  of  the  internal  revenue  comes 
from  poll  tax  or  cedula,  which  is  very  unpopular.  The 
country  was  self-supporting  and  free  of  debt  until  the  insur 
rection  broke  out  about  two  years  ago,  but  the  expenses  of 
the  civil  war  have  disorganized  finances.  There  is  a  bonded 
debt,  Series  A,  $15,000,000  Mexican,  held  in  Spain,  for 
which  the  colony  never  received  any  consideration,  and 
another  debt,  Series  B,  same  amount,  which  was  forced  on 
the  people  here,  and  the  validity  of  which  is  open  to  question. 
Both  debts  are  secured  by  first  liens  on  custom-house  re 
ceipts,  but  this  does  not  appear  to  have  been  respected. 

Senate  Executive  Documents,  55  Cong.,  2  sess.,  No.  52,  Part  II, 
374-375- 


144.  A  Review  of  the  Spanish  War  (1898) 

THE  first  encounter  of  the  war  in  point  of  date  took 
place  April  27th,  when  a  detachment  of  the  block 
ading  squadron  made  a  reconnaissance  in  force  at  Matanzas, 
shelled  the  harbor  forts,  and  demolished  several  new  works 
in  construction. 

The  next  engagement  was  destined  to  mark  a  memorable 
epoch  in  maritime  warfare.  The  Pacific  fleet,  under  Com 
modore  George  Dewey,  had  lain  for  some  weeks  at  Hong- 
Kong.  Upon  the  colonial  proclamation  of  neutrality  being 
issued  and  the  customary  twenty-four  hours'  notice  being 
given,  it  repaired  to  Mirs  Bay,  near  Hong-Kong,  whence 
it  proceeded  to  the  Philippine  Islands  under  telegraphed 
orders  to  capture  or  destroy  the  formidable  Spanish  fleet 
then  assembled  at  Manila.  At  daybreak  on  the  ist  of  May 
the  American  force  entered  Manila  Bay  and  after  a  few 

| 

2C 


From  the 
annual  mes 
sage  of 
PRESIDENT 
WILLIAM 

MCKlNLEY 

(1844-       ), 
December  5, 
1898.     Presi 
dent  McKin- 
ley  was  a 
soldier  in  the 
Civil  War, 
member  of 
Congress 
from  1877  to 
1891,  gov 
ernor  of  Ohio 
from  1891  to 
1895,  and  was 
inaugurated 
as  President 
on  March  4, 
1897.  —  For 
accounts  of 
the  events 


386 


Spanish  War 


[1898 


leading  to 
war,  see  the 
Annual 
Cyclopedia 
for  1898 ; 
Contempora 
ries,  IV,  ch. 


Matanzas  is 
on  the  north 
ern  coast  of 
Cuba,  next  to 
Havana  in 
commercial 
importance. 

Cavite  is 
ten  miles 
southwest  of 
Manila. 


On  the 
northern 
coast  of 
Cuba,  a  short 
distance  east 
of  Matanzas. 


Second  city 
of  Cuba, 
capital  of  the 
eastern  divi- 


hours'  engagement  effected  the  total  destruction  of  the 
Spanish  fleet,  consisting  of  ten  warships  and  a  transport, 
besides  capturing  the  naval  station  and  forts  at  Cavite,  thus 
annihilating  the  Spanish  naval  power  in  the  Pacific  Ocean 
and  completely  controlling  the  Bay  of  Manila,  with  the 
ability  to  take  the  city  at  will.  Not  a  life  was  lost  on  our 
ships,  the  wounded  only  numbering  seven,  while  not  a  vessel 
was  materially  injured.  For  this  gallant  achievement  the 
Congress,  upon  my  recommendation,  fitly  bestowed  upon 
the  actors  preferment  and  substantial  reward.  .  .  . 

Following  the  comprehensive  scheme  of  general  attack, 
powerful  forces  were  assembled  at  various  points  on  our 
coast  to  invade  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico.  Meanwhile  naval 
demonstrations  were  made  at  several  exposed  points.  On 
May  nth  the  cruiser  Wilmington  and  torpedo  boat  Winslow 
were  unsuccessful  in  an  attempt  to  silence  the  batteries  at 
Cardenas,  a  gallant  ensign,  Worth  Bagley,  and  four  seamen 
falling.  These  grievous  fatalities  were  strangely  enough 
among  the  very  few  which  occurred  during  our  naval  opera 
tions  in  this  extraordinary  conflict. 

Meanwhile  the  Spanish  naval  preparations  had  been 
pushed  with  great  vigor.  A  powerful  squadron  under 
Admiral  Cervera,  which  had  assembled  at  the  Cape  Verde 
Islands  before  the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  had  crossed  the 
ocean,  and  by  its  erratic  movements  in  the  Caribbean  Sea 
delayed  our  military  plans  while  baffling  the  pursuit  of  our 
fleets.  For  a  time  fears  were  felt  lest  the  Oregon  and 
Marietta,  then  nearing  home  after  their  long  voyage  from 
San  Francisco  of  over  15,000  miles,  might  be  surprised  by 
Admiral  Cervera's  fleet,  but  their  fortunate  arrival  dispelled 
these  apprehensions  and  lent  much  needed  reinforcement. 
Not  until  Admiral  Cervera  took  refuge  in  the  harbor  of 
Santiago  de  Cuba,  about  May  iQth,  was  it  practicable  to 
plan  a  systematic  naval  and  military  attack  upon  the  Antillean 
possessions  of  Spain. 


NO.  144]  H  ostilities  387 

Several  demonstrations  occurred  on  the  coasts  of  Cuba  sion,  six 
and  Porto  Rico  in  preparation  for  the  larger  event.     On 

May  1 3th  the  North  Atlantic  Squadron  shelled  San  Juan  de  coast- 

Porto  Rico.     On  May  3Oth  Commodore  Schley's  squadron  Principal  cit> 

bombarded  the  forts  guarding  the  mouth  of  Santiago  har-  RiCo°off  the 

bor.    Neither  attack  had  any  material  result.    It  was  evident   northern 

coast, 
that  well-ordered   land-  operations   were    indispensable   to 

achieve  a  decisive  advantage. 

The  next  act  in  the  war  thrilled  not  alone  the  hearts  of 
our  countrymen  but  the  world  by  its  exceptional  heroism. 
On  the  night  of  June  3d,  Lieutenant  Hobson,  aided  by 
seven  devoted  volunteers,  blocked  the  narrow  outlet  from 
Santiago  harbor  by  sinking  the  collier  Merrimac  in  the 
channel,  under  a  fierce  fire  from  the  shore  batteries,  escaping 
with  their  lives  as  by  a  miracle,  but  falling  into  the  hands  of 
the  Spaniards.  It  is  a  most  gratifying  incident  of  the  war 
that  the  bravery  of  this  little  band  of  heroes  was  cordially 
appreciated  by  the  Spanish  admiral,  who  sent  a  flag  of  truce 
to  notify  Admiral  Sampson  of  their  safety  and  to  compliment 
them  on  their  daring  act.  They  were  subsequently  ex 
changed  July  yth. 

By  June  yth  the  cutting  of  the  last  Cuban  cable  isolated 
the  Island.  Thereafter  the  invasion  was  vigorously  prose 
cuted.  On  June  roth,  under  a  heavy  protecting  fire,  a 
landing  of  600  marines  from  the  Oregon,  Marblehead,  and 
Yankee  was  effected  in  Guantanamo  Bay,  where  it  had  been  On  the 
determined  to  establish  a  naval  station.  coast  o? 

This  important  and  essential  port  was  taken    from  the    Cuba, 
enemy  after  severe  fighting  by  the  marines,  who  were  the 
first  organized  force  of  the  United  States  to  land  in  Cuba. 

The  position  so  won  was  held  despite  desperate  attempts 
to  dislodge  our  forces.  By  June  i6th  additional  forces  were 
landed  and  strongly  intrenched.  On  June  22d  the  advance 
of  the  invading  army  under  Major- General  Shafter  landed  at 
Daiquiri,  about  15  miles  east  of  Santiago.  This  was  accom- 


388  Spanish   War  [i89s 

plished  under  great  difficulties  but  with  marvelous  dispatch. 
On  June  23d  the  movement  against  Santiago  was  begun. 
On  the  24th  the  first  serious  engagement  took  place,  in 
which  the  First  and  Tenth  Cavalry  and  the  First  United 
States  Volunteer  Cavalry,  General  Young's  brigade  of  General 
Wheeler's  division,  participated,  losing  heavily.  By  night 
fall,  however,  ground  within  5  miles  of  Santiago  was  won. 
The  advantage  was  steadily  increased.  On  July  ist  a  severe 
battle  took  place,  our  forces  gaining  the  outworks  of  San- 
El  Caney  is  a  tiago ;  on  the  2d  El  Caney  and  San  Juan  were  taken  after 

little  north-  ,  j      u       •  c    4-u 

east  of  a  desperate  charge,  and   the  investment  of  the  city  was 

Santiago.        completed.     The  Navy  cooperated  by  shelling  the  town  and 
the  coast  forts. 

On  the  day  following  this  brilliant  achievement  of  our  land 
forces,  the  3d  of  »July,  occurred  the  decisive  naval  combat 
of  the  war.  The  Spanish  fleet,  attempting  to  leave  the 
harbor,  was  met  by  the  American  squadron  under  command 
of  Commodore  Sampson.  In  less  than  three  hours  all  the 
Spanish  ships  were  destroyed,  the  two  torpedo  boats  being 
sunk,  and  the  Maria  Teresa,  Almirante  Oquendo,  Vizcaya, 
and  Cristobal  Colon  driven  ashore.  The  Spanish  admiral 
and  over  1,300  men  were  taken  prisoners,  while  the  enemy's 
loss  of  life  was  deplorably  large,  some  600  perishing.  On 
our  side  but  one  man  was  killed,  on  the  Brooklyn,  and  one 
man  seriously  wounded.  Although  our  ships  were  repeatedly 
struck,  not  one  was  seriously  injured.  Where  all  so  con 
spicuously  distinguished  themselves,  from  the  commanders 
to  the  gunners  and  the  unnamed  heroes  in  the  boiler  rooms, 
each  and  all  contributing  toward  the  achievement  of  this 
astounding  victory,  for  which  neither  ancient  nor  modern 
history  affords  a  parallel  in  the  completeness  of  the  event 
and  the  marvelous  disproportion  of  casualties,  it  would  be 
invidious  to  single  out  any  for  especial  honor.  Deserved 
promotion  has  rewarded  the  more  conspicuous  actors  —  the 
nation's  profoundest  gratitude  is  due  to  all  of  these  brave 


NO.  144]  Conclusion  389 

men  who  by  their  skill  and  devotion  in  a  few  short  hours 
crushed  the  sea  power  of  Spain  and  wrought  a  triumph 
whose  decisiveness  and  far-reaching  consequences  can 
scarcely  be  measured.  Nor  can  we  be  unmindful  of  the 
achievements  of  our  builders,  mechanics,  and  artisans  for 
their  skill  in  the  construction  of  our  warships. 

With  the  catastrophe  of  Santiago  Spain's  effort  upon  the 
ocean  virtually  ceased.  .  .  . 

The  capitulation  of  Santiago  followed.  The  city  was 
closely  besieged  by  land,  while  the  entrance  of  our  ships 
into  the  harbor  cut  off  all  relief  on  that  side.  After  a  truce 
to  allow  of  the  removal  of  noncombatants  protracted  nego 
tiations  continued  from  July  3d  until  July  i5th,  when,  under 
menace  of  immediate  assault,  the  preliminaries  of  surrender 
were  agreed  upon.  On  the  lyth  General  Shafter  occupied 
the  city.  The  capitulation  embraced  the  entire  eastern  end 
of  Cuba.  .  .  . 

With  the  fall  of  Santiago  the  occupation  of  Porto  Rico 
became  the  next  strategic  necessity.  General  Miles  had 
previously  been  assigned  to  organize  an  expedition  for* that 
purpose.  Fortunately  he  was  already  at  Santiago,  where  he 
had  arrived  on  the  nth  of  July  with  reinforcements  for 
General  Shafter's  army. 

With  these  troops,  consisting  of  3,415  infantry  and 
artillery,  two  companies  of  engineers,  and  one  company  of 
the  Signal  Corps,  General  Miles  left  Guantanamo  on  July  2ist, 
having  nine  transports  convoyed  by  the  fleet  under  Captain 
Higginson  with  the  Massachusetts  (flagship),  Dixie,  Glouces 
ter,  Columbia,  and  Yale,  the  two  latter  carrying  troops. 
The  expedition  landed  at  Guanica  July  25th,  which  port  Onthesouth 
was  entered  with  little  opposition.  .  .  .  Por^Fiico?' 

On  July  27th  he  entered  Ponce,  one  of  the  most  impor-  Nearthe 
tant  ports  in  the  island,  from  which  he  thereafter  directed  southern 
operations  for  the  capture  of  the  island. 

With   the   exception  of  encounters   with  the   enemy  at 


39° 


Spanish  War 


[1895 


In  the  south 
ern  part  of 
the  island. 


No.  145  is 
by  JOHN 
DAVIS 
LONG  (1838- 

),  gov 
ernor  of 
Massachu 
setts  from 
1880  to  1882, 
and  Secre 
tary  of  the 
Navy  since 
1897.     The 
extract  is 
from  an 
address  de 
livered  be 
fore  the  City 
Council  and 
citizens  of 
Boston, 
July  4,  1882. 


Guayama,  Hormigueros,  Coamo,  and  Yauco,  and  an  attack 
on  a  force  landed  at  Cape  San  Juan,  there  was  no  serious 
resistance.  The  campaign  was  prosecuted  with  great  vigor, 
and  by  the  i2th  of  August  much  of  the  island  was  in  our 
possession  .  .  . 

The  last  scene  of  the  war  was  enacted  at  Manila,  its  start 
ing  place.  On  August  15,  after  a  brief  assault  upon  the 
works  by  the  land  forces,  in  which  the  squadron  assisted, 
the  capital  surrendered  unconditionally.  The  casualties 
were  comparatively  few.  By  this  the  conquest  of  the  Philip 
pine  Islands,  virtually  accomplished  when  the  Spanish  capac 
ity  for  resistance  was  destroyed  by  Admiral  Dewey's  victory 
of  the  ist  of  May,  was  formally  sealed.  To  General  Merritt, 
his  officers  and  men  for  their  uncomplaining  and  devoted 
service  and  for  their  gallantry  in  action  the  nation  is  sincerely 
grateful.  Their  long  voyage  was  made  with  singular  success, 
and  the  soldierly  conduct  of  the  men,  most  of  whom  were 
without  previous  experience  in  the  military  service,  deserves 
unmeasured  praise. 

The  total  casualties  in  killed  and  wounded  in  the  Army 
during  the  war  with  Spain  were  :  Officers  killed,  23  ;  enlisted 
men  killed,  257  ;  total,  280;  officers  wounded,  113  ;  enlisted 
men  wounded,  1,464;  total,  1,577.  Of  the  Navy:  Killed, 
17;  wounded,  67;  died  as  result  of  wounds,  i;  invalided 
from  service,  6  ;  total,  91. 

[William  McKinley],  Message  .  .  .  communicated  to  the  two 
Houses  of  Congress  at  the  beginning  of  the  Third  Session  of  the 
Fifty-fifth  Congress  (Washington,  1898),  10-15 


145.    The  Future  of  the  Republic  (1895) 


kUR  beloved  country  is  more  than  a  hundred 
years  old.    A  century  has  come  and  has  gone. 
It  is  indeed  but  as  a  day ;  yet  what  a  day  !     Not  the  short 


O' 


NO.  i45] 


A   Retrospect 


391 


and  sullen  day  of  the  winter  solstice,  but  the  long,  glorious, 
and  prolific  summer  day  of  June.  It  rose  in  the  twilight 
glimmerings  of  the  dawn  of  Lexington,  and  its  rays,  falling 
on  the  mingled  dew  and  gore  of  that  greensward,  and  a  little 
later  across  the  rebel  gun-barrels  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  then 
tenderly  lingering  on  the  dead,  upturned  face  of  Warren, 
broke  in  the  full  splendor  of  the  first  Fourth  of  July,  and 
lay  warm  upon  the  bell  in  the  tower  of  Independence  Hall, 
as  it  rang  out  upon  the  air  the  cry  of  a  free  nation  newly 
born.  Its  morning  sun,  now  radiant  and  now  obscured, 
shone  over  the  battlefields  of  the  Revolution,  over  the  ice 
of  the  Delaware,  and  over  the  ramparts  at  Yorktown  swept 
by  the  onslaught  of  the  chivalrous  Lafayette.  It  looked 
down  upon  the  calm  figure  of  Washington  inaugurating  the 
new  government  under  the  Constitution.  It  saw  the  slow 
but  steady  consolidation  of  the  Union.  It  saw  the  marvelous 
stride  with  which,  in  the  early  years  of  the  present  century, 
the  republic  grew  in  wealth  and  population,  sending  its  ships 
into  every  sea,  and  its  pioneers  into  the  wilds  of  the  Oregon 
and  to  the  lakes  of  the  North.  It  burst  through  the  clouds 
of  the  War  of  1812,  and  saw  the  navy  of  the  young  nation 
triumph  in  encounters  as  romantic  as  those  of  armed  knights 
in  tournament.  It  heard  the  arguments  of  Madison,  Ham- 
ilton,  Marshal,  Story,  and  Webster,  determining  the  scope  of 
the  Constitution,  and  establishing  forever  the  theory  of  its 
powers  and  restrictions.  It  beheld  the  overthrow  of  the  de 
lusion  which  regarded  the  United  States  as  a  league  and  not 
a  nation,  and  that  would  have  sapped  it  with  the  poison  of 
nullification  and  secession.  It  saw  an  era  of  literature  begin, 
distinguished  by  the  stately  achievements  of  the  historian, 
the  thought  of  the  philosopher,  the  grace  of  oratory,  the 
sweet  pure  verse  of  the  American  poets,  —  poets  of  nature 
and  the  heart.  It  brought  the  tender  ministry  of  uncon 
sciousness  to  human  pain.  It  caught  the  song  of  machinery, 
the  thunder  of  the  locomotive,  the  first  click  of  the  telegraph. 


5ee  above 

No-  57- 

See  Contem- 
i  n» 


See  above, 
No'  s8' 


see  above, 
Nos>  59.  63. 

See  above, 
°'71* 


See  above, 

No-  8a 

see  above, 
cha  xiii- 

see  above, 
Nos-  68-  69- 


See  above, 


Spanish   War 


[1895 


It  saw  the  measureless  West  unfold  its  prairies  into  great 
activities  of  life  and  product  and  wealth.  It  saw  the  virtue 
and  culture  and  thrift  of  New  England  flow  broad  across  the 
Mississippi,  over  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  down  the  Pacific 
slope,  expanding  into  a  civilization  so  magnificent  that  its 
power  and  grandeur  and  influence  to-day  overshadow  indeed 
the  fount  from  which  they  sprang.  It  saw  America,  first 
wrenching  liberty  for  itself  from  the  hand  of  European 
tyranny,  share  it  free  as  the  air  with  the  oppressed  and 
cramped  peoples  of  Europe,  carrying  food  to  them  in  their 
starvation,  offering  them  an  asylum,  welcoming  their  cooper 
ation  in  the  development  and  enjoyment  of  the  generous 
culture  and  freedom  and  opportunity  of  the  New  World, 
and  setting  them,  from  the  first  even  till  now,  an  example 
of  free  institutions  and  local  popular  government,  which 
every  intelligent  and  self-respecting  people  must  follow.  Its 
afternoon  was  indeed  overcast  with  shameful  assault  made 
on  an  unoffending  neighbor  to  strengthen  the  hold  of  slavery 
upon  the  misguided  interests  of  the  country  ;  and  there  came 
the  fiery  tempest  of  civil  war  :  the  heart  of  the  nation  mourned 
the  slaughter  of  its  patriots,  and  the  treason  and  folly  of  its 
children  of  the  South,  yet  welcomed  them  back  to  their  place 
in  the  family  circle.  And  now  eventide  has  come  ;  the  storm 
is  over ;  the  long  day  has  drawn  to*  its  close  in  the  magnificent 
irradiation  that  betokens  a  glorious  morning.  We  gather  at 
our  thresholds  and  hold  sweet  neighborly  converse.  Our  chil 
dren  are  about  us  in. pleasant  homes  ;  our  flocks  are  safe  ;  our 
fields  are  ripening  with  the  harvest.  We  recall  the  day,  and 
pray  that  the  God  of  the  pilgrim  and  the  patriot  will  make 
the  morrow  of  our  republic  even  brighter  and  better.  .  .  . 


John  D.  Long,  After-Dinner  and  other  Speeches  (Boston,  etc., 
1895),  221-223. 


INDEX 


[The  names  of  the  authors  of  extracts  are  in  boldface.    The  titles  of  the  pieces  are  in 
SMALL  CAPITALS.    The  titles  of  books  cited  are  in  italics.] 


A  BOLITIONISTS,  topics,  xxxvii,  xliii ;  a 

**•  western  argument,  242;  a  southern  de 
fence,  246 ;  in  Boston,  248  ;  poem,  258  ; 
political,  263 ;  Lincoln,  291;  Stephens  on, 
297.  —  See  also  Emancipation,  Slavery. 

Adams,  C.  F.,  Richard  Henry  Dana,  284. 

Adams,  John,  DECLARATION  OF  INDE 
PENDENCE,  147;  Works,  149. 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  MISSOURI  COM 
PROMISE,  234;  Memoirs,  237. 

Admiralty  Court,  at  Halifax,  204. 

Admission  of  new  otates,  topics,  xli. 

Aguinaldo,  forces  under,  383. 

Albany,  description  of,  44 ;  Indian  trade  at, 
60 ;  politics  at,  355. 

Allegiance,  Lee  on  oath  of,  343. 

Alligators,  on  the  Mississippi,  97. 

Amendment,  of  Constitution  proposed,  202. 

America,  discovery  of,  i ;  charges  against, 
141 ;  Crevecoeur  describes,  161 ;  future 
of,  168,  390;  Jackson's  impressions  of, 
212;  character  of  Americans,  369.  —  See 
also  Colonies,  Congress,  Revolution, 
United  States,  and  Table  of  Contents. 

America  and  her  Commentators,  xxi. 

American  Antiquarian  Society,  Transac 
tions  and  Collections,  14. 

American  Colonial  Tracts,  xxi. 

American  Historical  Association,  Report, 
xviii. 

American  History  Leaflets,  xxi. 

American  History  Studies,  xviii,  xxi. 

American  History  told  by  Contemporaries, 
xviii,  xxi. 


American  Orations,  xxi. 

American  State  Papers^  194,  196. 

Ames,  Fisher,  ON  THE  TARIFF,  183; 
Speeches,  186. 

Anabaptists,  in  New  Amsterdam,  43; 
Roger  Williai  is,  53. 

Andrews,  Sidney,  THE  SOUTH,  336; 
South  since  the  War,  339. 

Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  NEW  YORK,  58. 

Anghiera,  Peter  Martyr,  AN  ENGLISH 
VOYAGE,  4. 

Annexations,  topics,  xli. 

Anonymous,  ENGLISH  PLUNDERING  VOY 
AGE,  9;  FIRST  ENGLISH  EXPLORATION, 
ii ;  PLANTATION  LIFE  IN  VIRGINIA, 
91;  DESTRUCTION  OF  DEERFIELD,  98; 
AMERICAN  PATRIOT'S  PRAYER,  143 ;  A 
BALLAD  ON  CORNWALLIS,  159;  CAVE 
LIFE  IN  VICKSBURG,  320. 

Antietam,  effect  on  emancipation,  317. 

Anti-slavery.  —  See  Abolitionists,  Slavery. 

Appointments.  —  See  Patronage. 

Appomattox,  surrender  at,  330. 

Aquiday,  settled,  56. 

Arbitration,  with  Great  Britain,  358. 

Archdale,  John,  DESCRIPTION  OF  CARO 
LINA,  65;  governor  of  Carolina,  67. 

Arkansas,  religion  in,  231. 

Army,  American,  Revolution,  topics,  xxxix; 
land  bounties,  topics,  xl ;  list  of  battles, 
xlv;  Civil  War,  topics,  xlv;  minute- 
men  at  Lexington,  145;  militia,  150; 
regulars,  151;  in  South  Carolina,  153; 
at  Bull  Run,  305;  wounded,  311;  at 


393 


396 


Index 


Colton,    Rev.    Walter,    AT    THE    GOLD 

FIELDS,  276;    Three  Years  in  California, 

279. 

Columbia  River,  Lewis  and  Clark  on,  209. 
Columbus,     Christopher,     reference     to, 

xxviii;      DISCOVERY     OF     THE     NEW 

WORLD,  i ;  Select  Letters,  3. 
Commissioners,  for  Treaty  of  Washington, 

357- 

Committee  of  Seven,  Study  of  History  in 
.  Schools,  xviii. 

Committee  of  Ten,  Report  on.  Secondary 
Schools,  xviii. 

Companies,  topics,  xxiii.  —  See  also  com 
panies  by  name. 

Compromise  of  1850,  topics,  xliv;  Clay  on, 
279. 

Compromises  of  the  Constitution,  topics, 
xli.  —  See  also  Constitution. 

Concord,  fight  at,  145. 

Confederate  States  of  America,  topics,  xlv. 
—  See  also  Civil  War,  Secession,  Slavery, 
South. 

Confederation,  Articles,  xl ;  topics,  xl;  Con 
gress  of,  164 ;  Northwest  Ordinance,  169 ; 
criticism,  172.  —  See  also  Constitution. 

Congress,  Continental,  147;  Confederation, 
164;  Northwest  Ordinance,  169 ;  in  1789, 
183,  186;  embargo,  209;  War  of  1812, 
214;  Missouri  Compromise,  234;  Com 
promise  of  1850,  279;  Kansas-Nebraska 
Act,  284 ;  Reconstruction,  344 ;  Civil 
Service  Reform,  363. 

Congressional  Globe,  extracts,  281,  287,  346. 

Connecticut,  topics,  xxxv ;  foundation  of 
government,  51 ;  prosperity,  59 ;  North 
west  Ordinance,  171 ;  Jefferson,  199. 

Connecticut  Historical  Society.  Collections, 

52. 

Constitution  (ship),  captures  the  Guerriere, 
217. 

Constitution,  topics,  xl;  topics  on  ratifi 
cation,  xl;  objections  to,  172;  scope  of, 
174 ;  advocated,  175 ;  poem  on,  178 ;  in 
danger,  199;  amendment,  202;  slavery 
compromise,  236 ;  Lincoln  on,  327 ;  affec 
tion  for,  371.  —  See  also  Union,  United 
States. 


Continental  Congress.  —  See  Confedera 
tion,  Congress. 

Conventicles,  in  New  Netherlands,  87. 

Cook,  Ebenezer,  TOBACCO  PLANTERS,  in ; 
Sot-  Weed  Factor,  115. 

Copper,  found  in  the  Blue  Ridge,  14. 

Corn.  —  See  Indian  Corn. 

Cornwallis,  ballad  on,  159. 

Coronado,  A  SPANISH  EXPLORATION,  206. 

Cotton  plantations.  —  See  Slavery. 

Crevecceur,  WHAT  is  AN  AMERICAN?  161 ; 
American  Fanner,  163. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  18. 

Cuba,  topics,  xliv  ;  discovered,  I ;  first  insur 
rection,  373 ;  the  Cubans,  374 ;  the  Span 
iards,  375;  press,  376;  public  meetings, 
377 1  politics,  378 ;  Spanish  reforms,  378  ; 
war,  380,  385. 

Currency,  topics,  xxxviii,  xl ;  wampum  used 
as,  70;  regulated  in  Massachusetts,  76; 
Indian,  103;  in  Pennsylvania,  105;  paper 
money,  157 ;  resumption  of  specie  pay 
ments,  360. 

Curtis,  George  William,  CIVIL  SERVICE 
REFORM,  363;  Orations  and  Addresses, 

365- 

Gushing,  Caleb,  TREATY  OF  WASHING 
TON,  355-358. 

Cutler,  Rev.  Manasseh,  NORTHWEST  OR 
DINANCE,  169. 

Cutler,  W.  P.  and  Julia  P.,  Life  of  Manasseh 
Cutler,  172. 

TTVAKOTA,  Indian  troubles  in,  368. 

*J  Dana,  Richard  Henry,  RESCUE  OF 
SHADRACH,  282. 

Bankers,  Jasper,  MARYLAND,  48  ;  Voyage 
to  New  York,  51. 

Davis,  Charles  Augustus,  JACKSON'S  RE 
SPONSIBILITY,  266;  Letters  of  J.  Doivn- 
ing,  Major,  268. 

Debates,  topics  for,  xli. 

Deerfield,  destruction  of,  98. 

Delaware,  governed  from  New  York,  70; 
part  of  Pennsylvania.  70. 

Delaware  River,  Washington  crosses,  149. 

Delaware  Town,  description  of,  70. 

De  Rodas,  policv  in  Cuba,  373. 


Colton  —  Filipinos 


397 


Dewey,  George,  at  Cavit6,  385. 

Discoveries,  topics,  xxxiii,  xxxiv;  accounts 
of,  1-17,  33,  39,  42. —  See  Table  of  Con 
tents. 

Diseases,  in  New  England,  30,  74. 

Dix,  Rev.  Morgan,  ROUSING  OF  THE 
NORTH,  303;  Memoirs  of  John  Adams 
Dix,  305. 

Dorchester  (Eng.),  emigration  from,  45. 

Dorchester  (Mass.),  founded,  47. 

Doubleday,  Abner,  ATTACK  ON  FORT 
SuMTER,299;  Reminiscences,  302 ;  killed 
at  Gettysburg,  326. 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  Kansas-Nebraska 
Act,  284;  CRITICISM  OF  LINCOLN,  291; 
Political  Debates  (with  Lincoln),  294; 
candidate  for  presidency,  296. 

Downing,  Major  Jack.  —  See  Davis,  C.  A. 

Doyle,  J.  A.,  English  in  America,  xxi. 

Drake,  Sir  Francis,  voyage,  9. 

Dred  Scott  Decision,  McLean,  290;  dicta 
in,  291 ;  Lincoln  on,  293. 

Drunkenness,  72.  —  See  Temperance. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  MASSACHUSETTS,  45; 
Letter  to  the  Countess  of  Lincoln,  48. 

Dutch,  discoverers,  topics,  xxxiv;  settle 
ments,  topics,  xxxv ;  Indians,  15;  ships 
to  Virginia,  23 ;  trade  with  New  England, 
46 ;  in  Delaware,  70 ;  coasting  trade,  75  ; 
Minister  at  Princeton,  164;  loan,  192. 

Dwight,  Theodore,  ELECTION  OF  JEFFER 
SON,  197 ;  Oration  at  New  Haven,  200. 

EAST  INDIA, trade  with, 90;  teashipped 
from,  137. 

Easton,  Nicholas,  teaching  of,  56. 

Edmundson,  Rev.  William,  JOURNEY 
THROUGH  DELAWARE,  69;  Journal,  71. 

Education,  topics,  xxxvi,  xxxviii. —  See  also 
Schools. 

Edwards,  Rev.  Jonathan,  Whitefield's  visit 
to,  no. 

Eggleston,  George  Gary,  THE  SOUTHERN 
SOLDIER,  308  ;  Rebel's  Recollections,  311. 

El  Caney,  taken,  388. 

Election,  1801,  topics,  xli ;  1860,  topics,  xliv; 
management  of  colonial,  126;  in  Kan 
sas,  287,  —  See  also  Government. 


Emancipation,  J.  Q.  Adams  foresees,  235; 
Douglas  on,  293;  proclamation,  315; 
military,  328  ;  in  the  border  States,  328. — 
See  also  Abolitionists,  Slavery. 

Embargo,  effects,  209 ;  constitutionality,  211. 

Emerson,  R.  W.,  on  history,  xxix. 

Emerson,  Rev.  William,  LEXINGTON  AND 
CONCORD,  144;  killed  at  Ticonderoga, 
144. 

Emigration,  cost  of  colonial,  26  ;  from  Ger 
many,  68 ;  from  Wales,  68 ;  of  Quakers, 
70 ;  to  the  West,  167 ;  from  England, 
239  ;  to  Oregon,  269. 

Endicott,  John,  plants  in  New  England,  45. 

England.  —  See  Colonies,  English,  Revolu 
tion,  Treaty,  United  States,  War,  and 
Table  of  Contents. 

English,  in  America,  topics,  xxxiv;  discover 
ies,  4,  9 ;  exploration,  u,  34 ;  life,  18  ;  over 
population,  21 ;  in  New  Netherlands,  43; 
ignorance  on  colonies,  140;  interests  in 
Philippines,  384. 

Erskine,  negotiates  in  America,  212. 

Espanola,  discovered,  2. 

Evelyn,  John,  LIFE  IN  ENGLAND,  18; 
typical  English  gentleman,  20;  Memoirs, 

21. 

Exeter  (N.H.),  foundation,  57. 
Exploration.  —  See   separate   nations,   and 
Table  of  Contents. 

FARRAGUT,  David  Glasgow,  FARRA- 
GUT  AT  NEW  ORLEANS,  313. 

Fearon,  H.  B.,  AMUSEMENTS  IN  NEW 
ORLEANS,  240;  Sketches  of  America, 
241. 

Featherstonhaugh,  G.  W.,  INTERNAL 
SLAVE-TRADE,  251 ;  Excursion,  254. 

Federal  Convention,  topics,  xl.  —  See  Con 
stitution. 

Federalists,  principles,  181-196;  and  Jeffer 
son,  197;  and  Sir  Francis  Jackson,  213. 

Fenwick,  John,  NEW  JERSEY,  62;  at 
Salem,  70. 

Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  —  See  Spain. 

Fernow,  Berthold,  Records  of  New  Amster 
dam,  88. 

Filipinos.  — See  Philippines. 


398 


Index 


Finances,  topics,  xl,  xlvi.  —  See  Currency. 

Finns,  in  Delaware,  70. 

Fisheries,  in  Treaty  of  Ghent,  224;  in 
Treaty  of  Washington,  358. 

Fletcher,  Francis,  The  World  Encom 
passed,  ii. 

Flint,  Rev.  Timothy,  RELIGIOUS  LIFE  IN 
THE  WEST,  231;  The  Mississippi  Valley, 

234- 

Floridas,  value  of,  201 ;  our  title  to,  202. 

Flowers,  in  South  Carolina,  32. 

Foreign  relations,  topics,  xli,  xlvi;  rival 
voyages,  1-17 ;  maritime  grievan6es,  188 ; 
XYZ,  191;  impressment,  194;  Louisi 
ana,  200;  Oregon,  206;  embargo,  209; 
Peace  of  Ghent,  223;  Mexican  War, 
271 ;  Treaty  of  Washington,  355 ;  Cuban 
troubles,  373-392.  —  See  also  Dutch,  Eng 
lish,  French,  War. 

Fort  Duquesne,  fight  at,  104. 

Fort  Moultrie,  firing  from,  302. 

Fort  Orange.  —  See  Albany. 

Fort  Sumter,  attack  on,  299. 

France.  —  See  French. 

Frankfort  Advice,  vote  on,  147. 

Frankland,  population  of,  167.  — See  also 
Tennessee. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  on  taxation,  126;  GOV 
ERNING  OF  COLONIES,  130;  Works, 
132;  on  Declaration  of  Independence, 
148. 

Freedmen.  —  See  Negroes. 

Free-schools.  —  See  Schools. 

Fr6mont,  Gen.,  military  emancipation, 
328. 

French,  B.  J.,  Historical  Collections  of 
Louisiana,  98. 

French,  discoverers,  topics,  xxxiv ;  relations 
with  English,  topics,  xxxvii;  Champlain, 
14;  Iroquois,  15;  trade  with  Indians,  59, 
89,  loo ;  La  Salle,  96 ;  destruction  of  Deer- 
field,  98 ;  Montcalm,  106 ;  XYZ  affair, 
192;  sell  Louisiana,  200 ;  conduct  in  1812, 
214. 

Friends.  —  See  Quakers. 

Fruits,  in  West  Indies,  2;  in  Kansas,  7; 
in  Virginia,  12. 

Fugitive  slaves.  — See  Slavery. 


pALLATIN,    Albert,    DISCUSSION    OF 

\J  THE  PEACE,  223 ;    Writings,  225. 

Gaming,  in  England,  21. 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  AN  ANTI- 
ABOLITIONIST  MOB,  248;  arrested,  250. 

Garrison,  W.  P.  and  F.  J.,  William  Lloyd 
Garrison,  251. 

Gass,  Patrick,  LEWIS  AND  CLARK'S 
OREGON  EXPEDITION,  206;  Journal, 
209. 

Geary,  Gen.,  at  Gettysburg,  325. 

George  III,  question  of  instructions,  131; 
relations  to  Revolution,  138-142;  John 
Adams  on,  148. 

Georgia,  topics,  xxxvi;  founded  by  Ogle- 
thorpe,  71. 

Germans,  immigrants,  68. 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  XYZ  DESPATCHES,  191. 

Gettysburg,  battle  of,  323. 

Ghent,  Treaty  of,  223. 

Gileadites,  League  of,  294. 

Gleig,  Rev.  George  Robert,  CAPTURE  OF 
WASHINGTON,  218 ;  Narrative,  220. 

Gold,  in  West  Indies,  2;  not  found  in 
Kansas,  7 ;  in  California,  276.  —  See  also 
Currency. 

Government,  topics,  colonial  and  Revolu 
tionary,  xxxviii,  xxxix;  in  Connecticut, 
51;  colonies  in  general,  124-136;  in 
structions,  130;  Revolutionary,  147,  157; 
Confederation,  164;  federal,  181-187; 
Jackson's,  266  ;  Kansas,  287  ;  Civil 
War,  315,  333;  Reconstruction,  336-351 ; 
Tweed  Ring,  352;  civil  service,  363; 
prophecy,  390.  —  See  also  Colonies, 
colonies  by  name,  Congress,  English, 
President. 

Governors,  Massachusetts,  74;  New  York, 
128;  salaries,  129.  —  See  also  colonies 
and  governors  by  name,  and  Instruc 
tions. 

Grant,  Gen.  U.  S.,  Lee's  surrender,  329. 

Graydon,  Alexander,  COLONIAL  SCHOOL 
BOY,  122;  Memoirs,  123. 

Greene,  Gen.  Francis,  THE  PHILIPPINES, 
382. 

Guaimaro,  Cuban  capital,  373. 

Guanahani,  landfall  at,  i. 


Finances  — James 


399 


ing  at,  387. 


HAD  LEY  (town),  relieves  Deerfield,  99. 
-x,  Admiralty  Court  at,  2014. 
Hall,  Basil,  "BLOCKADING  A  NEUTRAL 
POJtT,"  202;    Voyages  and  Travels,  206. 

' 


..-     -,  -.    ':::-:-..-.    :-:. 

Hampton  (Va.),  site  of,  34, 

Hancock,  Gen,  at  Gettysburg,  325. 

Hart,  Dr.  Albert  Gaillarf,  Iif  THE  THICK 
HE  FIGHT,  318  ;  J/& 

Harrard.  Wbitefield  risits,  iia 

Hares,  Gen^  at  Gettysburg,  323. 

Herat.  W.  W. 

Henry  VI  I,  of  England,  5, 

Hessians,  at  Saratoga,  126, 

History,  founded  OB  sources,  xrfi  ; 
stady,xrin;  tractions,  xix;  source 
rials,  JDK;  purposes,  xxir,xxr,xxix; 
pared  with  science,  xxr;  in  secondary 


xxis—  xxxn;  topics,  xxxio—  xin. 
Hoar.  g*—  ^*,  in  Charleston,  275, 


R^fcert,  TKADE  OF  THE  COLO- 

:/--.     ci. 

HoBand.—  See  Dntch, 
Hotocm.pop.fabo.  0^167. 

Sovn  •  >??.:>  .  .  • 


Fia»CM,THE  NEW  ROOF,  178; 

•'.    *.   /;      --  .     :-'- 

'  •'.-.'.'...; 


.-:  ....  -.'  >,-.-    :-.>.-      v.    , 

::-    i'.:.         -::  i      .    ..--,.. 
Howard,    ItrajiMi    C,   Decifum   of  Of 
Smfrcm*  Comrt,  *p. 

Ot».  MILXTAKY   GOT- 

LOUKIA9A,  346. 

eats  on,  42,  43- 


.    .- .  . .-  -.     -. .-      : .-: .-. 


Benjamin,  LIFE   ix   COK- 
164 

Hnrons,  French  relations,  15. 
Hutchinson,  Mrs,  Anne,  settles  Aquiday, 
55.56. 

TBERVILLE  (River),  boundary  of  Lou- 
*  isiana,  201. 

Illinois,  La  Salle  in,  96;  settlements  in,  237. 
Ilinsliaiions,  use  o^  xxr, 
Impressment,  Jay  on,  190;  a  case  of,  195. 
Independence,  declared,    147,— See   also 
Congress,    Revolution,    Union,    United 


India,  supposed  discovery  of,  i, 

Indian  corn,  ways  of  cooking,  32;  drinks 
made  from,  32;  raised  in  Maryland,  50. 

Indians, as  iBustrations,  xxrisi;  topics  on, 
xxxm,  xhri;  in  Cuba,  i;  dress,  7,  8;  in 
Virginia,  12;  war-path,  17,  25;  relations 
wifh  English,  23,  67;  worship,  23.  25; 
vi»ages,24;  bouses,24;  chiefc,24;  recre- 
ation.24,26,103,  boats,25;  reiationwitk 
French,  28,  100;  right  to  me  land,  57; 
snxaD-pox,  75;  domestic  annuals,  07;  OB 
<be  Mississippi, 97:  faear»ssoMfc>,iM; 

'.-      "-^         ••  i'.f  .-'     '  '  •:>      ".-.'.'     '--        ;    .'. 

West,Coh«*»ai,i;  East,  trade 
«*»»,  9»»  137- 


I  nstrnctions.  of  governors,  125 ;  1 
130;  of  town  representatives,  i34--See 


:->..'.-;    -,-   .    ':.    ',,. 
Ireton,  Henry,  mnetaJ,i8. 

y   ^  rj,       -* 

insn,  cnancter 

Iroqoois.  topics,  xxxrii;  croeJry  of,  15 ;  and 


J 


ACKSON,  ANDREW,  topics,  xfii;;  at 
New  Orleans,  221;  eriticMni  of,  266;  re- 

rig  Jjn»f  g,  Ixmrnwus  of 


AMERICA,  212, 
Jacobins,  Je 


4-OO 


Index 


Jamestown,  site  ofs  33 ;  rebuilt,  35. 

Jay,  John,  MARITIME  GRIEVANCES,  188; 
in  England,  189  ;  Correspondence,  190. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  topics  on,  xli; 
Declaration  of  Indeprndence,  147; 
QUESTION  OF  COMPROMISE,  186;  Writ 
ings,  188,  202;  criticism  of,  197;  ACQUI 
SITION  OF  LOUISIANA,  200 ;  characterized, 
228 ;  appearance,  228. 

Jogues,  Father  Isaac,  NEW  AMSTERDAM, 
42 ;  Papers,  44. 

Johnson  and  Buel,  editors,  Battles  and 
Leaders  of  the  Civil  War,  333. 

Jones,  Rev.  J.  William,  Personal  Remi 
niscences  of  Robert  E.  Lee,  344. 

Josselyn,  John,  RARITIES  OF  NEW  ENG 
LAND,  29 ;  Two  Voyages,  31. 

KALM,  Professor  Peter,  FRENCH  TRADE 
WITH  THE  INDIANS,  100;  TOWN  OF 

NEW   YORK,    117;     GOVERNOR    AND 

ASSEMBLY,    128;      Travels  into    North 

America,  103,  119,  130. 
Kanawha,  slave-trade  on,  251. 
Kansas,    topics,   xliv;     Coronado    in,    7; 

election  in,  287. 
Kansas-Nebraska  Act,  topics,  xliv;  Benton 

on,  28*4;   repeals  Missouri  Compromise, 

284;  author  of,  292.  —  See  also  Slavery, 

Territories. 
Kentucky,  population  of,  167;    trade  with 

New  Orleans,  240;  abolition  in,  265. 
Kings.  —  See  English,  George  III,  Henry 

VII,  James  I. 

LADD,  Erastus  D.,  TROUBLES  IN  KAN 
SAS,  287. 

Lady,  A.,  Cave  Life  in  Vicksburg,  323. 

Lake  Michigan,  navigation,  358. 

Lake  of  the  Woods,  boundary,  201,  225. 

Land-holding,  topics,  xl;  in  New  Jersey, 
64;  in  the  Carolinas,  65;  in  common, 
76.  —  See  also  Emigration,  Govern 
ment. 

La  Salle,  explorations,  96 ;  character,  97. 

Latour,  Arsene,  BATTLE  OF  NEW  OR 
LEANS,  220 ;  Historical  Memoir,  223. 

Leander,  frigate,  204. 


Lechford,  Thomas,  CHURCH  SERVICES, 
77;  Plain  Dealing,  79. 

Lee,  Robert  E.,  at  Gettysburg,  326;  sur 
render,  329;  ADVICE  ON  RECONSTRUC 
TION,  342. 

Levee,  Washington's,  183. 

Lewis  and  Clark,  expedition  to  Oregon, 
206. 

Lexington,  battle,  145. 

Leyden,  Pilgrims  at,  79. 

Liberator,  newspaper,  249. 

Liberty  Bell  Leaflets,  xxii. 

Libraries,  use  for  schools,  xxvi. 

Library  of  American  Literature,  xxii. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  topics,  xlv;  criticism 
of,  291 ;  Political  Debates  (with  Douglas), 
294;  calls  for  men,  304;  on  emancipa 
tion,  315;  WAR  AND  SLAVERY,  327; 
Complete  Works,  329  ;  Lowell  on,  333. 

Lincoln,  Benjamin,  in  South  Carolina,  153. 

Literature,  colonial,  topics,  xxxvi. 

Long,  John  Davis,  FUTURE  OF  THE  RE 
PUBLIC,  390;  Speeches,  392. 

Lords  of  Trade.  — See  Trade  and  Plan 
tations. 

Louisiana,  topics,  xxxvii;  acquisition,  200; 
boundary,  201;  population,  202;  dis 
posal,  202;  religion,  231;  amusements, 
240;  slave-trade  in,  252;  after  the  war, 
346. 

Lowell,  James  Russell,  MEXICAN  WAR, 
271 ;  Biglow  Papers,  276 ;  ABRAHAM 
LINCOLN,  333;  Commemoration  Ode, 
335- 

Lundy,  Benjamin,  abolitionist,  248. 

Lutherans,  in  New  Amsterdam,  43. 

Lynn,  shoe  manufacture  in,  228. 

MCCRACKAN,  W.  D.,  Huntington  Let 
ters,  166. 

McDuffie,  George,  DEFENCE  OF  SLAVERY, 
244. 

McKinley,  William,  SPANISH  WAR,  385 ; 
Message  to  Congress,  390. 

Maclay,  William,  A  VIEW  OF  WASHING 
TON,  181;  Journal,  183. 

McLean,  John,  DRED  SCOTT  DECISION 
290. 


Jamestown  —  Navy 


401 


Madagascar,  trade  with,  90. 

Maderas,  trade  with,  89. 

Madison,  James,  CAUSES  OF  THE  WAR, 
214;  Writings,  216;  at  Bladensburg,  219. 

Magellan,  Straits,  Drake  at,  9. 

Maine,  boundary,  225. 

Maize. —  See  Indian  Corn. 

Manhattan.  —  See  New  Amsterdam,  New 
York. 

Manila,  Aguinaldo  threatens,  383;  sur 
render,  390. 

Marshall,  John,  X  Y  Z  DESPATCHES, 
191. 

Martin,  Susanna,  trial  of,  82. 

Martyr,  Peter,  Decades  of  the  Newe  Worlds, 
6. 

Maryland,  topics,  xxxiv;  description  of,  48 ; 
unpopular,  49;  prosperity,  59 ;  losses,  108; 
satire,  in;  food,  114;  Northwest  Ordi 
nance,  171. 

Mason,  George,  OBJECTIONS  TO  THE  CON 
STITUTION,  172. 

Massachusetts,  topics,  xxxv;  first  planting, 
45  ;  boundary,  45 ;  question  of  appeal , 
56;  settlement,  74;  religion,  77;  perse 
cution,  80;  Proceedings  of  the  Conven 
tion,  178;  on  Treaty  of  Ghent,  223;  in 
Mexican  War,  275;  on  secession,  304; 
on  South  Carolina,  336. 

Matanzas,  Spanish  War  begins  at,  385. 

Mather,  Cotton,  A  WITCH  TRIAL,  82; 
Wonders  of  the  Invisible  World,  85. 

Maverick,  Samuel,  note  on,  75 ;  buries  In 
dians,  75;  bail  for  Indians,  76. 

Mayday,  observances,  74,  86. 

Meade,  George  G.,  hero  of  Gettysburg,  325. 

Medford,  founded,  46. 

Medicine,  early  New  England,  31 ;  in  Phila 
delphia,  1 1 6. 

Meeting-houses,  description  of,  79. 

Melish,  John,  BOSTON,  226 ;   Travels,  228. 

Mennonites,  name,  43 ;  in  politics,  127. 

Merrimac,  settlements  on,  57. 

Merrimac  (ship)  sunk  by  Hobson,  387. 

Merritt,  Gen.  Wesley,  in  the  Philippines,  390. 

Merrymount,  Morton  at,  74. 

Methodists,  in  the  West,  231,  234. 

Mexico,  topics  on  war  with,  xliv;    Lowell 

2D 


on  the  war,  271;    abolition  of  slavery  by, 

280. 

Miles,  Gen.  Nelson,  at  Porto  Rico,  389. 
Military.  —  See  Army,  Battles,  War. 
Militia.  —  See  Army. 
Ministers,    religious,    in    New    York,    61 ; 

elected   in    New   England,  77;    in    the 

West,  231 ;  itinerant,  232. 
Minute-Men.  —  See  Army. 
Mississippi  River,  La  Salle  on  the,  96 ;  de 
scription   of  the  upper,  98 ;    navigation, 

167,   225 ;   value  of,  201 ;  slave-trade  on 

the,  252. 
Missouri,  emigration  to  Oregon,  270;  Mis- 

sourians  vote  in  Kansas,  289. 
Missouri   Compromise,  topics,  xlii;    J.  Q. 

Adams  on,  234,  236;  constitutionality  of, 

290.  —  See  also  Kansas-Nebraska  Act. 
Missouri  River,  La  Salle  discovers  the,  96. 
Molasses,  duty  on,  184. 
Monastic  orders,  in  the  Philippines,  383. 
Monongahela  River,  Braddock  at,  104. 
Monroe  Doctrine,  topics,  xlii. 
Montcalm,  Marquis  de,  at  Quebec,  106. 
Moore,   Frank,   Songs  and  Ballads  of  the 

Revolution,  160. 

Moose  Island,  ceded  to  Great  Britain,  224. 
Morgan,  Thomas  Jefferson,  TREATMENT 

OF  THE   INDIANS,  366;    Present  Phase 

of  the  Indian  Question,  369. 
Morton,  Joseph,  governor  of  Carolina,  66. 
Morton,  Nathaniel,  RHODE  ISLAND,  52; 

New-Englands  Memoriall,  54. 
Morton,    Robert,    PAPER    MONEY,   157; 

Diary,  159. 

Morton,  Thomas,  note  on,  74. 
Mosquitoes,  in  New  Jersey,  164. 
Murfreesboro,  battle  of,  318. 
Muskingum,  prosperity  of,  167. 
Mystic  River,  settlements  on,  46,  74. 

VTATCHEZ,  slave-trade  at,  352. 

1*    Nation.  —  See  Union. 

Naturalization,  in  Pennsylvania,  127. 

Navigation  Acts,  in  New  York,  61.  —  See 
also  Trade. 

Navy,  topics,  xlii,  xlv ;  maritime  discover 
ies,  1-6;  Drake,  9;  at  Quebec,  105; 


402 


Ind 


ex 


grievances,  188;  impressment,  194; 
blockade,  202;  in  War  of  1812,  216;  at 
New  Orleans,  313;  at  Manila,  385;  at 
Santiago,  386.  —  See  also  Dutch,  English, 
French,  War. 

Negroes,  topics,  xlv ;  as  slave-holders,  94 ; 
capacity,  243 ;  destiny,  245 ;  citizenship, 
293;  proper  status,  296;  arming,  328; 
education,  339,  348 ;  effect  of  war,  346 ; 
franchise,  349.  —  See  also  Abolitionists, 
Slavery. 

Neutral  trade,  topics,  xli;  vexation  on, 
204 ;  rights  of,  215. 

New  Amsterdam,  description,  42;  Ordi 
nances,  85;  LIFE  IN  NEW  YORK,  85; 
streets,  88;  government,  88.  —  See  also 
Dutch,  New  Netherlands,  New  York. 

New  Ceserea.  —  See  New  Jersey. 

New  England,  Josselyn's  description,  29; 
rents,  43 ;  planting  of,  45 ;  early  town- 
meetings,  47 ;  difficulties,  47;  life  in,  48, 
74 ;  motives  for  settling,  48  ;  Quakers,  80 ; 
opinion  of  Jefferson,  199.  —  See  also 
Colonies,  and  States  by  name. 

New  England  Confederation,  topics,  xxxv. 

New  Hampshire,  topics,  xxxv ;  foundation, 

55- 

New  Holland.  —  See  New  Netherlands. 

New  Jersey,  topics,  xxxv ;  land  system,  63 ; 
communistic  tendencies,  64 ;  government, 
64;  militia,  151 ;  mosquitoes,  164. 

New  Mexico,  territorial  government,  280, 
286.  —  See  also  Mexico,  Spain. 

New  Netherlands,  situation,  42;  religion, 
42,  87;  settlement,  43;  climate,  43;  fur- 
trade,  44;  government,  86;  population, 
89. — See  also  Dutch,  New  Amsterdam, 
New  York. 

New  Orleans,  to  become  American,  168 ; 
battle  of,  220 ;  amusements,  240;  capture, 
313.  —  See  also  Louisiana. 

Newport,  Capt.  Christopher,  note,  n ;  enter 
tained  by  Indians,  12 ;  arrival,  35. 

"  NEW  ROOF,"  The,  178. 

Newspapers,  as  sources,  xxiii,  360. 

Newtowne.  —  See  Cambridge. 

New  Year's  Day,  in.  New  Netherlands, 
86. 


New  York,  topics,  xxxv;  courts,  58;  stat 
utes,  58;  government,  58,  128;  militia, 
58  ;  fortification,  59 ;  boundary,  59  ;  trade, 
60,  203;  population,  61,  118;  religion, 
62;  taxes,  62;  description  by  Kalm,  117; 
buildings,  118;  blockade,  202;  on  seces 
sion,  304.  —  See  also  Colonies,  New  Am 
sterdam,  New  Netherlands. 

New  York  City. —  See  New  York. 

New  York  Historical  Society,  The  Jogues 
Papers,  44. 

Nipissings,  lake  of  the,  14. 

Normal  Schools,  sources  in,  xxix. 

North.  —  See  Civil  War,  Secession,  Slavery, 
States  by  name,  Territories,  Union. 

North  Carolina,  inducements  to  immi 
grants,  108 ;  exemption  from  debts,  108. 
—  See  also  Carolinas,  South. 

North  River.—  See  Hudson. 

North  Wales,  in  Pennsylvania,  68. 

Northwest  Ordinance,  inner  history,  169; 
passes,  172;  effect,  280;  on  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  290. 

Nullification,  McDuffie  on,  245.  —  See  also 
Secession. 

(YCALLAGHAN,     E.     B.,     Documents 
V  relative  to  the  Colonial  History  of  the 

State  of  New  York,  62,  107. 
Ogilby,  John,  America,  63. 
Oglethorpe,  J.  E.,  PROGRESS  OF  GEORGIA, 

7i« 

Ohio,  La  Salle  on  the,  97. 

Ohio  Company,  before  Congress,  169. 

Old  South  Church,  mentioned,  137. 

Old  South  Leaflets,  xxii. 

Orders  in  Council.  —  See  Neutral  Trade. 

Ordinance  of  1787.— See  Northwest  Ordi 
nance. 

Oregon,  topics,  xliii ;  Drake  off  the  coast, 
ii ;  Lewis  and  Clark  in,  209;  trail  to, 
268  ;  emigration  to,  270. 

Oregon  (ship),  remarkable  voyage,  386. 

Oxford,  examinations  at,  20. 

Oysters,  in  Virginia,  34. 

PACIFIC  OCEAN,  Lewis  and  Clark  at, 
209. 


Negroes  —  Reconcentrados        40  3 


Paine,  Thomas,  poem  attributed  to,  143; 

Additions  to  Common  Sense,  144. 
Pakenham,    Sir    Edward,    killed    at    New 

Orleans,  222. 

Papal  bull,  English  opinion,  22. 
Paper  money.  —  See  Currency. 
Parkman,  Francis,  Jr.,  OREGON  TRAIL, 

268-271. 
Parliament,  petition  to,  23 ;  claims  of,  138 ; 

colonial  measures,  138;  supremacy,  161. 

—  See  also  England. 
Parroquets,  in  Virginia,  92. 
Passamaquoddy  Bay,  in  Treaty  of   1814, 

225. 
Patronage,  removals  by  Jefferson,  198  ;  used 

by  Tweed  Ring,  355 ;  conduct  of  national, 

363,  364- 

Patroon  system,  in  New  Netherlands,  44. 

Pausch,  Capt.  Georg,  AT  SARATOGA,  154 ; 
Journal,  157. 

Peace.  —  See  Treaties. 

Peloubet,  F.  N.,  SUPPLIES  FOR  THE 
WOUNDED,  311. 

Penn,  William,  relations  with  Fenwick,  63  ; 
proprietor  of  Pennsylvania,  68;  treat 
ment  of  Indians,  68. 

Pennsylvania,  topics,  xxxvi ;  settlement,  67  ; 
religion,  67;  industry,  68;  immigration 
from  Germany,  68  ;  growth,  69. 

Pennsylvania  Magazine,  65,  159. 

Perfect  Description  of  Virginia,  92. 

Petition  of  W.  C.,  23. 

Petitions,  to  Parliament,  23 ;  to  James  1, 37 ; 
right  of  the  colonists,  142. 

Philadelphia,  growth,  69;  social  life,  115; 
markets,  115;  Christ  Church,  116;  mili 
tia,  151  ;  under  the  British,  158  ;  Centen 
nial  Exposition,  359.  —  See  also  Pennsyl 
vania. 

Philippines,  topics,  xlvi ;  conditions,  382. 

Pilgrims.  —  See  Plymouth. 

Pinckney,  C.  C.,  XYZ  DESPATCHES,  191. 

Piscataqua,  settlements  on,  56. 

Plantations,  life  on,  50,  91,  in.  —  See  also 
Slavery. 

Plymouth,  topics,  xxxv;  settlement  of,  39; 
Roger  Williams  in,  52. 

Pocahontas,  note  on,  34. 


Politics.  —  See  Colonies,  Election,  Govern 
ment,  Union. 

Ponce,  Gen.  Miles  occupies,  389. 

Porter,  David  D.,  at  New  Orleans,  314. 

Porter,  Horace,  SURRENDER  OF  LEE,  329. 

Porto  Rico,  Gen.  Miles  occupies,  389. 

Potomac.  —  See  Army,  Civil  War. 

Poultry,  in  New  England,  31. 

Powhatan,  and  Capt.  Newport,  13;  and 
Capt.  Smith,  34. 

Presbyterians,  James  I  on,  38 ;  in  the  col 
onies,  234. 

Prescott,  Samuel,  alarms  Concord,  144. 

President,  position  of,  173,  363. 

Princeton,  battle,  149 ;  Congress  at,  164. 

Proprietors,  Maryland,  49;  Carolina,  65, 
90 ;  Pennsylvania,  68. 

Proud,  Robert,  History  of  Pennsylvania, 
69. 

Providence,  founded,  54.  —  See  also  Rhode 
Island. 

Provincetown,  Mayflower  at,  40. 

Puritans,  character,  xxx;  in  New  Amster 
dam,  43. —  See  also  Massachusetts,  Ply 
mouth,  Religion. 

Purviance,  Samuel,  How  TO  MANAGE 
ELECTIONS,  126. 

QUAKERS,  topics,  xxxvi ;  characteristics, 
20 ;  in  Pennsylvania,  67 ;  persecuted  in 
Massachusetts,  80;    meeting,   117.  —  See 
also  Religion. 
Quebec,  founded,  14;  captured,  105.  —  See 

also  Canada,  French. 

Quincy,   Josiah,   EFFECT   OF   THE   EM 
BARGO,  209;  Speeches,  211. 
Quivira,  Coronado  in,  7. 

TiANDOLPH,  SARAH  N.,  Domestic  Life 
•!*•  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  231. 
Randolph,  Thomas,  VIRGINIA   GENTLE 
MAN,  228. 

Rankin,  Rev.  John,  American  Slavery,  244. 
Ratification.  —  See  Constitution. 
Reading,  in  schools,  xxv;  in  classes,  xxvii. 
Rebellion.  — See  Civil  War. 
Recollect  Fathers,  note  on,  15. 
Reconcentrados,  note  on,  375. 


404 


Index 


Reconstruction,  topics,  xlv;  Lee  on,  342; 
proclamation  of  May  29,  1865,  343 ;  con 
gressional,  344 ;  in  Louisiana,  346 ;  failure, 

349- 

Redpath,  James,  John  Brown,  296. 

Reform.  —  See  Civil  Service,  Patronage. 

Religion,  topics,  xxxvi;  prophesying,  37; 
superstition  in  New  England,  75  ;  Puritan 
doctrine,  77 ;  Quaker  doctrine,  80.  —  See 
also  colonies  by  name  and  sects  by 
name. 

Removals.  —  See  Patronage. 

Rensselaers,  colony  of,  44. 

Reorganization,  topics,  xlii. 

Report  of  the  Committee  of 'Seven ,  xviii. 

Republic.  —  See  Union. 

Republican  party,  on  reconstruction,  344. 

Resumption,  of  specie  payments,  360.  — 
See  also  Currency. 

Revolution,  illustrations  from,  xxviii ;  topics, 
xxxix,  xl ;  Boston  Tea-Party,  137 ;  colo 
nists'  case,  138  ;  English  case,  141 ;  "  Pa 
triot's  Prayer,"  143;  battles,  144,  149,  151, 
154 ;  government,  147,  181 ;  finances,  157. 

—  See  also  Army,  colonies  by  name,  Eng 
lish,  Government,  Union,  War. 

Rhode   Island,  topics,  xxxv;  founded,  52. 

—  See  also  Williams,  Roger. 

Rice,  in  Virginia,  91;  slavery  on  planta 
tions,  254,  258. 

Richmond,  site,  13. 

Rio  del  Norte,  boundary,  201. 

Rio  Perdita,  boundary,  201. 

Riots,  in  elections,  127,  289 ;  anti-abolition 
ist,  248. 

Robinson,  William,  A  QUAKER  WARN 
ING,  80. 

Roman  Catholics.  —  See  Catholics. 

Roosevelt,  Theodore,  THE  ROUGH  RIDERS, 
380;  at  Guasimas,  380. 

Rosecrans,  Gen.,  at  Murfreesboro,  320. 

Rough  Riders,  at  the  front,  380. 

Roxbury,  founded,  47. 

Russell,  W.  H.,  account  of  Bull  Run,  308. 

SABBATH.  — See  Sunday. 
Sadler,  John,  REQUIREMENTS  OF  AN 
EMIGRANT,  26. 


Saint  Gabriel.  —  See  Carhagouha. 

St.  Lawrence,  Champlain  on,  14 ;  naviga 
tion,  358. 

Salem  (Del.),  visit  to,  70. 

Salem  (Mass.),  Puritans  at,  46;  Roger 
Williams  at,  52. 

Sampson,  Admiral,  at  Santiago,  388. 

Sanchez,  Raphael,  letter  to,  i. 

San  Domingo,  discovered,  2. 

San  Francisco,  Drake  in  the  bay,  n. 

San  Juan  (Cuba),  battle  of,  388. 

San  Juan  (Porto  Rico),  shelled,  387. 

San  Salvador,  discovered,  i. 

Santiago  de  Cuba,  Cervera  in,  386 ;  shelled, 
387 ;  capitulates,  389. 

Saratoga,  battle  of,  154. 

Saunders,  William  L.,  Records  of  North 
Carolina,  90,  109. 

Savannah,  founded,  72;  site,  73. 

Schley,  Commodore,  at  Santiago,  387. 

Schools,  secondary,  sources  in,  xxiv;  at 
Oxford,  20 ;  in  Virginia,  92 ;  colonial,  122 ; 
flogging,  123;  school-committee,  134;  in 
Boston,  227;  for  contrabands,  339;  in 
Louisiana,  348. 

Scioto,  prosperity  of,  167. 

Scotch-Irish,  in  America,  138. 

Scotland,  peace  with,  22 ;  trade  with,  89. 

Scott,  Dred.  —  See  Dred  Scott, 

Scribner's  Magazine,  382. 

Scrooby,  Pilgrims  come  from,  39. 

Search,  right  of.  —  See  Neutral  Trade. 

Secession,  topics,  xliv;  causes,  282-296; 
corner-stone,  296 ;  attack  on  Fort  Sumter, 
299;  North  aroused,  303;  Southern  sol 
dier,  308  ;  cave  life,  320 ;  surrender,  329 ; 
effects,  336.  —  See  also  Civil  War, 
Slavery,  South. 

Secondary  schools,  sources  in,  xxiv-xxviii. 

Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Report,  315. 

Secretary  of  War,  Report,  349. 

Senate  Executive  Documents,  385. 

Senate  Reports,  379. 

Servants  (white),  topics,  xxxvii;  cost  of, 
26;  needed  in  Virginia,  26;  sold  in 
Maryland,  50 ;  in  New  Jersey,  63 ;  Vir 
ginia  laws,  93.  —  See  also  Industries, 
Slavery. 


Reconstruction  —  States 


405 


Settlement,  topics,  xxxiv;  conditions,  18-32; 
first  era,  33-57 ;  second  era,  58-73.  —  See 
also  Colonies,  and  the  colonies  by  name, 
Territories,  West. 

Seventeenth  century,  topics,  xxxvi. 

Seward,  William  H.,  on  emancipation, 
•316. 

Seymour,  John,  DISCOMFORTS  OF  COLO 
NIAL  LIFE,  108. 

Shadrach,  rescue,  282. 

Shafter,  Major-Gen.,  lands  at  Daiquiri,  387 ; 
occupies  Santiago,  389. 

Shays's  Rebellion,  effects,  176. 

Sheldon,  George,  History  of  Deerfield,  100. 

Sheridan,  Gen.  P.  H.,  in  Louisiana,  347. 

Sherman,  Roger,  in  Congress,  148. 

Sioux,  country  of,  98.  —  See  also  Indians. 

Six  Nations.  —  See  Indians,  Iroquois. 

Slafter,  E.  F.,   Voyages  of  Champlain,  17. 

Slavery,  general  topics,  xxxvi,  xl,  xliv;  argu 
ments  against,  topics,  xliii;  arguments 
against,  extracts,  235,  242,  263,  271,  323 ; 
defence  of,  topics,  xliii;  defence  of,  ex 
tracts,  245,  247,  296;  episodes,  topics, 
xliii ;  episodes,  extract,  255  ;  life  of  slaves, 
topics,  xliii ;  life  of  slaves,  narrative,  246 ; 
fugitive  slaves,  topics,  xliv ;  fugitive  slaves, 
narratives,  253,  260;  fugitive  slaves,  legis 
lation,  93,  281;  colonial  legislation,  92; 
baptism,  93;  numbers,  120,  244;  dangers, 
120,  243 ;  English  government  on,  121 ; 
price,  254;  sugar  plantations,  254;  pri 
vate  earnings,  257  ;  rice  plantations,  258 ; 
Missouri  Compromise,  286;  in  the  terri 
tories,  290,  291 ;  in  the  Confederacy,  296 ; 
emancipation,  315.  —  See  also  colonies 
and  States  by  name,  and  Slave-trade, 
Squatter  Sovereignty. 

Slave-trade,  international,  topics,  xliii;  in 
terstate,  topics,  xliii ;  interstate,  conduct 
of,  251 ;  slave-drivers,  253. 

Sluyter,  Peter,  MARYLAND,  48,  Voyage  to 
New  York,  51. 

Smith,  John,  SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA, 
33  ;  exertions,  36 ;  Generall  Historic,  37. 

Smith,  Jonathan  B.,  POLITICAL  HARVEST 
TIME,  175. 

Smithfield,  woman  burned  at,  18. 


Smuggling,  in  South  Carolina,  89.  —  See 
also  Trade. 

Smyth,  Thomas,  governor  of  Carolina,  67. 

Social  life,  topics,  xxxvi,  xxxvii.  —  See  also 
Table  of  Contents. 

Sources,  use  of,  xvii;  materials  for  source 
study,  xx ;  bibliographies  of,  xx ;  reprints 
of,  xxi;  additional,  xxii;  in  secondary 
schools,  xxiv;  in  normal  schools,  xxix; 
topics  for,  xxxiii. 

South,  topics,  xlv;  policy  before  the  war, 
271;  spirit,  310;  reconstruction,  336; 
political  corruption  after  the  war,  351. — 
See  also  Civil  War,  Reconstruction,  Seces 
sion,  Slavery,  Territories,  States  by  name. 

South  America,  trade  with,  167. 

South  Carolina,  description,  65  ;  govern 
ment,  65 ;  nobility  in,  65 ;  history,  66 ; 
aids  Georgia,  73  ;  war  in,  151 ;  slavery  in, 
245;  begins  the  Civil  War,  303;  recon 
struction,  336.  —  See  also  Carolinas,  Civil 
War,  Colonies,  Slavery,  South. 

Southwest,  life  in  the,  240.  —  See  also  the 
States  and  territories  by  name. 

Spain,  discoverers,  topics,  xxxiv,  accounts, 
I,  6 ;  claims  Virginia,  22 ;  trade,  89, 167 ;  on 
the  Mississippi,  167  ;  in  the  Floridas,  201 ; 
rule  in  Cuba,  373 ;  war  policy  in  Cuba, 
374;  rule  in  the  Philippines,  383.  —  See 
also  Spanish  War. 

Spanish  War,  topics,  xlvi ;  review  of,  385 ; 
naval  preparations,  386;  destruction  of 
Spanish  fleet,  388  ;  results  of,  390.  — See 
also  Army,  Cuba,  Spain,  War. 

Spelman,  Henry,  INDIAN  LIFE,  23;  Rela 
tion  of  Virginia,  26. 

Squatter  sovereignty,  Benton  on,  285 ; 
Douglas  on,  291 ;  Dred  Scott  Decision, 
292.  —  See  also  Slavery,  Territories. 

Stamp  Act,  topics,  xxxix. 

Standish,  Miles,  character  of,  41. 

Stanhope,  Earl  of,  COUNCIL  OF  TRADE, 
124. 

Starks,  William  J.,  TROUBLES  IN  CUBA, 

373- 

States,  records  as  sources,  xxiii;  land 
claims,  xl;  constitutions,  xl ;  ratification, 
xl ;  admissions,  xli ;  secession,  xliv.  — 


406 


Index 


See  also  Secession,  Union,  and  States  by 

name. 
Stearns,     Charles,     Henry     Box     Brown, 

263. 
Stedman,  E.  C.,  BULL  RUN,  305;  Battle 

of  Bull  Run,  308. 
Stephens,  A.  H.,  CORNER-STONE  OF  THE 

CONFEDERACY,  296. 

Stevens,  Thaddeus,  CONGRESSIONAL  RE 
CONSTRUCTION,  344. 
Stevenson,     Marmaduke,     A     QUAKER 

WARNING,  80. 

Stone  River.  —  See  Murfreesboro.  ' 
Sunday,  observance  of,  in  New  England, 

79;    in     New  Amsterdam,  85;    in  New 

Orleans,  240.  —  See  also  Religion. 
Swedes,    settlement    of,    43 ;     receive    the 

Quakers,  67  ;  in  Delaware,  70. 
Symes,  Benjamin,  free-school,  92. 

'TALLEYRAND,  in  X  Y  Z  affair,  191. 
•••    Tariff,  illustrated,  xxx ;  danger  to  Union, 
174 ;  first  tariff  debate,  184. 

Taylor,  Geo.  L.,  SUPPLIES  FOR  THE 
WOUNDED,  311. 

Taylor,  Zachary,  on  Compromise,  280. 

Teaching,  reforms  in,  xxiv  ;  with  sources, 
xxiv-xxxii ;  Normal  training,  xxxii,  xxxiii. 

Tea-party,  Boston,  1773,  137. 

Temperance,  in  South  Carolina,  72;  in 
Massachusetts,  74;  need  of,  121. 

Temple,  Sir  John,  at  Philadelphia,  170.  v 

Territories,  topics,  xliii,  xliv;  rival  claims 
to  America,  1-17 ;  Northwest  Ordinance 
169;  Louisiana,  200,  240;  Oregon,  206; 
Missouri  Compromise,  234;  Western 
settlements,  237 ;  Mexican  War,  271 ; 
California,  276;  Compromise  of  1850, 
279 ;  Kansas-Nebraska,  284  ;  Kansas,  287 ; 
Dred  Scott,  290  ;  Cuba,  373  ;  Philippines, 
382.  —  See  also  States  and  territories  by 
name,  Slavery,  West. 

Texas,  topics,  xliv;  title  to,  202;  annexa 
tion,  272;  slavery,  280,  286. 

Text-books,  use  of,  xxv,  xxx.  —  See  also 
Class-room. 

Thanksgiving,  in  Georgia,  72;  in  Massa 
chusetts,  74, 


Tilden,  Samuel  Jones,  TWEED  RING,  352; 
Writings  and  Speeches,  355. 

Tobacco,  in  Virginia,  28  ;  in  Maryland,  49  ; 
in  North  Carolina,  89. 

Toleration,  in  England,  39;  in  Maryland, 
50;  in  Rhode  Island,  54;  in  the  Caro- 
linas,  66;  Quakers  claim,  82.  —  See  also 
Puritans,  Religion. 

Tonty,  Henry  Sieur  de,  LA  SALLE  ON  THE 
MISSISSIPPI,  96. 

Town  life,  topics,  xxxvi.  —  See  also  towns 
and  cities  by  name. 

Town-meeting,  description,  132;  conduct, 
132;  officers,  132;  summons,  133. 

Townsend,  Richard,  SETTLEMENT  OF 
PENNSYLVANIA,  67. 

Trade,  topics,  xxxviii,  xlii ;  colonial,  88; 
fur,  101;  Indian,  101.  —  See  also  Indus 
tries,  and  colonies,  towns,  and  nations  by 
name. 

Trade  and  Plantations,  Commissioners  of, 
letter  to,  108;  duties,  124;  activity,  131. 

Travel,  topics,  xxxvi,  xxxviii. 

Treaties,  topics,  xl,  xlii,  xlvi ;  Jay's,  194 ; 
Ghent,  223  ;  Washington,  355.  —  See  also 
War. 

Trees,  in  West  Indies,  2;  in  New  England, 
29 ;  in  Virginia,  91. 

Tribune,  New  York,  BATTLE  OF  GETTYS 
BURG,  323-327. 

Tudor,  Deacon  John,  BOSTON  TEA-PARTY, 

137- 
Tudor,   William,   Deacon    Tudor  s  Diary, 

137. 
Turkeys,  in  Virginia,  12;    in  Pennsylvania, 

68. 
Tweed  Ring,  Tilden  on,  352. 

UNION,  topics,  xlii,  xlvi;  New  York 
Tories,  140;  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  147;  Articles  of  Confedera 
tion,  164;  Federal  Constitution,  172-180; 
organization,  181-188;  Calhoun  on,  234; 
J.  Q.  Adams  on,  237;  Lowell  on,  276; 
and  uniformity,  292;  and  slavery,  296; 
effect  of  the  war  on,  344;  future  of,  390. 
—  See  also  Congress,  Constitution,  Gov 
ernment,  Revolution. 


Stearns  —  Women 


407 


United  States.  —  See  Army,  Cabinet,  Civil 
War,  Colonies,  Confederation,  Congress, 
Constitution,  Cuba,  Foreign  Relations, 
Government,  Indians,  Navy,  Revolution, 
Secession,  Slavery,  Territories,  Union, 
West,  and  Table  of  Contents. 

U.  S.  Christian  Commission,  First  Annual 
Report,  312. 

University  of  Pennsylvania,  Graydon  at,  122. 

Uplands.  — See  Chester. 

Utah,  territorial  government,  280,  286. 

VALMASEDA,  commander  in  Cuba,  375. 
Vancouver's  Island,  arbitration, "358. 

Varona,  Enrique  Jose,  CUBAN  INDICT 
MENT  OF  SPANISH  RULE,  376. 

Verney,  Lady,  letter  to,  26. 

Vicksburg,  siege  of,  320 ;  life  in,  322. 

Virginia,  character  of,  xxix ;  topics,  xxxiv ; 
resources,  21 ;  danger  from  Spain,  22 ; 
voyage  to,  23 ;  Dutch  in,  23 ;  troubles 
with  Indians,  33;  Smith  in,  33;  neglect, 
35;  exports,  35,  75 ;  climate,  92;  schools, 
92;  Cornwallis  in,  160;  exhaustion  of  soil, 
254 ;  slave-trade,  254. 

Virginia  Assembly,  SLAVERY  IN  VIR 
GINIA,  92. 

Virginia  Company,  note  on,  35. 

Visitations,  archdeaconal,  37. 

WALES,  emigration  from,  68. 
' '     Warnpum.  —  See  Currency. 

War,  Revolutionary,  topics,  xxxix;  account, 
137-160 ;  of  1812,  topics,  xlii ;  account, 
212-225;  Mexican,  topics,  xliv;  satirized, 
271;  Civil,  topics,  xlv;  account,  303-335; 
Spanish,  topics,  xlvi;  account,  373-392. 

Warville,  Brissot  de,  THE  WEST,  166; 
New  Travels,  168. 

Washington,  George,  BRADDOCK'S  DE 
FEAT,  103;  Writings,  105,  151;  REPORT 
OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  PRINCETON,  149; 
praise  of,  159 ;  Democratic  view  of,  181 ; 
inauguration,  181. 

Washington,  city,  capture  of,  218 ;  during 
the  Civil  War,  311 ;  Treaty  of,  355. 

Waterfalls,  in  Virginia,  13. 

Watertown,  founded,  47 ;  darn  at,  75. 


Wellington,  Duke  of,  on  peace  of  1814,  224. 

West,  topics,  xxxix ;  frontier  life,  topics,  xlii ; 
pilgrims,  163 ;  description  of,  166 ;  land- 
holding,  167  ;  Northwest  Ordinance,  169  ; 
religious  life,  231 ;  farm  life,  237 ;  aboli 
tion,  242;  political  abolition,  263;  Oregon 
Trail,  268  ;  California,  276  ;  Kansas,  287  ; 
Lincoln,  291 ;  soldiers,  318  ;  Indians,  366. 
—  See  also  Colonies,  French,  Indians, 
Territories  and  States  by  name. 

Whale,  found  at  Cape  Cod,  76. 

Wheelwright,  John,  note  on,  55;  troubles 
Massachusetts,  55;  appeals  to  the  king, 
56 ;  banished,  57 ;  goes  to  Exeter,  57. 

Whiskey,  from  Indian  corn,  32. 

Whitefield,  Rev.  George,  THE  GREAT 
AWAKENING,  109;  visits  Harvard,  no; 
Continuation  of  Journal,  in. 

Whitehead,  W.  A.,  Documents  relating  to 
the  Colonial  History  of  New  Jersey,  126. 

White  Mountains,  noticed  by  Josselyn,  29. 

Whitney,  J.  L.,  Literature  of  the  Nineteenth 
of  April,  146. 

Whittier,  John  Greenleaf,  FAREWELL  OF 
A  SLAVE  MOTHER,  258;  as  an  aboli 
tionist,  258  ;  Poems,  260,  360 ;  "  CENTEN 
NIAL  HYMN,"  358. 

Wilkinson,  Eliza,  SOUTHERN  LADY'S 
EXPERIENCE,  151 ;  Letters,  154. 

Williams,  Roger,  doctrine,  53 ;  banished, 
54  ;  founds  Providence,  54 ;  establishes 
toleration,  54. 

Wilson,  Rev.  John,  anecdote  of,  75. 

Wine,  trade  in,  89 ;  in  Virginia,  91. 

Winship,  George  Parker,  The  Coronado 
Expedition,  8. 

Winthrop,  Fitz-John,  papers  of,  98. 

Winthrop,  John,  goes  to  New  England,  45 ; 
NEW  HAMPSHIRE,  55 ;  NEW  ENGLAND 
LIFE,  74;  History  of  New  England,  57, 
76. 

Witchcraft,  topics,  xxxvi ;  a  trial  for,  82. 

Witherspoon,  Rev.  John,  CONDUCT  OF 
THE  BRITISH  MINISTRY,  138;  Miscel 
laneous  Works,  140. 

Wolves,  in  Salem,  79;  in  Maryland,  112. 

Women,  dress,  20 ;  encourage  emigrants,  26 ; 
at  Plymouth,  40;  Anne  Hutchinson,  55; 


OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


40  8 


Index 


in  New  England  churches,  77,  78 ;  witch 
trials,  82 ;  in  New  Netherlands,  87 ;  slaves, 
93;  at  Deerfield,  99;  a  proper  bride,  in  ; 
a  white  servant,  113;  pretty  creatures, 
115,  116;  Eliza  Wilkinson,  151 ;  fashions, 
165 ;  at  camp-meeting,  233 ;  in  New  Or 
leans,  241;  abolitionists,  249;  Charity 
Bowery,  255 ;  slave  mother,  258 ;  cross 
ing  the  plains,  270 ;  a  lady  at  Vicksburg, 
320 ;  a  Yankee  negro  teacher,  339. 


World,   New   York,    RESUMPTION,   360- 

363- 

Writing  schools.  —  See  Schools. 
Written  work,  from  sources,  xx,  xxvii. 

XY  Z  affair,  despatches,  191 ;    result  of, 
194- 

YORK,  Duke  of,  aids  Church  of  England, 
62. 


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